FRANKLIN    IN    FRANCE. 


FRANKLIN   IN   FRANCE. 
—  (  • 

jjtom  ©riflittal  JBocumrtttaf, 

~^r>&\  *'>]j> 

MOST    OF    WHICH    ARE    NOW    PUBLISHED    FOR    THE 


FIRST   TIME. 


EDWARD    E.    HALE 
»t 

AND 

EDWARD   E.  HALE,  JR. 


BOSTON: 
ROBERTS    BROTHERS. 

1887. 


Copyright,  1886, 
BY  EDWARD  E.  HALE. 


JOHN  WILSON  AND  SON,  CAMBRIDGE. 


PREFACE. 


WHEN  BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN  died,  in  1790,  he  left  to 
his  grandson,  William  Temple  Franklin,  the  largest 
collection  of  his  papers.  He  had  always  been  careful  in 
the  preservation  of  those  letters  and  other  documents 
which  he  thought  of  importance.  Among  them  was  the 
correspondence,  official  and  private,  which  he  maintained 
in  France.  Indeed,  had  our  Diplomatic  Service  been  or 
ganized  in  his  day  as  it  is  in  ours,  many  of  these  papers 
would  have  remained  in  Paris,  as  belonging  to  the  archives 
of  the  American  Legation. 

Temple  Franklin,  as  he  is  generally  called,  took  the  idea 
that  in  his  grandfather's  papers  he  had  a  mine  of  wealth ; 
and  at  various  periods  of  his  life  he  tried  to  sell  them  or 
parts  of  them.  He  so  far  succeeded  as  to  make  a  bargain 
with  the  publisher  Colburn,  in  London,  who  brought  out 
two  editions  together  in  1818,  —  one  in  quarto  and  one  in 
octavo.  A  good  deal  of  disgust  was  created  in  America 
that  these  editions  were  not  placed  favorably  on  the  Amer 
ican  market.  Colburn  subsequently  issued  what  he  called 
new  editions,  which  are  simply  the  old  editions  with  new 
titlepages.  In  these  editions  Temple  Franklin,  and  the 
editor  lent  him  by  Colburn,  reprinted  many  of  Franklin's 
more  important  publications.  They  also  printed  for  the 
first  time  a  large  number  of  letters,  taken  from  the  collec 
tion  which  Dr.  Franklin  had  bequeathed  to  his  grandson. 
Colburn  soon  found  that  Temple  Franklin  could  not  be 
relied  on  as  an  Editor,  and  furnished  the  clerk  who  has 


vi  PREFACE. 

been  spoken  of,  to  quicken  his  sluggish  methods  in  dealing 
with  his  material. 

It  is  believed  that  Temple  Franklin  then  wanted  to 
print  a  much  more  complete  collection.  Certainly,  the 
collection  which  he  does  print  is  far  from  complete.  It 
was  evidently  not  made  on  the  principle  of  selecting  the 
most  interesting  or  the  most  important  documents.  He 
seems  to  have  reserved  those  of  the  later  years  of  Frank 
lin's  stay  in  Europe,  with  reference  to  a  second  series,  for 
which  Colburn  had  perhaps  given  him  some  hopes,  to  be 
published  when  the  success  of  the  first  was  assured.  No 
other  explanation  can  be  given  for  the  omission  of  the  last 
half  of  the  correspondence.  For  some  reason  it  is  clear 
that  the  letters  of  dates  after  1780  have  been  much  less 
used  than  those  before. 

It  has  indeed  been  charged  that  Temple  Franklin  had 
political  reasons  or  prejudices,  which  prevented  him  from 
using  as  he  might  have  done  the  material  in  his  hands. 
But  Mr.  Bigelow  has  shown  that  this  charge  is  unfair. 

What  happened  was  that  the  English  public  did  not  care 
much  for  Temple  Franklin's  work.  It  did  not  meet  with 
such  a  sale  as  justified  Colburn  in  attempting  the  second 
series,  which  till  the  day  of  his  death  Temple  Franklin 
thought  possible. 

After  the  publication  of  this  collection  Temple  Franklin 
went  to  Paris.  He  married  there,  and  died  soon  after,  on 
the  25th  of  May,  1823. 

The  manuscripts  meanwhile,  which  had  been  partially 
edited,  were  left  in  London.  Dr.  Sparks  returned  from 
London,  where  he  was  preparing  his  great  edition  of 
Franklin's  works,  with  the  impression  that  after  its  use 
for  the  edition  of  1818,  the  collection  had  been  irrevocably 
lost.  But  in  fact  the  papers  all  lay,  for  more  than  seven 
teen  years,  in  loose  bundles  "on  the  top  shelf  of  an  old 
tailor's  shop  in  St.  James."  They  were  then  rescued  by  a 
gentleman  who  had  been  a  fellow-lodger  with  Temple 


PREFACE.  Vii 

Franklin  in  the  house  where  these  papers  were.  At 
different  times  he  offered  them  to  the  British  Museum,  to 
Lord  Palmerston,  and  to  the  several  ministers  who  repre 
sented  the  United  States  in  England.  When  this  offer  was 
made  to  Mr.  Abbot  Lawrence,  he  introduced  the  owner  to 
Mr.  Henry  Stevens.  This  gentleman  made  a  slight  exam 
ination  of  them,  bought  them,  and  afterwards  made  them 
a  special  object  of  his  antiquarian  zeal.  He  spent  much 
time  in  arranging  them  in  the  convenient  form  in  which 
they  now  are,  —  in  collating  and  binding  them.  He  spent 
more  than  a  thousand  pounds  in  repairing,  copying,  and 
binding  the  papers,  and  in  the  additions  which  he  made 
to  them. 

According  to  Mr.  Stevens's  careful  account,  there  are  in 
this  collection  two  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty-eight 
different  papers.  Of  these,  about  twenty-four  hundred  and 
thirty  pages  have  never  been  printed  until  now.  Eleven 
hundred  and  ninety-five  had  been  printed,  not  always 
accurately,  in  Sparks,  and  five  hundred  and  forty-six  in  the 
"  Diplomatic  Correspondence,'7  of  which  two  hundred  and 
forty-six  were  also  in  Sparks.  It  will  thus  be  seen  that  a 
larger  part  of  the  collection  had  never  been  printed.  As 
has  been  said,  the  part  of  the  collection  least  drawn  upon 
was  that  which  followed  the  year  1780. 

After  the  invention  of  the  type-writer,  Mr.  Stevens 
added  greatly  to  the  value  of  the  collection  for  students, 
by  having  type-writer  copies  made  of  all  the  papers. 
They  are  thus  easily  read,  and  there  is  no  danger  of  injury 
in  unnecessary  reference  to  the  manuscript  originals. 

Such  was  the  collection  which,  in  1881,  Mr.  Stevens 
offered  to  the  American  government.  Mr.  Elaine,  then 
Secretary  of  State,  instructed  Mr.  Theodore  F.  D wight,  the 
accomplished  librarian  of  the  State  Department,  to  ex 
amine  the  collection  in  London.  Mr.  D  wight  did  so,  and 
his  report,  dated  November  30  of  that  year,  covering  a 
statement  of  the  history  of  the  collection,  was  sent  by  Mr. 


viii  PREFACE. 

Elaine  to  Congress,  with  an  earnest  recommendation  that 
the  papers  should  be  purchased  for  the  nation.  This  com 
munication  was  referred  to  the  Joint  Committee  on  the 
Library,  which  considered  the  subject  with  care,  and  re 
ported  favorably,  by  their  chairman,  Hon.  George  F.  Hoar. 
The  papers  were  bought  for  $35,000,  and  the  next  winter 
arrived  in  Washington. 

This  is  not  the  place  for  an  analysis  of  the  whole  of  this 
really  invaluable  collection  of  materials  for  American  his 
tory.  I  had  an  opportunity  of  examining  it,  a  few  weeks 
after  its  arrival.  I  soon  satisfied  myself  that  it  was  impos 
sible,  in  any  single  collection,  to  lay  before  the  world  the 
additional  materials  which  it  afforded  for  our  history.  My 
first  idea  had  been  that  a  large  collection  of  the  really  im 
portant  papers  might  be  made,  on  the  general  plan  of  the 
"  Diplomatic  Correspondence,"  edited  by  Dr.  Sparks  for  the 
government,  and  published  in  1829-30.  But  it  is  clear 
that  such  a  collection  would  be  imperfect  in  itself,  and,  to 
be  understood,  would  require  constant  reference  to  other 
collections,  some  of  them  difficult  of  access.  I  am  quite 
sure  that  the  method  adopted  in  the  book  now  before  the 
reader  is  the  better  method.  That  is  to  say,  it  is  better 
that  different  editors  shall  attack,  if  I  may  so  speak,  differ 
ent  parts  of  the  collection,  and  bring  forward  for  the  use  of 
the  public  such  documents,  before  unpublished,  as  are  of  the 
most  value.  I  undertook  therefore,  with  the  full  sympathy 
and  confidence  of  the  gentlemen  who  had  the  papers  in 
charge,  the  editing  and  publishing  of  those  which  relate  to 
Franklin's  life  of  nearly  nine  years  in  France.  I  proposed, 
not  simply  to  reprint  the  new  documents,  if  I  may  so  call 
them,  of  this  collection,  but  also  the  papers  from  other 
collections  which  would  in  any  way  illustrate  that  critical 
part  of  our  history,  which  is  so  nearly  independent  of  our 
history  at  home  in  the  same  years. 

There  are  very  many  such  papers,  which  have  never  been 
published  in  other  large  collections. 


PEEFACE.  ix 

For  many  years  past  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
of  which  Franklin  was  one  of  the  founders,  has  had  a  large 
collection  of  the  letters  addressed  to  him.  This  collection 
has  been  used  by  Dr.  Sparks  and  by  the  other  American 
authors  who  have  treated  Franklin's  life  with  care.  It  is 
of  more  value  than  ever,  now  that  in  the  letter-books  of  the 
Stevens  Collection  we  have  the  drafts  of  very  many  of  the 
letters  to  which  these  are  the  replies,  or  which  are  written 
in  reply  to  these.  The  officers  of  the  Philosophical  Society 
have  arranged  these  letters  in  chronological  order  with  good 
indexes.  They  have  with  the  greatest  kindness  rendered 
me  every  facility  in  examining  them  and  copying  them. 
It  would  probably  be  difficult  to  persuade  the  Society  to 
part  with  a  treasure  so  interesting;  but  to  students  of 
Franklin,  it  would  be  a  great  convenience  if  the  Govern 
ment  could  arrange  to  receive  them,  on  deposit,  in  the  Fire- 
Proof  Library  of  the  State  Department,  and  thus  keep,  side 
by  side,  letters  and  answers. 

Hon.  George  Bancroft,  with  that  kindness  and  gener 
osity  which  have  distinguished  his  life,  and  won  for  him 
the  regard  as  well  as  the  esteem  of  all  younger  students, 
kindly  threw  open  to  me  the  whole  of  his  matchless  col 
lection  of  manuscripts,  with  permission  to  make  full  use 
of  it.  I  have,  of  course,  availed  myself  of  permission  so 
generous.  The  formation  of  this  collection  has  been  the 
joy,  as  it  has  been  the  duty,  of  his  life.  It  forms  a  series 
practically  of  the  same  value  as  the  original  documents 
from  which,  at  great  expense,  it  has  been  copied.  It  in 
cludes  indeed,  in  many  instances,  original  manuscripts, 
which  Mr.  Bancroft  has  purchased  from  their  former 
owners.  If  our  studies  of  the  Treaty  of  1783  prove  to  have 
any  new  value  for  historians,  they  are  indebted  largely  for 
it  to  Mr.  Bancroft's  cordial  kindness  in  opening  for  us  his 
archives.  He  has,  from  first  to  last,  given  us  the  advantage 
of  his  advice,  and  ready  answer  to  unnumbered  questions. 

The  grandson  and  great-grandsons   of   President  Adams 


X  PREFACE. 

have  made  it  their  care  to  provide,  for  the  manuscripts  of 
what  one  is  tempted  to  call  the  "  House  of  Adams,"  a  fire 
proof  library,  where  that  invaluable  and  unequalled  collec 
tion  of  journals,  letters,  and  other  manuscripts  is  preserved. 
I  know  of  no  other  collection  in  the  world  where  the  his 
tory  of  a  great  nation  can  be  so  studied  in  the  biography  of 
one  family.  From  John  Adams's  notes,  as  his  active  life 
begins,  in  the  year  1755,  till  the  year  1866,  when  the  service 
of  his  grandson  to  America  came  to  a  fit  close  in  the  Treaty 
of  Geneva,  here  is  an  unbroken  series  of  letters  and  papers, 
bound  and  arranged  and  ready  for  the  historian.  The 
courtesy  of  the  Messrs.  Adams  placed  at  our  disposal  all  the 
resources  of  this  collection  for  the  period  covered  by  our 
work,  and  the  reader  will  see  the  use  which  we  have  made 
of  them. 

The  correspondence  between  America  and  France  often 
passed  through  Boston,  and 'Franklin's  intimacy  with  lead 
ing  men  in  that  city  led  them  to  keep  up  a  close  corre 
spondence  with  him,  in  letters  now  private  and  now  official. 
The  archives  of  Massachusetts  therefore  afford  some  docu 
ments  which  the  reader  will  find  in  their  places. 

Mr.  Loring  Austin,  at  my  request,  put  into  my  hands  the 
very  curious  diary  of  his  grandfather,  the  fortunate  young 
man  who  carried  from  Boston  to  France  the  great  news  of 
Burgoyne's  surrender. 

Dr.  Sparks,  both  before  and  after  the  publication  of  his 
edition  of  Franklin's  works,  made  it  his  duty  to  collect  all 
the  letters  of  Franklin  he  could  find  in  private  or  public 
collections.  His  collection  of  manuscripts  contains  eleven 
volumes  of  Franklin  papers,  of  which  he  has  only  printed 
a  part.  It  contains  also  parallel  collections,  foremost 
among  which  are  copies  of  Lord  Stormont's  despatches 
while  he  was  watching  the  American  commissioners  in 
Paris.  Through  the  kindness  of  Mrs.  Sparks  and  the  di 
rectors  of  the  Library  of  Harvard  College,  this  collection 
has  been  open  to  us,  and  we  have  used  it  freely. 


PREFACE.  xi 

To  publish  all  the  new  letters  from  Franklin  which  the 
Stevens  and  Sparks  and  other  collections  put  in  our 
hands,  as  a  sort  of  appendix  to  Dr.  Sparks's  invaluable  vol 
umes,  would  have  placed  in  the  hands  of  all  students  the 
material  for  history  now  thrown  open  to  them,  if  they  will 
visit  the  several  collections  we  have  named.  But,  as  I  have 
said,  after  full  consideration,  it  seemed  to  me  best  to  under 
take  the  work  of  editing  these  letters  more  fully,  even  if 
I  failed  to  print  much  of  the  correspondence.  The  printed 
additions  made  every  year  to  the  history  of  that  time  must 
be  considered  by  any  one  who  pretended  to  edit  Frank 
lin's  letters.  The  duty  of  the  editor  would  thus  become 
so  important  that,  after  carefully  studying  the  manuscripts 
and  consulting  with  gentlemen  best  informed,  I  determined 
not  to  adopt  the  form  of  Dr.  Sparks's  work,  nor  to  confine 
myself  chiefly  to  Franklin's  own  letters  and  despatches. 
The  plan  of  the  book  now  in  the  reader's  hand  seemed 
preferable.  That  is,  I  determined  to  examine  anew  the 
whole  mission  of  Franklin  to  France,  using  as  best  we 
could  the  advantages  which  so  many  years  had  given  since 
the  publication  of  Mr.  Parton's  and  Mr.  Bigelow's  admir 
able  studies  of  it,  —  with  the  intention  of  printing  all  the 
more  important  letters  of  Franklin  not  published  hereto 
fore,  and  also  the  most  important  unpublished  letters  of  his 
correspondents,  which  would  throw  light  on  the  history  or 
on  his  life  in  France. 

I  have  not  hesitated  to  reprint  in  a  few  instances  papers 
which  have  been  before  printed,  where  we  supposed  this  to 
be  quite  necessary  for  the  narrative.  But  such  cases  have 
been  very  few.  Our  business  has  been  to  tell  our  story  as 
briefly  and  as  clearly  as  we  could,  and  to  print  such  illus 
trations  as  the  new  material  offered,  or  as  were  not  of 
ready  access  in  well-furnished  libraries.  It  will  be  seen 
that  we  have  by  no  means  confined  ourselves  as  closely  as 
Dr.  Sparks  did  to  Franklin's  own  writings.  Our  effort  is 
not  to  show  how  he  wrote  or  what  he  wrote,  but  to  tell  the 


Xii  PREFACE. 

story  of  his  life  as  well  as  we  can.  Where  we  have  a  new 
and  interesting  letter  from  him  on  a  subject  of  importance, 
we  should  be  foolish  indeed,  if  we  omitted  it  or  abridged  it. 
But  next  to  such  letters,  as  the  reader  will  soon  see,  letters 
from  other  persons,  such  as  this  immense  mass  of  corre 
spondence  often  affords,  are  more  valuable  illustrations 
and  narratives  of  the  history  than  any  statement  made  in 
our  time  can  be.  We  have  derived  great  assistance,  also, 
from  the  wonderful  index  to  the  Congressional  Documents, 
completed  within  the  last  year  under  the  direction  of  Mr. 
Benjamin  Perley  Poore.  Every  American  historian  whose 
work  brings  him  later  than  the  year  1774  will  have  to  ac 
knowledge  similar  obligation  to  this  remarkable  book.  Our 
indebtedness  to  it  is  peculiar  ;  for  we  have  been  very  desir 
ous  not  to  include  in  this  volume,  unless  there  were  pressing 
necessity,  any  public  document  which  had  been  published 
in  the  same  form  elsewhere.  With  Mr.  Poore's  "Index," 
we  feel  quite  sure  that  whatever  is  not  mentioned  there, 
and  is  not  in  one  of  the  printed  volumes  of  private  memoirs, 
has  never  been  printed. 

We  cannot  profess  that  the  new  documents  suggest  any 
revision  of  judgment  on  important  matters  of  history, 
where  a  verdict  has  been  rendered  before  now.  But  we 
believe  the  reader  will  feel  that  the  questions  relating  to 
French  neutrality,  to  the  treatment  of  prisoners,  to  pri 
vateering,  and  especially  those  relating  to  the  treaties  with 
France  and  with  England,  can  be  considered  with  more 
certainty,  now  that  we  have  all  the  important  facts  in 
volved,  as  we  did  not  have  them  until  now. 

I  have  spoken  thus  of  "  our  plans  "  and  "  our  work "  be 
cause  from  the  first  I  have  had  the  co-operation  of  my  son 
and  namesake.  Had  I  not  been  sure  of  it  I  should  never 
have  undertaken  the  work  now  in  the  reader's  hand.  We 
have  examined  together  the  collections  which  I  have  de 
scribed;  we  have  determined  together  on  the  plan  of  the 
book ;  we  have  lived  together  while  we  carried  it  out,  and 


PREFACE.  xiii 

have  had  daily  conference  as  to  the  details.  In  dividing  the 
subjects  for  the  final  selection  and  composition,  we  took  each 
the  topics  which  interested  him  most.  But  in  each  chapter 
each  writer  has  had  the  benefit  of  the  revision  and  over 
sight  of  the  other ;  so  that  we  are  fairly  responsible,  each  of 
us,  for  errors  and  omissions,  where  they  are  found.  My 
son  has  taken  the  charge  of  the  laborious  oversight  of  the 
copies  made  from  the  originals,  and  to  him  the  reader  is 
indebted  for  the  accuracy  in  these  copies  which  I  hope  has 
been  secured.  Our  treatment  of  the  spelling  in  the  manu 
scripts,  and  of  other  matters  supposed  to  belong  to  orthog 
raphy,  will  disgust  the  purists  by  its  freedom.  But  people 
of  sense  who  wish  to  know  more  about  the  local  color  and 
the  method  of  Franklin's  life  in  France  will  thank  us  that 
we  have  not  rendered  their  reading  difficult,  by  compelling 
them  to  translate  bad  English  or  bad  French.  If  an  incor 
rect  expression,  or  one  now  antiquated,  seems  to  show  any 
thing  characteristic  of  the  person  who  wrote,  we  have 
retained  it.  Thus  we  have  printed  one  or  two  of  Franklin's 
notes  in  French,  to  show  how  good,  and  at  the  same  time 
how  bad  his  French  was.  We  have  followed  the  text  of 
the  Marquis  de  Lafayette's  manuscript  notes,  because  it 
shows  how  far  he  succeeded  in  overcoming  the  difficulties 
of  the  English  language.  But  we  know  no  reason  for  pre 
serving  the  bad  spelling,  or  any  other  error,  of  some  un 
known,  careless  copying  clerk,  who  has  long  since  gone  to 
his  own  place  and  rendered  his  own  account  of  his  mis 
deeds.  In  a  word,  we  consider  it  to  be  our  business,  in  all 
such  affairs,  to  help  and  not  to  perplex  the  reader. 

We  find  it  difficult  to  name  the  persons  to  whose  kind 
ness  the  reader  has  been  indebted  for  the  counsel  and  con 
tributions  which  have  given  to  the  book  some  of  its  best 
features.  First,  to  Mr.  Theodore  F.  Dwight,  whose  careful 
report  on  the  Stevens  papers  secured  them,  for  the  nation, 
and  whose  administration  of  the  library  of  the  State 
Department  makes  it  a  pleasure  to  work  there,  every 


XIV  PREFACE. 

American  is  indebted  every  day,  more  than  most  men 
know.  We  and  our  readers  are  especially  indebted  to 
him.  We  have  to  acknowledge  the  kindness  and  inter 
est  of  Mr.  Frelinghuysen,  who  gave  full  permission  to  our 
copyists  to  work,  and  of  Mr.  Bayard,  who  continued  that 
permission. 

We  have  been  indebted  for  original  manuscripts  to  Mr. 
Dnpont  de  Nemours,  the  grandson  of  Franklin's  friend ;  to 
Hon.  Mellen  Chamberlain  ;  to  Mr.  Loriug  Austin,  who  placed 
in  our  hands  the  curious  manuscript  journal  of  his  grand 
father.  Mr.  B.  F.  Stevens,  who  is  diligently  collecting  in 
the  archives  of  England  and  France  such  a  series  of  mate 
rials  as  may  one  day  make  it  possible  for  Americans  to 
study  their  own  history  without  going  to  Europe,  has 
kindly  attended  to  every  inquiry  with  which  we  have 
burdened  him.  In  Paris  we  have  also  had  the  sympathy 
and  help  of  Mr.  W.  B.  Greene,  M.  T.  Pingard,  and  M.  G.  A. 
Barringer. 

And  without  attempting  to  name  all  who  have  cordially 
helped  forward  our  undertaking,  we  will,  on  behalf  of  our 
readers,  as  for  ourselves,  thank  Hon.  John  Bigelow,  Hon. 
George  F.  Hoar,  Mr.  Justin  Winsor,  Hon.  John  Jay,  Hon. 
Richard  Bache,  Mrs.  E.  D.  Gillespie,  Mr.  Henry  Phillips,  Jr., 
Mr.  Kiernan,  Mr.  C.  H.  Hildeburn,  Mr.  W.  H.  Knapp,  all 
the  officials  of  the  Massachusetts  Archive  Rooms,  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  the  Boston  Public  Library, 
and  the  Fellowes  Athenaeum,  of  the  Harvard  College 
Library,  and  of  the  Cornell  Library. 


IN  the  choice  of  portraits  of  Franklin  to  accompany  this 
study  of  his  life  in  France,  the  only  difficulty  or  embarrass 
ment  is  that  of  riches.  Franklin  did  not  dislike  to  sit  for 
his  picture.  On  the  other  hand,  also,  as  the  reader  of  this 
book  knows,  the  French  people  and  their  artists  were  de 
termined  to  have  his  picture,  and  to  have  it  in  various 


PREFACE.  XV 

forms.  A  complete  collection  of  the  various  portraits  of 
him  made  public  while  he  was  in  France  would  include 
almost  two  hundred  different  pictures  ;  perhaps  would  pass 
that  number.  Many  of  these  are  in  some  sort  familiar  to 
American  readers,  having  been  reproduced  by  Dr.  Sparks, 
Mr.  Parton,  or  Mr.  Bigelow,  with  their  widely  read  biog 
raphies.  In  our  selection,  we  have  preferred  not  to  repro 
duce  these  pictures,  for  precisely  the  reason  that  they  are 
so  well  known.  We  add  four  more,  each  in  its  way  charac 
teristic,  and  all  of  them  of  such  merit  that  they  must  give 
a  very  accurate  idea  of  Franklin's  appearance  at  this  period 
of  his  life. 

The  steel  engraving  by  Mr.  Wilcox  is  an  admirable  re 
production  of  a  very  characteristic  portrait  ascribed  to 
Van  Loo.  This  portrait  was  originally  engraved  by  Alix, 
a  French  engraver  of  some  reputation,  who  died  late  in  the 
century.  We  have  not  been  able  to  fix  with  precision  the 
date  when  his  print  first  appeared.  There  is  a  certain 
mystery  about  this  picture,  because  a  painting  almost  pre 
cisely  similar  to  it  exists  in  the  Historical  Library  in  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  which  is  known  to  be  painted  by 
Charles  Peale.  We  venture  the  suggestion  that  Peale 
copied,  either  from  the  original  by  Van  Loo,  or  from  one  of 
Alix's  prints.  If  the  painting  were  made  by  Van  Loo  from 
Franklin,  the  date  is  as  early  as  Franklin's  second  visit  to 
Paris  in  1769. 

The  full  length  picture  is  from  a  print  published  in 
Paris,  from  a  drawing  by  Louis  C.  de  Carmontelle.  The 
original  print  has  the  following  French  version  of  Turgot's 
epigram. 

"  On  1'a  vu  desarmer  les  Tirans  et  les  Dieux." 

The  print  beneath  which  is  the  representation  of  a  clouci 
and  kite  with  a  flash  of  lightning  is  from  a  portrait,  prob 
ably  the  earliest  in  point  of  time.  It  corresponds  nearly  to 
the  time  of  Franklin's  first  visit  in  France,  and  was  origi 
nally  engraved  by  Chapman,  an  English  engraver. 


XVI  PREFACE. 

The  profile  picture,  representing  him  in  his  favorite  fur 
cap,  is  from  an  interesting  medallion  in  terra  cotta  by  Jean 
Baptist e  Nini,  a  sculptor  in  this  line  of  considerable 
repute  in  that  time.  It  was  taken  within  the  first  year 
after  Franklin's  arrival  in  France  as  a  diplomatist.  In  the 
year  1885  a  large  store  of  these  medallions  was  found  in  a 
warehouse  in  Bordeaux,  as  fresh  as  on  the  day  when  they 
were  first  baked.  We  are  indebted  to  the  kindness  of  a 
friend  at  that  place,  for  the  medal  which  has  been  copied 
for  our  readers. 

Mr.  Kichard  S.  Greenough,  the  celebrated  sculptor,  tells 
me  that  he  thinks  Franklin's  fondness  for  fur  in  his  pic 
tures,  was  due  to  his  supposing  that  fur  was  used  as  a 
professional  badge  by  the  early  printers. 

EDWARD  E.   HALE. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.    1767-1769.    FRANKLIN'S  FIRST  VISITS  TO  FRANCE.  — 

THE  ECONOMISTS 1 

II.    FRANCE  AND  THE  TREATY  OF  1763 20 

III.  CARON  DE  BEAUMARCHAIS 33 

IV.  FRANKLIN'S  COMMISSION 56 

FRANKLIN  AND  THE  FRENCH 69 

VI.    PARIS  REVISITED 84 

VII.    LAMBERT  WICKES  AND  GUSTAVUS  CONYNGHAM     .     .  109 
VIII.    SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-SEVEN,  —  "  THE 

YEAR  OF  THE  THREE  GIBBETS" 140 

JKy    SEVENTEEN    HUNDRED   AND   SEVENTY-EIGHT.  —  VOL 
TAIRE  AND  FRANKLIN 165 

/X.'-  THE  TREATY  OF  ALLIANCE.  —  COOPER'S  ACCOUNT  OF 

D'ESTAING 174 

XI.    THE  AMERICAN  PRISONERS 194 

XII.     HARTLEY'S  DESIRES  FOR  PEACE 217 

/'  Xlll.     SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-EIGHT  ....  228 

XIV.     JOHN  PAUL  JONES 253 

XV.     SEVENTEEN  HUNDRED  AND  SEVENTY-NINE    ....  271 

XVI.    THE  PRIVATEERS  FROM  DUNKIRK 308 

XVII.     CAPTAIN  PIERRE  LANDAIS 319 

XVIII.     THE  AMERICAN  PRISONERS 342 

XIX.    MINISTER  PLENIPOTENTIARY 363 

XX.    THE  MADRID  CORRESPONDENCE,  1780 392 

XXI.    THE  MADRID  CORRESPONDENCE,  1781 419 

XXTI.    THE  YEAR  OF  YORKTOWN 437 

6 


LIST  OF  PORTRAITS. 


PAGE 

FRANKLIN.  On  Steel.  From  a  Painting  by  VAN  Loo, 

engraved  by  WILCOX  .........  Frontispiece 

FRANKLIN.  On  Wood.  From  a  Print  by  CHAPMAN, 

engraved  by  ANDREW  ............  1 

FRANKLIN.  On  Wood.  From  a  Drawing  by  L.  C.  DE 

CARMONTELLE,  engraved  by  ANDREW  ......  84 

FRANKLIN.     From  a  Medallion  by  J.  B.  NINI     .....     140 


MlRABEAU  ..................  8 

FREDERICK  OF  PRUSSIA  .............  24 

TURGOT  ...................  37 

VERGENNES     ..........  ,    .......  39 

Louis  XVI  ..................  74 

MARIE  ANTOINETTE     ..............  75 

N"ECKER  ...................  76 

MAUREPAS      .................  76 

LAFAYETTE      .................  79 

WASHINGTON  .................  98 

HORATIO  GATES  .     .    ..............  161 

MARAT   ....     ...............  387 

D'ESTAING  ..................  443 

LA  ROCHEFOUCAULD    .                                                            .  446 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLIN,   LL.D. 

(From  a  Print  by  CHAPMAN.) 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


CHAPTEK    I. 
1767-1769. 

THE  Declaration  of   Independence  made  the  United 
States  a  nation.     It  was  a  nation  which  had  power 
to  make  war  or  peace,  and  to  contract  alliances. 

The  Continental  Congress,  which  by  misfortune  was  at 
once  the  executive  and  the  legislature  of  this  nation, 
addressed  itself  immediately  to  this  business  of  making 
alliance  with  any  European  power  which  could  aid  it 
against  England.  By  the  agency  of  a  secret  committee, 
of  which  Benjamin  Franklin  was  the  most  important 
member,  it  had  opened  correspondence  with  many  persons 
in  Europe.  Among  these  was  Dr.  Arthur  Lee,  —  a  Vir 
ginian  who  had  been  made  a  Doctor  of  •Msitcroe  by  the 
University  of  Edinburgh,  had  afterwards, studied  law,  and 
was  at  the  time  of  the  outbreak  6f 'hoit&itves  agentf  jta; 
London  for  Massachusetts.  The  secret  committee  had 
also  recommended  that  Silas  Deane  should  be  sent  to 
France,  to  try  if  it  were  possible  to  obtain  assistance  for 
the  colonies.  Almost  immediately  after  the  Declaration 
of  Independence,  Congress  named  these  two,  with  Frank 
lin,  as  its  commissioners  in  Europe  for  making  such 
alliances  as  might  be  possible.  Congress  gave  these 
commissioners  full  powers  for  contracting  treaties  with 
France  and  Spain. 

1 


2  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

It  was  the  appointment  of  Franklin  which  gave  to  this 
Commission  its  remarkable  success.  He  was  already 
known  in  Paris,  and  for  many  reasons  was  a  favorite 
there.  Where  Lee  and  Deane  lived  as  strangers,  Franklin 
lived  among  intimate  personal  friends.  He  had  a  good 
working  knowledge  of  the  French  language,  which  he  had 
studied  as  early  as  the  year  1733,  although  he  did  not 
yet  speak  it  with  ease.  He  had  made  two  visits  in  Paris 
before  this  time,  —  one  in  the  year  1767,  and  one  in  1769. 
These  two  visits  have  generally  been  passed  lightly  over  by 
his  biographers,  and  there  is  perhaps  a  certain  reticence 
with  regard  to  them  in  his  own  correspondence.  But 
they  are  so  important  a  part  of  his  life,  and  they  led  so 
directly  to  his  acquisition  of  the  social  position  which  he 
held  in  his  long  residence  there,  that  they  must  not  be 
neglected  here. 

The  first  intimation  which  now  exists  in  his  correspond 
ence  of  any  intention  of  going  to  France  is  his  mention 
of  an  interview  with  Durand,  who  was  at  that  time  acting 
ad  interim  as  the  French  minister  in  London.  Franklin 
says  that  Durand,  who  was  left  as  Minister  Plenipoten 
tiary,  had  treated  him  with  great  civility,  had  made  him 
f  visits,  invite/Hip.  fr°  dine,  "and  so  forth." 

The  reader  will  observe  that  this  was  in  the  year  1767, 
^tst^after  Cha,th^iVs,  ministry  had  gone  out  and  Grafton's 
had  come  in.  Townshend's  new  taxes  on  tea,  glass,  paint 
er's  colors,  and  paper  were  at  this  very  time  voted  in  Par 
liament.  Choiseul  was  in  power  in  France,  and  had 
already,  on  April  22,  ordered  De  Kalb  to  go  to  America 
to  ascertain  the  wants  of  the  colonies,  the  strength  of 
their  purpose  to  withdraw  from  the  British  government ; 
their  resources  in  troops,  citadels,  and  intrenched  posts ; 
their  projects  of  revolt,  and  their  chiefs. 

It  is  at  this  time  that  Durand  visits  Franklin  frequently, 


SIR  JOHN  PRINGLE.  3 

invites  him  to  dinner,  and  provides  for  his  cordial  welcome 
in  Paris.  "  I  fancy,"  says  Franklin,  speaking  of  these  in 
vitations,  "  that  intriguing  nation  would  like  very  well  to 
meddle  on  occasion,  and  blow  up  the  coals  between  Britain 
and  her  colonies ;  but  I  hope  we  shall  give  them  no  oppor 
tunity."  Again,  "  Durand  has  given  me  letters  of  recom 
mendation  to  the  Lord  knows  who.  I  am  told  I  shall 
meet  with  great  respect  there ;  but  winds  change,  and  per 
haps  it  will  be  full  as  well  if  I  do  not.  We  shall  be  gone 
six  weeks.  I  have  a  little  private  commission  to  transact, 
of  which  more  another  time." 

This  " private  commission"  was  the  arrangement  for  the 
translation  of  his  own  works  into  French.  This  reference 
to  it,  in  a  letter  to  "William  Franklin,  is  the  only  allusion 
which  slips  through  in  Franklin's  own  writings  to  the 
fact  that  there  was  a  public  commission  also. 

His  companion  in  this  journey  was  Sir  John  Pr ingle,  a 
distinguished  and  interesting  man  of  science,  well  known 
through  Europe,  who  became,  not  long  after,  the  President 
of  the  Eoyal  Society.  Franklin  calls  him  "  my  steady 
good  friend,  Sir  John  Pringle."  The  year  before,  Franklin 
and  Sir  John  Pringle  had  travelled  together  very  pleas 
antly  in  the  Netherlands  and  in  Germany.  In  that  year 
Dr.  Pringle  had  been  made  a  baronet  in  recognition  of  his 
scientific  attainments. 

He  was  chosen  President  of  the  Eoyal  Society  in  1772, 
and  remained  in  that  post  till  1778,  when  he  left  it  for  an 
odd  reason,  which,  as  it  happens,  connects  with  Franklin's 
life.  George  III.,  in  the  heat  of  his  animosity  against  the 
Americans,  had  determined  that  the  lightning  conductors 
on  Kew  Palace  should  have  blunt  knobs  instead  of  sharp 
points.  Franklin,  the  inventor  of  conductors,  had  di 
rected  that  the  points  should  be  sharp,  so  that  an  over 
charge  of  electricity  might  be  dispersed  silently  and 


4  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

without  explosion.  As  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see,  the 
question  of  sharp  and  blunt  conductors  became  a  court 
question,  the  courtiers  siding  with  the  King,  and  their 
opponents  with  Franklin.  The  King  asked  Sir  John 
Pringle  to  take  his  side,  and  give  him  an  opinion  in  favor 
of  the  knobs.  To  which  Pringle  replied  by  hinting  that 
the  laws  of  nature  were  not  changeable  at  royal  pleasure. 
It  was  then  intimated  to  him  by  the  King's  authority  that 
a  President  of  the  Royal  Society  entertaining  such  an 
opinion  ought  to  resign,  and  he  resigned  accordingly.1 

This  Sir  John  Pringle  is  Franklin's  travelling  compan 
ion  in  his  six  weeks'  visit  in  Paris.  They  leave  London  on 
the  28th  August2  and  travel  post  to  Dover.  The  journey 
is  described  in  amusing  detail,  in  a  chatty  letter  from 
Franklin  to  his  bright  friend,  Miss  Stevenson,  which  is 
the  only  letter  preserved,  written  while  he  was  in  France. 
Modern  travellers  may  be  interested  to  know  that  he  tells 
Miss  Stevenson  that  it  cost  him  fifty  guineas  to  come 
into  a  position  where  he  could  write  to  her  the  French 
news.  They  travelled  post  in  France,  as  they  had  done 
in  Englandi3 

1  A  well-known  epigram  of  the  time  preserves  the  memory  of  this  ri 
diculous  controversy,  which  would  be  otherwise  forgotten  :  — 
"  While  you,  great  George,  for  safety  hunt, 
And  sharp  conductors  change  for  blunt, 

The  nation's  out  of  joint. 
Franklin  a  wiser  course  pursues, 
And  all  your  thunder  fearless  views, 
By  keeping  to  the  point." 

2  Not  Aug.  8,  as  in  a  misprinted  letter  to  William  Franklin. 

3  We  quote  here  an  entry  in  manuscript  account-book :  — 

Sept.  3,  1767. 
Cash  Dr  to  Brown  &  Collinson.     My  dft  in  fav  of  Panchaud  for 

money  took  up  at  Paris  for  expenses  32.7.2 

Oct.  3,  1767. 
Cash  Dr  to  Smith,  Wright,  &  Gray  for  my  dft  on  them  in  fav  of 

Jere  Lambert,  red  of  him  at  Paris  30.0.0 


HIS  FIRST  VISIT.  5 

Franklin's  reputation  had  gone  before  him.  His  elec 
trical  experiments  had  been  carefully  studied  and  re 
peated.  Even  before  he  drew  the  lightning  from  the 
skies  with  the  aid  of  his  celebrated  kite,  the  Abbd  D'Ali- 
bard  had  done  so,  in  a  critical  experiment,  with  an  iron 
rod,  at  Marly,  just  outside  of  Paris.  This  was  a  month 
before  Franklin's  experiment  with  the  kite  at  Philadel 
phia.  But  Franklin  had  not  heard  of  it  when  he  tried 
his  in  Philadelphia  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  June,  1752. 

M.  D'Alibard  subsequently  repeated  the  experiment 
in  the  presence  of  Louis  XV.,  who  gave  him  a  pension  for 
life,  in  recognition  of  a  service  so  interesting.  With 
entire  frankness,  D'Alibard  always  recognized  the  fact  that 
he  conducted  the  experiment  in  accordance  with  Frank 
lin's  direction,  and  that  the  credit  of  the  great  discovery 
was  his.  As  the  reader  will  see,  he  and  Franklin  main 
tained  intimate  relations;  they  frequently  corresponded 
with  each  other.  He  published  in  the  year  1752  a  "The 
ory  of  Electricity,"  and  he  attained  some  distinction  as  a 
botanist,  being,  indeed,  the  first  Frenchman  to  introduce 
the  system  and  nomenclature  of  Linnaeus. 

It  would  seem  that  none  of  these  experimenters  under 
stood  the  great  danger  of  the  experiment.  Louis  XV. 
was  no  coward  in  battle,  but  he  would  hardly  have  ex 
posed  himself,  for  mere  scientific  curiosity,  to  the  immi 
nent  danger  of  being  killed  by  lightning,  had  he  known 
how  real  that  danger  was.  It  may  be  doubted  if  the  ex 
periment  has  ever  been  repeated  since  the  year  1753,  when 
Eichman,  a  Professor  in  Eussia,  was  instantly  killed  by  an 
electric  spark  from  the  rod  which  he  was  using. 

But  Franklin's  welcome  in  France  was  not  due  simply 
to  his  fame  as  an  electrician.  His  journey  had  its  politi 
cal  significance.  Durand,  as  the  reader  has  seen,  furnished 
Franklin  with  letters  to  "  the  Lord  knows  who."  He 


6  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

undoubtedly  apprised  his  French  friends  of  the  importance 
of  conciliating  the  man  who  represented  at  this  moment  the 
^American  colonies  in  England,  in  a  mission  much  more 
distinguished  than  the  business  "  agents  "  of  the  several 
provinces  had  ever  attained.  Franklin  himself  was  mas 
ter  of  that  great  rule  l  —  ''If  you  want  your  secret  kept, 
keep  it."  He  managed  so  discreetly  that  while  the  Eng 
lish  journals  mentioned  the  fact  that  Sir  John  Pringle  had 
gone  to  France,  they  do  not  seem  to  have  said  that  Frank 
lin  went  with  him.  In  writing  to  his  own  son  in  New 
Jersey,  he  says,  cautiously,  "  Communicate  nothing  of 
this  letter  but  privately  to  our  friend  Galloway ; "  and  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  he  wrote  from  Paris  to  any  one 
in  America. 

What  contributed  most  of  all,  as  it  proved,  to  the 
warmth  of  his  welcome,  was  the  interest  taken  in  his 
writings  on  politics,  or  what  we  should  call  social  econ 
omy.  At  this  moment,  indeed,  the  absorbing  passion  in 
France  was  for  what  they  called  political  and  rural 
economy.  In  the  midst  of  the  rigmarole  and  gossip  of 
that  immense  body  of  correspondence  which  Grimm, 
Diderot,  and  others  sent,  twice  a  month,  to  different 
princes  and  noblemen  of  Europe,  there  comes  in,  fortu 
nately  for  us,  at  the  date  of  the  1st  October,  in  this 
very  year  1767,  a  curious  essay  on  this  passion.  After 
showing  at  some  length  that  France  always  has  some 
"  object  of  predilection  "  the  writer  says,  "  At  the  present 
moment,  political  and  rural  economy,  agriculture,  the 
principles  of  government,  are  the  object  of  this  national 
passion." 

A  society  had  been  formed  in  Paris  which  brought 
together  political  economists  and  agriculturalists.  "  The 
two  pillars  of  this  society  are  the  old  Doctor  Quesnay  and 

1  Edward  Everett's  rule. 


DUPONT  DE   NEMOURS.  7 

the  Marquis  of  Mirabeau,  known  as  the  Friend  of  Men, 
from  one  of  his  own  books." 

This  is  the  account  givBn  in  Grimm.  The  letter  goes  on 
to  say  that  a  young  man  named  Dupont,  and  the  Abbe* 
Baudeau  are  the  principal  apostles  of  the  school.  This 
M.  Dupont  de  Nemours  was,  through  his  life,  Franklin's 
intimate  friend,  and  the  Abbe  Baudeau  appears  again 
and  again  in  the  correspondence.  He  visited  Franklin 
in  1772. 

Dupont,  who  considered  himself  as  formed  by  Quesnay 
and  Turgot,  offended  the  Court  and  was  exiled  from  Paris 
to  the  Gatinais.  Here  he  occupied  himself  with  writing 
poetry,  and  agriculture.  In  1783  he  was  recalled  to  Court 
by  Vergennes,  and  we  shall  meet  him  again  in  the  nego 
tiations  of  the  treaty  of  peace.  He  was  in  the  Constituent 
Assembly  in  1789,  and  was  imprisoned  after  the  fall  of 
the  Girondists.  In  1795  he  came  to  the  United  States, 
where  his  sons  had  come  before  him,  probably  by  Frank 
lin's  advice.  M.  Dupont  was,  in  fact,  threatened  with 
exile  by  the  ruling  powers  in  France,  who  did  not  find 
him  sufficiently  extravagant.  To  this  emigration  this 
country  owes  the  family  of  Duponts,  who  have  distin 
guished  themselves  here  in  war  and  in  peace.  The  Du 
pont  powder  of  the  sportsman,  and  of  the  army  and  navy 
service,  is  made  at  the  establishment  which  still  bears  the 
name  of  Dupont  de  Nemours,  Franklin's  friend. l 

The  chiefs  of  the  "Economists"  tried  to  make  a  sect  of 
their  adherents,  with  its  ritual,  its  jargon,  and  its  mys 
teries.  So  Grimm  says,  or  his  coadjutor.  "  Quesnay  calls 
himself  the  master,  the  others  call  themselves  the  elders. 
Eural  economy  is  called  'the  Science'  par  excellence. 
They  meet  every  Tuesday  at  Monsieur  de  Mirabeau's. 

1  The  reader  is  indebted  to  the  present  representative  of  the  family  for 
some  letters  of  Franklin  never  before  published. 


8 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


They  begin  with  a  good  dinner,  then  they  labor;  they 
chop  and  dig  and  drain;  they  do  not  leave  an  inch  of 
ground  in  France.  And  when  they  have  thus  labored  all 
day  in  a  charming  saloon,  cool  in  summer,  and  well 
warmed  in  winter,  they  part  in  the  evening,  well  content 
ed,  and  with  the  happy  satisfaction  that  they  have  made 
the  kingdom  more  nourishing." 

This  society,  or  sect,  published 
"The  Ephemerides  of  a  Citizen,"  of 
which  Dupont  was  the  editor.  It  con 
tinued  several  years.  Their  views, 
based  on  the  theory  that  the  farmer 
is  the  only  producer  in  society,  are 
well  stated  in  "  Physiocratie,"  a  book 
by  Dupont. 

Grimm  was  so  provoked  with  them 
that  he  says  he  should  be  glad  some 
fine  day  to  take  Monsieur  de  Mira- 
beau,   "with  all  his  Tuesday,"  and 
their  mattocks,  pickaxes,  and  carts, 
and  carry  them  to  the  Landes  de  Bordeaux,  or  some  other 
ungrateful  soil,  that   they  might   learn  the  business  of 
draining  with  other  tools  than  tongues  or  pens. 

He  says  they  make  a  mystical  science  and  a  divine  in 
stitution  of  agriculture,  of  which  they  are  the  theologians ; 
that  Monsieur  de  Mirabeau's  "  Tuesday "  would  be  the 
Sorbonne  of  the  laboring  man,  and  that  this  Sorbonne,  as 
much  as  the  other,  would  oppose  what  he  calls  "  Philoso 
phy."  And  Grimm  closes  his  rather  bitter  account  of 
them  by  a  prayer  to  the  sovereign  Distributor  of  all  light, 
that  they  might  learn  to  read  and  talk  intelligently,  and 
to  know  what  they  are  talking  about. 

Very  active  among  these  people  was  James  Barbeu- 
Dubourg,  who  became  Franklin's  intimate  friend  and  the 


MIRABEAU. 


DUBOURG.  9 

French  editor  of  his  works.  He  addresses  Franklin  as 
"My  master."  He  was  at  this  time  fifty-seven  years  old. 
In  early  life  he  studied  languages,  and  he  knew  Greek  and 
Hebrew  well.  At  this  time  he  was  an  excellent  English 
scholar.  In  1761  he  had  published  a  Gazette  of  Medi 
cine;  in  1767  he  published  the  "Botaniste  Franchise,"  in 
two  volumes. 1  In  his  youth  Dubourg  was  connected 
with  Lord  Bolingbroke.  He  translated  his  "Letters  on 
History,"  published  1752.  In  his  old  age  he  was  more 
closely  connected  with  Franklin,  and  dedicated  to  him  his 
"  Petit  Code  de  la  Eaison  Humaine."  2 

The  Franklin  correspondence  contains  many  letters 
from  Dubourg,  beginning  with  1767  and  continuing  until 
his  death  in  1779.  We  shall  meet  him  as  a  party  in 
Deane's  negotiations  with  Beaumarchais,  and  again  in  his 
somewhat  unfortunate  speculations  in  tobacco. 

With  all  this  sect  of  "Economists"  Franklin  became 
well  acquainted.  The  Marquis  de  Mirabeau  seems  to 
have  been  away  when  he  left,  but  in  a  letter  from  Dupont, 
he  speaks  of  Mirabeau,  who  sends  a  message  to  Franklin, 
expressing  his  regret  that  they  had  not  met.  Nor  did 
Franklin  see  Dupont  personally  on  the  first  visit,  but 
Dupont  writes  to  say  that  Dr.  Quesnay  had  given  him 
Franklin's  messages.  "  I  am  very  much  touched  by  your 
goodness,  now  that  I  learn  from  Dr.  Quesnay  that  you  had 

1  "  It  is  one  of  the  most  agreeable  elementary  books  in  the  language," 
says  the  "  Universal  Biography."     He  undertook  to  make  a  printed  collec 
tion  of  illustrations  of  the  Mushroom  family,  from  drawings  by  Mile. 
Biheron,  and  gave  the  name  of  this  skilful  artist  to  one  of  the  genera. 
This  book  brought  him  into  controversy  with  Adamson,  who  was  the  cen 
sor  of  it.     It  is  much  superior  to  that  of  D'Alibard,  and  one  of  the  best  on 
plants  in  the  neighborhood  of  Paris. 

2  The  first  edition  of  this  was  published  in  1774,  the  second  in  1782, 
at  Franklin's  imprimerie  at  Passy,  the  third  in  1789.     This  last  edition  is 
the  most  complete;  that  of  1782  is  the  most  rare  ;  almost  all  the  copies 
were  sent  to  America. 


10  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

designed  to  see  me,  and  inform  yourself  regarding  me  in 
your  late  sojourn  in  Paris." 

Some  of  the  papers  of  Franklin  which  are  best  known 
come  to  us  through  these  gentlemen.  Thus  the  letter  on 
"  Swimming,"  so  often  cited,  is  a  translation  from  a  letter 
to  Dubourg,  which  Dubourg  printed  in  French  in  his 
second  volume.  In  a  letter  to  D'Alibard,  Franklin  alludes 
to  Priestley's  "  History  of  Electricity/  which  he  had  sent 
to  the  Frenchman.  He  says  very  handsomely  :  "  Philoso 
phy  is  already  indebted  to  you  as  being  the  first  of  man 
kind  that  had  the  courage  to  attempt  drawing  lightning 
from  the  clouds  to  be  subject  to  your  experiments." 
D'Alibard  himself,  with  equal  courtesy,  in  describing  his 
own  experiment,  had  said  :  "  I  have  obtained  complete  sat 
isfaction  in  following  the  road  which  Monsieur  Franklin 
has  laid  down  for  us." 

Of  this  first  visit  to  France,  as  has  been  already  said, 
Franklin  seems  to  have  written  to  no  one  in  America, 
excepting  his  son,  and  he  even  cautions  him  against  let 
ting  any  one  know  that  he  was  there.  To  Miss  Steven 
son  he  wrote  the  amusing  letter  which  has  been  cited, 
describing  the  travel  in  France,  the  customs  of  dress,  and 
his  own  presentation  at  Court.  This  was  on  Sunday,  the 
ninth  day  of  September ;  Franklin  and  Pringle  were  both 
presented.  This  presentation  was  probably  due  to  the 
suggestion  of  Durand,  which  has  been  alluded  to.  Frank 
lin  says,  "  The  King  spoke  to  both  of  us  very  graciously 
and  very  cheerfully.  He  is  a  handsome  man,  has  a  very 
lively  look,  and  appears  younger  than  he  is."  It  was 
Louis  XV.,  and  he  was,  in  fact,  fifty-nine  years  old,  —  two 
years  younger  than  Franklin  himself.  In  the  afternoon 
of  the  same  day  the  two  travellers  were  at  the  Grand 
Couvert,  where  the  royal  family  supped  in  public.  The 
King's  and  Queen's  chairs  were  so  far  from  each  other 


WHIST  AND   QUADRILLE.  11 

that  another  chair  might  have  been  introduced  between 
them.  As  Franklin  and  his  companion  looked  upon  this 
spectacle,  an  officer  of  the  Court  was  sent  for  them,  and 
"  placed  Sir  John  so  as  to  stand  between  the  Queen  and 
Madame  Victoire. "  The  King  took  some  notice  of  Frank 
lin  also.  "  That  is  saying  enough ;  for  I  would  not  have 
you  think  me  so  much  pleased  with  this  King  and  Queen 
as  to  have  a  whit  less  regard  than  I  used  to  have  for  ours. 
No  Frenchman  shall  go  beyond  me  in  thinking  my  own 
King  and  Queen  the  very  best  in  the  world,  and  the  most 
amiable,"  So  loyal  was  Franklin  then  to  that  king  who 
has  since  been  called  a  brummagem  Louis  XIV.  He  says 
himself  that  the  Scripture  proverb  that  diligent  men 
should  stand  before  kings  had  been  fulfilled  in  his  case ; 
that  he  had  stood  before  George  II.  and  George  III.  Louis 
XV.  was  the  third  of  the  series,  Christian  VII.  was  the 
fourth,  and  Louis  XVI.  the  fifth. 

It  is  not  beneath  the  dignity  of  history  to  say  that  in 
this  one  letter  from  Paris,  Franklin  mentions  the  impor 
tant  fact  that  in  playing  cards  quadrille  is  out  of  fashion, 
and  English  whist  all  the  mode  at  Paris  and  at  the  Court. 
Had  any  Daniel  of  that  day  been  wise  enough,  and  at  the 
same  time  brave  enough,  he  would  have  told  the  King 
what  this  omen  signified.  For  in  quadrille,  as  in  ombre, 
better  known  to  us  through  "  The  Eape  of  the  Lock,"  the 
ace  of  spades,  called  "spadille,"  is  always  the  highest 
card,  whatever  may  be  the  trump  suit.  He  is  an  abso 
lute  monarch,  as  at  the  head  of  the  soldier  class.  Let 
the  reader  remember  that  spades  are  so  called  from  the 
Italian  '  spada,"  and  that  they  represent  the  soldier  class 
in  society.  The  hearts,  which  on  the  Spanish  cards  are 
chalices,  represent  the  clergy,  the  diamonds  represent  the 
bourgeois,  while  the  clubs  are  the  weapons  of  the  rustics. 
When,  therefore,  the  fashion  of  the  Court  changed  so  far 


12  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

that  the  ace  of  spades  could  not  always  take  the  ace  of 
clubs,  of  hearts,  or  of  diamonds,1  the  King  of  France 
should  have  known  that  even  the  chief  of  the  noblemen 
was  no  longer  supreme  above  the  demands  of  clergy,  mer 
chants,  and  people.  It  was  "  English  "  whist  which  found 
its  way  into  the  French  Court,  and  it  came  as  an  omen  of 
constitutional  government.  In  the  manufacture  of  cards, 
the  ace  of  spades  generally  maintains  even  to  this  day  the 
distinction  which  it  bore  in  the  days  of  absolute  monarchy. 

On  their  return  from  this  visit,  contrary  winds  detained 
Franklin  and  his  friend  a  week  in  Calais,  a  week  which 
they  would  gladly  have  spent  in  Paris.  They  arrived  in 
London  again  on  the  8th  of  October.  From  that  time 
there  begin  to  appear  in  his  voluminous  manuscript  corre 
spondence  the  letters  of  the  friends  he  had  formed  in 
Paris.  We  shall  meet  many  of  these  friends  again  when 
he  appears  there  as  a  negotiator. 

He  had  failed,  as  has  been  said,  to  see  Dupont.  Dupont 
writes  to  express  his  regret  that  they  did  not  meet.  He 
goes  on :  "I  had  already  known  you  as  savant,  geometer, 
naturalist,  —  as  the  man  whom  Nature  permitted  to  unveil 
her  secrets.  But  now,  my  friend,  Dr.  Barbeu  Du  Bourg 
has  been  kind  enough  to  send  me  many  of  your  writings 
relative  to  the  affairs  of  your  Country.  I  have  taken 
the  liberty  to  translate  some  of  them  "  (probably  in  the 
" Ephemerides  of  a  Citizen").  "At  every  page  I  find 
the  philosophical  citizen,  bringing  his  genius  to  bear  for 
the  happiness  of  his  brothers  and  the  dearest  interests  of 
humanity.  These  writings  have  made  me  regret  more 
than  ever  that  I  did  not  meet  you  while  you  were  in 
Paris.  If,  to  our  good  fortune,  you  shall  come  here  again, 

1  Diamonds,  had  any  one  remembered  it,  represent  the  square  blocks 
of  pavement  in  burghs,  and  are  thus  appropriate  for  "  city-zens."  They 
come  to  the  front  again  when  "city-zens  "  use  them  for  barricades. 


LETTER  TO  DUPONT.  13 

promise  me,  I  beg  you,  to  repair  my  loss  as  completely  as 
may  be  possible."  He  sends  to  Franklin  two  books, — 
one  a  collection  of  Dr.  Quesnay's  writings,  and  the  other 
his  own  treatise,  "  Physiocratie,"  which  is  a  brief  resum6 
of  Dr.  Quesnay's  principles.  "  It  is,"  he  says,  "  clear  that 
in  the  development  of  all  the  rights  of  man,  we  are  to  find 
the  base  of  the  principle  of  a  government  always  prosper 
ous,  —  at  once  useful  and  safe  for  the  nation  governed,  and 
advantageous  for  neighboring  countries,  who  will  profit  by 
its  love  of  peace  and  liberty,  in  the  freedom  of  its  com 
merce,  and  the  distribution  of  the  multiplied  products  of 
its  agriculture." 

To  this  letter  Franklin  makes  the  following  reply.  It 
is  interesting  as  showing  the  interest  he  took  in  the  spec 
ulations  of  the  "  Tuesday,"  and  his  close  relation  to  the 
founders  of  the  School. 

LONDON,  July  28th,  1768. 

I  received  your  obliging  letter  of  the  10th  May,  with 
the  most  acceptable  present  of  your  Physiocratie,  which 
I  have  read  with  great  Pleasure,  and  received  from  it  a 
great  deal  of  Instruction.  There  is  such  a  Freedom  from 
local  and  national  Prejudices  and  Partialities,  so  much 
Benevolence  to  Mankind  in  general,  so  much  Goodness 
mixt  with  the  Wisdom,  in  the  Principles  of  your  new 
Philosophy,  that  I  am  perfectly  charmed  with  them,  and 
wish  I  could  have  stayed  in  France  for  some  time,  to 
have  studied  in  your  School,  that  I  might  by  conversing 
with  its  Founders  have  made  myself  quite  a  Master  of 
that  Philosophy.  ...  I  had,  before  I  went  into  your 
Country,  seen  some  Letters  of  yours  to  Dr.  Templeman, J 
that  gave  me  a  high  Opinion  of  the  Doctrines  you  are 

1  An  English  physician,  of  great  erudition,  a  man  of  science.  He  was 
at  one  time  keeper  of  the  reading-room  of  the  British  Museum. 


14  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

engaged  in  cultivating,  and  of  your  personal  Talents 
and  Abilities,  which  made  me  greatly  desirous  of  seeing 
you.  Since  I  had  not  that  good  Fortune  the  next  best 
thing  is  the  Advantage  you  are  so  good  as  to  offer  me  of 
your  Correspondence,  which  I  shall  ever  highly  value, 
and  endeavor  to  cultivate  with  all  the  Diligence  I  am 
capable  of. 

I  am  sorry  to  find,  that  that  Wisdom  which  sees  the 
Welfare  of  the  Parts  in  the  Prosperity  of  the  Whole 
seems  yet  not  to  be  Known  in  this  Country.  .  .  .  We 
are  so  far  from  conceiving  that  what  is  best  for  Mankind, 
or  even  for  Europe,  in  general,  may  be  best  for  us,  that  we 
are  ever  studying  to  establish  and  extend  a  separate  In 
terest  of  Brittain,  to  the  Prejudice  of  even  Ireland  and 
our  own  Colonies  !  ...  It  is  from  your  Philosophy  only 
that  the  Maxims  of  a  contrary  and  more  happy  Conduct 
are  to  be  drawn,  which  I  therefore  sincerely  wish  may 
grow  and  increase  till  it  becomes  the  governing  Philos 
ophy  of  the  human  Species,  as  it  must  be  that  of  superior 
beings  in  better  Worlds.  I  take  the  Liberty  of  sending 
you  a  little  Fragment  that  has  some  Tincture  of  it,  which, 
on  that  account,  I  hope  may  be  acceptable. 

Be  so  good  as  to  present  my  sincere  Eespects  to  that 
venerable  Apostle  Dr.  Quesnay,  and  to  the  illustrious  Ami 
des  Hommes  (of  whose  Civilities  to  me  at  Paris  I  retain  a 
grateful  Eemembrance)  and  believe  me  to  be,  with  real 
and  very  great  Esteem,  Sir, 

Your  obliged  and  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Early  in  1768  Dr.  Priestley's  "  History  of  Electricity  " 
was  published.  On  the  31st  of  January,  Franklin  sent 
a  copy  to  the  Abbe  D'Alibard,  in  Paris,  with  a  letter  in 
which  occurs  the  compliment  to  him  which  has  been  cited. 


A   SECOND   VISIT.  15 

He  says,  "The  time  I  spent  in  Paris,  in  the  inspiring 
conversation  and  agreeable  society  of  so  many  ingenious 
and  learned  men,  seems  now  like  a  pleasing  dream,  from 
which  I  was  only  to  be  awakened  by  finding  myself  at 
London."  In  acknowledging  this  letter  and  the  book, 
D'Alibard  writes  a  letter,  in  which  we  find  the  first  inti 
mation  of  a  second  visit  to  Paris.  "  Do  you  not  remember, 
sir,  that  you  gave  us  reason  to  hope  that  in  May  you 
would  return  to  Paris,  and  pass  some  months  on  your  way 
to  Italy.  All  your  friends  here,  all,  at  least,  whom  I 
know,  often  ask  me  if  I  have  received  any  news  from  you, 
and  if  you  will  keep  your  word.  Pray  let  me  know  how  I 
shall  reply.  Last  year  you  only  put  in  an  appearance  in 
Paris ;  you  came  too  late,  and  your  sojourn  was  too  short 
to  procure  the  pleasure  we  wish  you  to  enjoy.  Pray  make 
us  some  recompense  for  this  privation." 

The  correspondence  with  Dubourg  led,  as  has  been 
said,  to  the  arrangement  by  which  this  gentleman  super 
vised  the  translation  into  French  of  Franklin's  works. 
His  name  appears  on  the  titlepage  as  the  only  translator. 
We  shall  meet  him  often  again.  He  is  the  person  to  whom 
Franklin  introduced  Silas  Deane  in  1776,  and  whose  pre 
judice  against  Beaumarchais  for  a  time  cooled  Franklin's 
interest  in  that  agent  of  the  French  ministry.  Dubourg 
had  translated  Dickinson's  "Letters  of  a  Pennsylvania 
Farmer,"  probably  at  Franklin's  suggestion  ;  for,  as  will 
be  seen,  two  of  Franklin's  papers  were  appended  to  it. 

The  year  1768  passed,  however,  without  Franklin's  car 
rying  out  his  wish  to  revisit  the  Continent.  On  the  27th 
of  February,  1769,  Bertier 1  writes  :  "  To  crown  your  work, 
you  should  again  make  a  journey  to  France.  It  is  your 
country  as  much  as  England  is.  You  would  be  here  in 

1  Joseph  Etienne  Bertier,  born  1710,  died  1783  ;  an  intimate  friend  of 
J.  J.  Rousseau,  a  "fanatic  for  science,"  author  of  "Letters  on  Electricity." 


16  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

the  midst  of  Franklinists,  a  father  in  his  own  country, 
where  the  country  is  inhabited  by  his  children.  I  was  a 
Franklinist  without  knowing  it ;  now  that  I  do  know  it, 
I  shall  not  fail  to  name  the  founder  of  my  sect." 

Accordingly,  in  July,  1769, l  Franklin  left  London  for 
Paris  again.  Brief  as  is  the  account  which  he  gives  of  the 
first  expedition,  his  letters  give  even  less  of  this.  In  a 
letter  to  Cooper,  of  Boston,  he  says  :  "  I  have  just  returned 
from  France,  where  I  found  our  dispute  much  attended  to, 
several  of  our  pamphlets  being  translated  and  printed 
there,  among  others  my  'Examination'  and  the  'Far 
mer's  Letters,'  with  two  of  my  pieces  annexed,  of  which 
last  I  send  you  a  copy.  In  short,  all  Europe,  except 
Britain,  appears  to  be  on  our  side  of  the  question." 

The  silence  which  he  maintains  regarding  it  even  sug 
gests  that  he  had  some  political  plans  in  Paris,  beside  the 
matters  of  personal  business  and  amusement  which  en 
gaged  him.  We  learn  from  the  correspondence  afterwards 
that  he  did  arrange  for  the  translation  of  some  of  his  more 
important  works  into  French,  and  their  publication  in 
Paris.  After  this  time  Dubourg's  letters  rejer  directly  to 
the  business  of  translation  and  publication.  The  transla 
tion  itself  had  been  confided  to  Lesqui,  who  is  called  a 
Premonstrant, 2  of  whose  delays  and,  indeed,  ill  success 
generally,  Dubourg  complains.  But  Dubourg  was  a  com 
petent  editor  and  reviser,  and  Franklin's  reputation  in 
France  was,  in  good  measure,  due  to  his  care  and  skill. 
Of  his  own  work  he  says,  "  I  have  considerably  increased 
my  little  Bible  of  Humanity,  but  they  refuse  me  the  appro- 

1  From  a  Manuscript  Account  Book  :  — 

Cash  Dr  to  Brown  &  Collinson. 
My  draft  in  favr  of  Rougemont  rec'd  of  him  at  Paris. 

2  This  means  that  he  belonged  to  the  Premonstrant  order  of  clergy,  — 
an  order  bound  to  "shew  the  way,  '  premonstrare. '  " 


TRANSLATION.  17 

bation  necessary  for  printing  it.  I  am  very  sorry  for  this, 
for  I  like  it  better  than  I  did  the  first  time."  This  is  the 
"  Petit  Code,"  of  which  one  edition  was  afterwards  issued 
from  Franklin's  own  press.  And  he  refers  his  publishing 
difficulties  to  the  restrictions  "on  the  press  in  this  good 
country,  where  they  wish  to  have  everything  go  well,  and 
where  they  are  afraid  even  of  the  shadow  of  evil." 

Some  of  Dubourg's  difficulties  of  revision  are  amusing. 
He  cannot  find  the  word  "  orreries  "  in  his  dictionary.  Is 
it  the  same  as  "  cadrans  "  ?  "  What  do  '  surf '  and  '  spray ' 
mean?"  "I  do  not  find  'jostled,'  which  embarrasses  me 
less." 

The  second  visit  to  Paris  occupied  Franklin  for  the  last 
weeks  of  July  and  the  first  three  weeks  of  August,  1769. 
On  the  1st  of  September  we  find  him  in  England  again, 
having  made,  in  the  interim,  his  arrangements  for  the 
translation  of  his  larger  works,  arid  bringing  with  him, 
probably,  some  copies  of  "Dickinson's  Letters."  Careful 
readers  may  be  glad  to  know  that  he  took  forty  guineas 
with  him  for  this  journey,  beside  what  he  drew  in  Paris. 
This  little  detail  of  a  traveller's  expenses  appears  from  the 
note  of  his  bankers,  the  Quaker  house  of  Smith,  Wright,  & 
Gray. 

Among  the  friends  whom  he  made  in  Paris  was  Mile. 
Biheron,  the  artist  whose  anatomical  preparations  in  wax 
were  the  first  important  manufactures  in  that  line.  She 
crossed  once  and  again  to  London,  and  seems  to  have  seen 
Franklin  intimately.  Her  letters  appear  in  the  corre 
spondence  with  him,  and  she  occasionally  carries  letters  or 
messages  as  she  comes  and  goes.  It  would  seem  that  she 
lived  in  the  house  of  Mrs.  Stevenson,  in  Craven  Street, 
where  Franklin  so  long  made  his  home. 

In  one  of  the  last  letters  of  this  early  series,  Dubourg 
sends  the  "compliments  of  Dupont  and  the  Marquis  of 

2 


18  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Mirabeau,"  the  pillar  and  apostle,  according  to  the  Grirnm 
Memoirs,  of  the  School  of  Economists. 

A  second  letter  from  Franklin  to  Dupont  shows  how 
close  was  his  intimacy  with  the  Economists. 

LONDON,  October  2nd,  1770. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  with  great  Pleasure  the  Assur 
ance  of  your  kind  Eemembrance  of  me,  and  the  Continu 
ance  of  your  Goodwill  towards  me,  in  your  Letter  by  M.  le 
Comte  Chreptowitz.  ...  I  should  have  been  happy  to 
have  rendered  him  every  Civility  and  Mark  of  Eespect  in 
my  Power  (as  the  friend  of  those  I  so  much  Kespect  and 
Honor)  if  he  had  given  me  the  opportunity.  But  he  did 
not  let  me  see  him. 

Accept  my  sincere  Acknowledgements  and  Thanks  for 
the  valuable  Present  you  made  me  of  your  excellent  Work 
on  the  Commerce  of  the  India  Company,  which  I  have 
perused  with  much  Pleasure  arid  Instruction.  It  bears 
throughout  the  Stamp  of  your  Masterly  Hand,  in  Method, 
Perspicuity,  and  Force  of  Argument,  The  honorable  Men 
tion  you  have  made  in  it  of  your  Friend  is  extremely  oblig 
ing.  I  was  already  too  much  in  your  Debt  for  Favours  of 
that  kind. 

I  purpose  returning  to  America  in  the  ensuing  Summer, 
if  our  Disputes  should  be  adjusted,  as  I  hope  they  will  be 
in  the  next  session  of  Parliament.  Would  to  God  I  could 
take  with  me  Messrs.  Du  Pont,  Du  Bourg,  and  some  other 
French  Friends  with  their  good  Ladies !  I  might  then, 
by  mixing  them  with  my  Friends  in  Philadelphia,  form  a 
little  happy  Society  that  would  prevent  my  ever  wishing 
again  to  visit  Europe. 

With  great  and  sincere  Esteem  and  Respect,  I  am, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  Servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 


ADAM   SMITH.  19 

The  intimacy  thus  formed  between  Franklin  and  the 
Economists  proved  of  the  greatest  importance  afterwards. 
It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  Adam  Smith  was  but  a 
few  months  before  him  in  forming  the  same  acquaintance, 
to  which,  indeed,  the  English-speaking  world  owes  the 
"  Wealth  of  Nations."  Smith  had  been  residing  in  Toulouse, 
with  the  young  Duke  of  Buccleuch,  to  whom  he  was  tutor. 
They  had  then  taken  a  journey  in  Italy,  and  returned  to 
Paris  at  Christmas,  1765.  Here  they  remained  for  ten 
months.  Hume  introduced  them  to  Turgot,  Quesnay, 
Necker,  D'Alembert,  Helvetius,  and  Marmontel.  Eor 
Quesnay  he  had  such  regard  that  he  intended  to  dedicate 
to  him  the  "  Wealth  of  Nations,"  and  would  have  done  so 
but  for  Quesnay's  death  in  1774.  "He  was  a  man,"  says 
Mr.  Smith,  "  of  the  greatest  modesty  and  simplicity,  and 
his  system  of  political  economy,  with  all  its  imperfections, 
the  nearest  approximation  to  the  truth  that  has  yet  been 
published  on  that  important  subject." 

As  a  complement  to  this  remark  of  Smith's,  it  is  amus 
ing  to  note  that  M.  Dupont  says  of  Turgot's  "  Keflections 
on  the  Formation  of  Eiches,"  that  "  all  which  is  true  in 
the  estimable  book  of  Adam  Smith,  which  is  so  hard  to 
read,  may  be  found  in  this  little  treatise,  and  all  which 
Adam  Smith  adds  to  it  fails  in  exactitude,  and  even  in 
foundation." 

With  all  the  founders  of  the  Economic  school,  from 
whose  work,  nine  years  after,  the  "  Wealth  of  Nations  " 
was  to  be  born,  Franklin  had  formed  intimate  personal 
relations  in  1767. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FRANCE,  AND  THE  TREATY  OF  1763. 

WHEN  Franklin  landed  in  France,  in  the  year  1776, 
to  win  Louis  XVI.  to  an  alliance  with  the  United 
States  of  America,  he  found  a  country  which,  although 
not  at  that  time  at  war  with  Great  Britain,  saw  in  the 
island  power,  as  she  had  for  many  centuries  before,  an 
hereditary  and  most  bitter  enemy.  That  France  and  Eng 
land  should  be  thus  forever  at  swords'  drawn  was  the 
effect  of  many  causes,  the  chief  of  which  occur  to  every 
one.  The  Norman  Invasion,  the  claims  of  the  Edwards 
and  their  successors  to  the  kingdom  of  France,  the  relig 
ious  troubles  rising  from  the  Protestant  Revolution,  and 
afterwards,  the  ambition  of  Louis  XIV.  were  among  the 
more  important  of  the  causes  which  had  kept  these  two 
countries  almost  constantly  embroiled  with  each  other. 

From  the  time  when  James  II.  left  England  and  Wil 
liam  III.  combined  the  Triple  Alliance  against  Louis  XIV. 
down  to  the  moment  when,  through  the  aid  of  Franklin, 
peace  was  reached  in  1783  between  England,  France,  and 
America,  the  ancient  enemies  were  almost  constantly  en 
gaged  in  hostile  temper.  Indeed,  between  1688  and  1783, 
very  nearly  half  the  time  was  spent  in  a  fierce  though 
intermittent  war,  in  which  the  treaties  concluded  at  Rys- 
wick,  at  Utrecht,  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  and  at  Paris  seem  to 
stand  only  as  truces,  to  mark  breathing-spaces  when  the 
exhausted  combatants  fell  back,  perforce,  to  gain  new 
strength,  and  fresh  breath  for  another  attack. 


COLONIZATION  OF   THE   NEW   WORLD.  21 

There  was  one  reason  during  the  eighteenth  century 
which  opposed  France  to  England  which  had  not  existed 
in  the  centuries  before.  It  was,  to  a  certain  extent,  con 
nected  with  that  cause  which  Franklin  came  to  Paris  to 
represent.  The  colonial  supremacy  of  the  world  had,  for 
some  time,  been  at  stake,  and  the  two  foremost  nations  of 
Europe  had  fought  the  question  through. 

The  Discovery  of  America  had  given  to  Spain  and  Por 
tugal  an  advantage  over  the  other  nations  of  Europe  which 
those  two  nations  were  not  slow  to  improve.  And  that 
these  two  Christian  powers  should  not  come  into  hostile 
contact,  the  world  was  divided  between  them  by  the  be 
neficent  Holy  Father.  Through  the  sixteenth  century, 
Spain  and  Portugal  were  the  foremost  commercial  powers 
in  Europe.  Spain  drew  exhaustless  revenues  from  Peru, 
from  Mexico,  and  from  the  West  Indies,  while  the  East 
Indies  and  Brazil  enriched  her  smaller  co-partner  in  the. 
ownership  of  God's  earth.  England  possessed  not  a  single 
town  outside  her  own  shores,  save  Calais,  and  France  was 
far  too  much  distracted  by  quarrels  of  Catholic  and  Hu 
guenot  within  her  borders  to  turn  her  attention  to  other 
worlds.  But,  by  the  beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century 
all  this  was  changed.  Spain  and  Portugal  still  held  the 
Pope's  Bull.  But  the  other  powers  of  Europe  had  begun 
to  participate  in  the  great  work  of  colonization.  The 
history  of  the  settlements  of  England  in  1700  is  familiar 
to  everybody.  The  twelve  colonies  in  America,  together 
with  some  in  the  West  India  Islands,  showed  her  power 
in  the  New  World,  while  the  Carnatic  and  the  Ganges 
began  to  be  dotted  with  the  trading-posts  whereby  she 
had  asserted  her  supremacy  over  an  older  civilization. 
And  France,  some  years  before  England,  had  set  her  foot 
hold  permanently  upon  the  continent  of  America.  The 
settlers  of  the  little  town  of  Port  Royal  in  Acadia  were 


22  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

whiling  away  the  winter  months  by  mimic  ceremonies 
and  light  hearted  shows  some  years  before  Jamestown 
was  in  being.  Soon  the  Jesuits  were  infected  with  en 
thusiasm  for  American  conquests.  Their  missions  were 
pushed  out  to  Lake  Huron,  and  their  hardy  missionaries 
were  to  be  seen  even  among  the  Iroquois  in  New  York 
and  the  Ottawas  at  Machillimakinac.  The  next  step  was 
the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi,  which  set  a  stream  of 
French  fur  traders  and  coureurs  des  lois  into  the  broad 
West  of  America  to  follow  the  lead  of  the  brilliant  and 
indomitable  La  Salle.  And,  just  before  the  eighteenth 
century  dawned,  Bienville  laid  out  the  old  French  town  at 
New  Orleans.  France  claimed  all  west  of  the  Mississippi, 
and  all  north  and  west  of  the  Ohio  and  the  Alleghanies. 
It  was  the  lion's  share  of  America.  In  1700,  America 
was,  on  the  map,  far  more  French  than  English.  The 
latter  had  twelve  colonies  cooped  in  by  the  Alleghany 
Mountains  and  the  Atlantic,  restrained  at  the  Kennebec 
by  the  French  and  Indians,  and  at  the  Altamaha  by  the 
Spanish  settlements  of  Florida.  But  France  had  open  to 
her  the  whole  basin  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  the  Great  Lakes, 
and  the  Mississippi,  —  stretching  away  to  the  Eocky  Moun 
tains,  with  a  probable  access  to  the  Pacific,  —  and  held  the 
keys  to  this  valley  at  Quebec  and  New  Orleans. 

In  the  West  Indies,  too,  French  colonization  was  becom 
ing  active.  Trade  with  the  islands  flourished  enormously. 
The  French  trade  began  to  drive  the  English  and  Spanish 
from  the  market.  It  is  said  that  the  French  half  of  San 
Domingo  (infinitely  more  prosperous  than  the  Spanish 
half)  was  by  itself  alone  equal  in  value  to  all  the  English 
West  Indies.  Martinique  and  Guadeloupe  were  overflow 
ing  with  all  sorts  of  wealth.  In  the  East  Indies,  also, 
France  was  at  work.  In  that  part  of  the  world  she  was 
for  some  years  the  chief  commercial  power;  the  Portuguese 


THE  SEVEN   YEARS'    WAR.  23 

and  the  Dutch  were  declining,  the  English  were  still 
weak.  In  the  Isle  of  France  was  La  Bourdonnais.  In 
the  Carnatic  was  Dupleix.  These  two  men  were  doing 
great  things  for  France  in  India,  and  could  their  magnifi 
cent  schemes  have  come  to  a  successful  end,  India  might 
to-day  be  French  rather  than  English. 

"  A  splendid  present,  an  alarming  future,"  says  Martin, 
of  the  situation.  The  two  hereditary  enemies  shared  the 
commercial  supremacy  of  the  world,  the  Dutch  being 
hardly  and  grudgingly  admitted  to  a  part.  But  neither 
France  nor  England  was  of  the  temper  to  allow  the  other 
to  advance  at  a  dangerous  rate.  The  wars  of  the  eigh 
teenth  century,  as  far  as  we  can -note  their  results  to-day, 
were  colonial  wars,  undertaken  for  colonial  supremacy, 
and  having  that  supremacy  for  their  reward.  When 
Franklin  appeared  at  Paris,  France  had  fought  her  rival 
through  four  ruinous  wars,  and  the  terms  upon  which  the 
combatants  had  last  sheathed  their  swords,  had  not  been 
such  that  France,  the  beaten  party,  felt  content  to  lie 
quiet. 

The  Peace  of  Paris  in  1763  had  ended  the  most  disas 
trous  of  these  struggles  with  her  hereditary  foe  in  which 
she  had  for  many  a  century  been  engaged.  Thanks  to 
complications  following  certain  disagreements  between 
Frederick  the  Great  and  Maria  Theresa,  thanks  also  to 
the  whims  of  the  Pompadour  and  the  ambitions  of  her 
favorites,  the  rulers  of  Europe  let  slip  the  dogs  of  war  to 
range  for  seven  long  years  up  and  down  the  length  of  this 
world  and  over  the  breadth  of  two  hemispheres.  The 
years  between  1756  and  1763  were  marked  by  some  of 
the  most  doleful  contests  by  which  the  world  has  ever 
been  vexed.  In  Europe  Frederick  himself  matched  his 
military  stratagem  and  his  never-failing  resolution  against 
the  overwhelming  numbers  of  Russia  and  Austria,  while 


24 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


England  and  Hanover  engaged  successfully  the  marshals 
of  Louis  XV.  In  America,  over  the  great  part  of  the 
Continent,  from  the  Ohio  to  the  Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence, 
Frenchmen  and  Indian  were  arrayed  against  British 1 
regulars,  provincials,  and  the  Iroquois ;  and,  following  on 
Louisburg,  Ticonderoga,  Duquesne,  and  Quebec  stand  as 
reminders  of  that  struggle  which  for  years  sounded  on  the 

ears  of  our  forefathers.  And  not 
only  on  our  own  far-away  land  did 
European  quarrels  bring  disaster 
and  suffering.  Even  in  the  An 
tipodes  the  schemes  of  the  Prus 
sian  King  and  the  intrigues  of 
the  Parisian  Court  fanned  into 
sudden  flame  the  innumerable 


smoulder  in  us    of 


intrigue 


and 


FREDERICK   OF   PRUSSIA. 


plotting  by  French  or  English 
in  the  Carnatic.  They  offered 
opportunity,  not  in  vain,  in  which 
Clive  made  for  himself  an  undy 
ing  name,  and  wealth  which  seemed  unending,  over  the 
bodies  of  La  Bourdonnais  and  Dupleix.  At  the  same 
time  he  laid  for  England  the  foundations  of  a  govern 
ment  over  the  semi-barbaric  tribes  of  Hindostan.  On 
the  shores  of  Africa  as  well,  and  in  the  West  Indies, 
the  English  and  French  arms  sought  each  other.  Spain, 
too,  became  involved  in  the  general  struggle.  The  far- 

1  The  use  of  this  word,  universal  in  the  American  histories  of  the  Rev 
olution,  is  ridiculed  sometimes  in  England  as  a  provincialism.  But  it  was 
universal  in  the  English  literature  of  the  time.  It  came  in  with  the  union 
with  Scotland,  and  the  Scotch  writers  were  numerous  enough  and  efficient 
enough  to  keep  it  in  constant  demand  whenever  both  parts  of  the  kingdom 
were  spoken  of.  Even  Dr.  Johnson  constantly  speaks  of  Britain.  With 
the  passage  of  a  generation  the  larger  part  of  the  island  gained  its  old 
name  in  English  literature. 


THE   TREATY  OF   PARIS. 


reaching  schemes  of  Pitt  struck  at  her  Indian  possessions 
East  and  West,  and  the  loss  of  the  Havana  and  of  the 
Philippines  was  the  price  she  might  have  paid  for  declar 
ing  war  against  the  chief  maritime  power  of  Europe. 
Not  only  on  land,  but  at  sea  as  well,  did  these  great 
naval  powers  array  their  strength  against  each  other,  and 
match  their  fleets,  Titanic  three-deckers  and  ponderous 
frigates,  in  battles  which  lasted  till  little  was  left  but 
the  floating  hulks  for  victor  or  vanquished.  And  it  was 
now,  for  the  first  time,  after  the  many  fierce  encounters 
of  this  colonial  war,  that  Great  Britain  rose,  acknowledged 
the  greatest  maritime  power  of  the  world. 

|_Everywhere  had  France  come  forth  from  the  struggle 
humbled,  defeated,  overwhelmed.  Her  armies  were  beaten, 
her  navies  shattered,  her  possessions  overrun  throughout 
the  world.  Quebec,  Louisburg,  Pondicherry,  Plassey  recall 
the  reluctant  steps  by  which  she  receded  from  her  colonies 
in  America,  India,  in  Africa  and  the  West  Indies,  —  while 
not  a  few  victories  on  land  and  sea  caused  her  flag  to 
vanish  from  the  ocean,  and  her  prestige  on  European 
battlefields  to  receive  a  crushing  blowj 

The  war  had  been  one  for  colonial  supremacy.  France 
had  been  beaten,  and  it  was  in  her  colonial  possessions 
that  she  principally  suffered.  In  North  America,  where 
Champlain  had  discovered  a  field  for  the  enthusiastic 
labors  of  the  heroic  Jesuits,  where  Frontenac  had  pro 
tected  and  strengthened  New  France  and  Montcalm  had 
heroically  defended  her,  —  France  ceded  the  whole  of  her 
vast  possessions,  retaining  for  herself  only  two  small 
islands,  St.  Pierre  and  Miquelon,  on  which  to  dry  fish. 
England  received  Acadia,  Cape  Breton,  the  islands  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  and  all  Canada.  These  were  possessions 
absolutely  necessary  to  her  American  empire,  as  will  be 
seen  by  any  one  who  notes  how  very  small  a  part  of  the 


26  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Continent  is  included  in  the  original  thirteen  colonies, 
even  adding  Nova  Scotia.  England  then  possessed  the 
Continent  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi.  The  re 
mainder  of  America,  so  far  as  France  had  any  claim  to  it, 
had  already  been  ceded  by  her  to  Spain.  Most  of  the 
English  colonies  claimed  by  their  charters  to  run  west 
ward  to  the  South  Sea.  But  these  charters  were  written 
when  no  man  knew  where  the  South  Sea  was,  and  such 
claim  as  England  founded  on  Drake's  discovery  of  New 
Albion  was  now  hardly  maintained  even  by  England.  So 
far  as  the  Pacific  coast  of  America  was  known  it  was  gen 
erally  supposed  to  belong  to  Spain. 

In  the  West  Indies,  France  fared  better.  Guadeloupe, 
Marie-Galante,  Ddsirade,  Martinique,  and  St.  Lucia  were 
restored  to  her.  She  had  lost  them  in  the  war.  But 
England  was  to  retain  Granada,  St.  Vincent,  Dominica, 
and  Tobago.  In  Africa,  Goree  was  restored  to  France, 
but  England  retained  her  conquest  of  Senegal.  But 
greater  than  these  was  the  loss  in  India.  There  the 
French  flag  was  no  longer  seen,  and  French  diplomacy 
and  intrigue  were  banished  from  the  Indian  courts  to  give 
place  to  English  intrigue  and  diplomacy.  La  Bourdonnais 
and  Dupleix  had  dreamed  of  splendid  empires  for  France 
in  Hindostan.  The  Carnatic,  the  Deccan,  Bengal,  were  to 
come  under  French  sway;  the  English  and  the  Dutch 
were  to  be  crowded  to  the  wall ;  India  was  to  be  ruled  by 
native  princes  under  the  hand  of  France ;  and  from  the 
vast  storehouses  of  the  East  miraculous  wealth  should 
rejoice  the  hearts  of  all  Frenchmen.  This  magnificent 
kingdom  in  the  air,  unsupported  by  aid  from  home, 
crumbled  at  the  touch  of  the  genius  of  Clive.  Dupleix 
dreamed,  and  would  have  accomplished  had  it  not  been 
for  maddening  circumstances.  Clive  dreamed  little,  and 
did  his  work  in  spite  of  everything. 


r FRANCE   DESIRES   WAR.  27 


A  glance  at  the  map,  then,  after  the  Treaty  of  1763, 
would  have  shown  France  possessed  of  a  few  dozen 
islands,  scattered  here  and  there,  with  a  few  posts  on  the 
outskirts  of  those  continents  which  had  been  once  over 
run  by  her  troops  and  traders,  and  ruled  by  her  governors. 
On  the  map  of  Europe  boundaries  were,  practically,  un 
changed.  But  even  here  victorious  England  was  able  to 
insult,  if  not  injure,  her  prostrate  foe.  Dunkirk,  the  old 
stronghold  for  French  cruisers,  pirates,  and  smugglers, 
must  lose  its  teeth.  The  harbor  was  to  be  filled  up  and 
the  fortifications  to  be  levelled  to  the  ground.  An  English 
commissioner  was  to  superintend  these  operations,  and  to 
remain  afterward  that  nothing  should  be  done  in  the  way 
of  rebuilding  without  his  consent. 

France  felt  this  insult  keenly.  It  is  said  of  Vergennes, 
the  minister,  that  he  could  never  hear  of  that  treaty  with 
out  a  shudder.  It  is  not  wonderful. 
[^France  was  undoubtedly  smarting  to  go  to  war  with 
England.  But  was  it  natural  that  she  should  desire  to 
aid  these  American  colonies  to  gain  their  independence? 
Eevolution  against  kings  was  no  more  a  part  of  the 
Bourbon  creed  in  1776  than  in  1820,  the  days  of  the  Holy 
Alliance.  Would  Louis  XVI.  care  to  join  a  Revolutionary 
army,  even  against  an  inveterate  foe  ?  And  again,  these 
colonists  were  men  who  twenty  years  before  had  stood 
shoulder  to  shoulder  against  the  French  regiments  in 
America,  had  marched  with  the  Iroquois  against  Quebec 
and  Montreal.  George  Washington,  their  general,  was 
that  very  leader  of  the  provincials  who  was  associated 
painfully  in  the  minds  of  the  French,  by  the  Jumonville 
affair,  with  that  war  which  had  ended  in  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  America.  Such  reasons  as  these 
might  well  have  turned  the  French  people  from  the 
American  alliance.  Yet  the  French  people  in  all  classes, 


28  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

even  the  Court,  for  once,  disagreed  with  the  King,  and  de 
sired  war  with  England  in  aid  of  the  American  colonies. 
Other  influences  than  these  were  at  work] 

The  French  Eevolution  was  not  the  impulsive  outburst 
of  a  sudden  popular  whim.  The  long-growing  discontent 
and  dissatisfaction,  the  new-born  ideas  of  social  equality, 
of  the  rights  of  man,  the  theories  put  forth  in  the  radical 
utterances  of  Voltaire  and  the  Encyclopedists  were  in 
existence  long  before  1789.  They  existed  in  1776,  and, 
because  of  them,  was  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
hailed  by  many  in  France  as  being  the  expression  of  the 
greatest  and  highest  truths.  Their  hearts  went  out  in 
great  sympathy  toward  the  upholders  of  these  noble  and 
lovely  doctrines.  And  such  sympathy,  such  enthusiasm, 
such  feeling  as  this,  was  enough  to  utterly  counteract  and 
destroy  any  small  feelings  of  former  distrust  and  rivalry, 
any  remnants  of  former  hatred.  France  wished  to  aid 
America.  The  King  was  almost  alone  in  his  nation  in  his 
resolution  to  keep  peace  with  Great  Britain. 

This  was  France  when  Franklin  reached  Bordeaux. 
She  was  a  nation  hostile  to  Great  Britain,  by  the  long- 
continued  tradition  of  centuries,  —  an  humbled  nation 
smarting  to  recover  her  lost  prestige  and  to  console  her 
wounded  pride,  —  a  nation  whose  heart  was  just  beginning 
to  throb  with  new  ideas,  which  saw  these  new  ideas 
trampled  on,  in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  this  hereditary 
and  victorious  foe.  She  was  also  a  nation  which  saw  in 
the  American  trade  an  object  worth  striving  for.  It  was 
natural  that  the  United  States  should  turn  to  France  first 
among  the  nations  of  Eurorje.) 

|>The_other  nations  of  Europe  were  not  so  likely  to  wel 
come  an  alliance  with  the  new  nation  as  was  France. 
The  reasons  which  urged  France  were  lacking  with  them. 
Yet  it  was  not  impossible  that  they  might  take  up  arms 


THE   TEMPER   OF  EUROPE.  29 

against  Great  Britain,  and  to  that  end  Congress  sent  its 
agents  eventually  to  the  Courts  of  Spain,  of  Austria,  of 
Prussia,  of  Eussia,  and  of  Tuscany,  and  to  the  United 
Netherlands^ 

\j ,  f  Spain  was  perhaps  the  most  likely  to  join  with  France 
'in  alliance  against  Great  Britain.  Although  by  no  means 
sharing  in  the  hatred  of  centuries,  Spain  had  been  suffi 
ciently  beaten  and  humbled  by  the  Seven  years'  war  to 
regard  England  as  an  enemy  rather  than  a  friend;  and 
should  France  take  up  arms,  Spain  was  bound  to  her  by 
the  family  compact  and  would  be  likely  to  follow  her 
lead.  But  the  great  difficulty  was  here :  Spain  owned 
half  the  new  world.  Her  colonies  stretched  over  great 
parts  of  North,  South,  and  Central  America.  It  was 
hardly  probable  that  she  would  aid  the  colonies  of  her 
neighbor  to  -free  themselves.  The  precedent  was  too 
dangerous. 

Austria  was  at  this  time  the  ally  of  France.  The  old 
political  system  of  Europe  had  been  founded  upon  their 
rivalry.  The  Seven  years'  war  changed  that  system  ut 
terly.  France  and  Austria  fought  side  by  side.  The 
courts  of  France  and  Austria  also,  though  not  bound  to 
gether  by  the  tie  of  blood,  were  now  bound  by  that  of 
marriage.  Austria,  in  choosing  between  France  and  Eng 
land,  would  naturally  choose  France.  But  it  would  be  far 
more  likely  that  she  would  choose  neither,  that  she  would 
stand  neutral,  even  if  France  could  be  drawn  into  the 
struggle.  Her  sympathies  were  strongly  with  absolutism  ; 
she  cared  little  enough  for  maritime  or  colonial  affairs, 
and  she  had  quite  enough  to  do  to  keep  her  eye  on  Fred 
erick  on  the  north  and  upon  the  Turk  on  the  south,  with 
out  troubling  herself  with  America. 

Prussia,  too,  was  unlikely  to  enter  the  contest,  and  for 
similar  general  reasons.  Prussia  had  been  the  ally  of 


30  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

England  in  her  former  struggle  with  France;  but  the 
bonds  of  friendship  had  been  loosened,  and  the  old  King 
was  beginning  to  consider  the  expediency  of  French  rather 
than  English  alliance. 

Of  the  Northern  States  of  Europe,  it  might  be  hoped 
that  Eussia  would  support  some  broad  doctrine  regarding 
the  freedom  of  the  seas.  Denmark  and  Sweden  would 
soon  be  interested  in  the  same  questions.  Of  the  other 
States  of  Europe  mention  need  hardly  be  made.  The 
States  of  Italy  were  then,  on  the  whole,  too  powerless 
and  divided  to  provide  any  sensible  aid,  had  they  been 
so  inclined.  The  two  Sicilies  were  allied  to  France  and 
Spain  through  the  family  compact,  but  they  would  in  all 
probability  see  their  safest  path  in  neutrality.  As  for 
Portugal,  her  sympathies  were  decidedly  English ;  and  so 
soon  as  she  had  to  decide,  she  closed  her  ports  to  Ameri 
can  cruisers.  Holland  was  the  only  European  power 
beside  France  from  which  an  alliance  could  be  reasonably 
expected.  The  Dutch  were  old-time  rivals  of  England, 
were  a  commercial  nation,  were  on  the  whole  at  this  time 
under  French  influence,  and  were  bound  by  their  own  his 
tory  to  sympathize  in  the  endeavors  for  American  liberty. 
As  a  matter  of  fact,  Holland  was  the  first  power  after 
France  to  ally  herself  with  the  United  States.] 

But  if  the  French  people  longed  for  a  war  with  Eng 
land,  their  King,  on  the  whole,  disliked  the  idea  of  the  war 
which  must  follow  alliance  with  America.  It  is  true  that 
he  felt  keenly  the  exclusion  of  his  country  from  the  com 
mercial  system  of  the  world,  and  would  willingly  have 
lent  his  aid  to  anything  which  should  tend  toward  weak 
ening  the  enormous  colonial  and  maritime  supremacy 
which  Great  Britain  had  obtained.  Yet  he  disliked  the 
idea  of  aiding  rebellious  subjects.  Louis  XVI.  was  a  firm 
believer  in  the  divine  right  of  kings,  and  could  not  think 


THE   WAR   PARTY   TRIUMPHS.  31 

with  complacency  of  aiding  those  who  should  rise  against 
them.  True,  he  hardly  regarded  George  III.  as  a  lawful 
monarch.  He  was  continually  pressed  by  assertions  that 
it  was  useless  for  him  to  refrain  from  open  hostilities,  for 
that  England,  whether  she  subdued  her  rebellious  colonies 
or  not,  would  hardly  wait  for  a  pretext  to  seize  the  few 
West  India  Islands  that  still  remained  to  France.1  Yet 
his  sense  of  right  forbade  his  breaking  faith  unprovoked. 
He  had  no  love  for  war ;  he  knew  that  France  was  in  no 
real  condition  for  war.  But  Louis  himself,  with  two  or 
three  of  his  ministers,  were  almost  the  only  men  in  France 
who  did  not  clamor  for  aid  to  the  Americans  and  a  war 
with  England. 

Finally  the  war  party  triumphed.  Turgot,  who  foresaw 
the  enormous  expense  that  would  be  brought  on  a  nearly 
bankrupt  country  by  a  great  war,  and  who  foresaw  also 
the  ultimate  emancipation  of  the  colonies,  even  should  the 
aid  of  France  be  withheld,  and  the  King,  who  shrunk 
from  the  idea  of  war  in  the  abstract  and  disliked  the 
thought  of  breaking  faith  with  his  hereditary  foe  without 
sufficient  cause,  were  both  overruled  by  the  eager  desire 
of  the  Court  for  a  war  of  revenge  against  England,  which 
should  wipe  out  the  shame  of  the  treaty  of  Paris,  and  by 
the  universal  enthusiastic  sympathy  for  a  nation  strug 
gling  for  freedom.  War  was  in  the  air.  France  drifted 
from  real  neutrality  to  secret  and  unrecognized  alliance, 

1  "  The  English  ministry  beaten  on  the  Continent  may  seek  indemnity 
at  the  expense  of  France  and  Spain."  —  Report  of  Bonvouloir.  BAN 
CROFT,  viii.  331.  "If  England  triumphs  in  America,  it  can  be  only  at 
enormous  expense,  both  in  men  and  money.  Now  the  only  recompense 
that  the  English  think  of  for  so  great  a  loss  is  to  seize  the  French  sugar 
islands.  ...  If  the  Americans  are  conquerors,  the  moment  they  are  free 
the  English  will  be  more  than  ever  desirous  of  making  good  their  loss  by 
the  easy  capture  of  our  American  possessions."  —  Beaumarchais  to  the 
King.  LoMfiNiE,  ii.  103. 


32  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

and  from  this  unrecognized  alliance  she  was  rapidly 
pushed  into  open  and  undisguised  war.  When  Franklin 
arrived  in  France  she  was  in  the  second  of  these  phases. 
The  King  and  ministers  declared  themselves  neutral,  and 
yet  cannon  and  military  stores  were  withdrawn  from  the 
royal  arsenals  and  landed  on  the  shores  of  America, 
while  a  train  of  French  officers  offered  their  services  to 
Washington.  It  was  the  business  of  Franklin  to  turn 
this  second  phase  into  the  third,  —  open  and  undisguised 
alliance  with  America,  and  aid  no  longer  secret  against 
Great  Britain.  The  change  from  real  neutrality  to  secret 
alliance  had  been  effected  largely  through  the  efforts  of 
one  man.  The  story  of  Franklin's  stay  in  France  would 
not  be  in  any  way  complete  without  the  history  of  the 
business  house  of  Eodrique  Hortalez  and  Company,  and  of 
its  director,  Caron  de  Beaumarchais. 


CHAPTEE  III. 

CARON   DE   BEAUMARCHAIS. 

THE  name  of  le  Sieur  de  Beaumarchais  is  not  an  un 
familiar  one  to  the  reader  of  the  French  memoirs  and 
correspondence  of  the  reigns  of  Louis  XV.  and  his  suc 
cessor.  "  By  turns  a  politician,  an  agent,  a  man  of  busi 
ness,  an  author,  an  advocate,  a  libertine,  he  seizes  on  all 
roles  at  once,  and  thinks  that  he  can  fill  each  one  satis 
factorily,"  says  an  ill-natured  chronicler. 1  We  hear  of 
him  in  all  these  capacities.  A  brilliant  courtier,  a  favorite 
of  the  family  of  Louis  XV.,  he  is  often  heard  of  in  tales 
of  court  intrigue ;  the  most  brilliant  comedy  writer  since 
Moliere,  his  "  Marriage  of  Figaro."  would  not  escape  the 
notice  of  the  journalists ;  a  shrewd  political  agent,  in  favor 
with  Maurepas,  his  connection  with  the  romantic  Cheva 
lier  d'Eon  furnishes  much  material  for  speculation ;  a  man 
of  letters,  a  beau  esprit,  a  copy  of  verses  by  him  now  and 

1  BACHAUMONT,  xv.  186.  The  volumes  of  the  "Mernoires  secretes  pour 
servir  a  1'histoire  de  la  Republique  des  lettres,"  etc.,  are  very  rich  in  allu 
sions  to  Beaumarchais  at  about  this  time.  Though  usually  quoted  as 
"Memoires  of  Bachaumont,"  only  the  first  five  volumes  were  written  by 
that  gentleman.  The  volumes  which  cover  the  earlier  part  of  Franklin's 
stay  in  France  were  written  by  Pidansat  de  Mairobert,  "a  bold  intriguer, 
a  caustic  conversationalist,  an  oracle  at  the  foyers  of  the  comedy,  a  cour 
tier  of  the  lieutenants  of  the  police,  .  .  .  who  figures  before  us  as  a  follower, 
an  imitator,  a  diminutive  of  Beaumarchais,  but  without  his  genius."  A 
man  of  this  stamp  could  hardly  speak  of  his  greater  prototype  without 
some  prejudice  ;  and  accordingly  we  find  that  every  mention  of  Beaumar 
chais  in  these  volumes  of  Bachaumont  is  tinged  by  a  hatred  and  a  malice, 
which  do  not  impair  their  value  if  every  allowance  be  made. 

3 


34  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

then  finds  its  way  into  the  Me'moires ; 1  a  vigorous  contro 
versialist,  his  manifold  disputes  are  much  noted  and  com 
mented  upon  by  the  sharp-eyed  gentlemen,  who  have 
together  preserved  for  us  what  is  probably  the  most  care 
ful  and  minute  picture  ever  made  of  the  manners  and 
literature  of  a  time  as  little  worthy  of  it  as  any  that 
naturally  occurs  to  one.  There  is,  however,  one  point  in 
the  life  of  Beaurnarchais  as  to  which  they  are  all  in  the 
dark ;  namely,  his  connection  with  Franklin,  Deane,  and 
Lee.  On  this  topic,  although  we  find  some  notice  here  or 
there,  it  is  usually  something  set  down  with  an  utter  mis 
conception  of  the  true  nature  of  the  manner  in  which 
/  Beaumarchais  took  up  the  American  cause  at  the  court  of 
France,  pressed  it  unceasingly  upon  the  ministers  and 
King,  and  finally  won  round  Vergennes,  and  by  his  means 
the  King,  to  sending  secret  aid  to  the  Americans^]  So 
whatever  we  can  get  from  memoir- writers  on  this  subject 
will  be  of  small  importance  to  us.  Fortunately,  there 
are  other  sources  of  information. 

To  begin,  then,  at  the  beginning.  Although  known  to  us 
always  as  Beaumarchais,  the  courtier,  the  man  of  letters, 
the  adventurer,  and  so  on,  he  passed  the  first  twenty-five 
years  of  his  life  as  Pierre  Augustin  Caron,  the  watch 
maker.  His  father,  Andre  Charles  Caron,  was  a  watch 
maker  before  him,  and  a  remarkably  expert  one ;  and  the 
only  son  among  six  children  was  naturally  marked  out  to 
follow  the  trade  of  his  father.  And  while  he  worked  as  a 
watchmaker,  he  worked  brilliantly  and  well,  and  made 

1  "We  quote  a  few  lines  from  his  "Stances  sur  les  Femmes,"  which  we 
do  not  remember  to  have  seen  copied  in  any  English  book. 

"  Retenez  ce  bon  mot  d'un  sage, 
(Des  moeurs  c'est  le  grand  secret), 
Toute  femme  vaut  un  hommage, 
Bien  peu  sont  dignes  d'un  regret." 


BEAUMAECHAIS  IN  LONDON.  35 

certain  inventions  and  improvements  which  made  him  in 
his  own  profession  a  person  of  some  promise  and  conse 
quence.  But  it  was  not  his  destiny  to  pass  his  life  at 
a  watchmaker's  bench.  A  lucky  marriage  gave  him  the 
entree  at  Court,  and  his  own  family,  "obscure,  mais  in- 
tdressante,"  fostered  the  literary  genius  that  lay  dormant 
in  him.1  The  inborn  push  and  spirit  of  the  man  did  the 
rest,  so  that  in  1775  we  find  him  a  person  of  assured  posi 
tion  both  at  Court  and  in  the  world  of  letters,  —  a  man 
known  and  talked  of,  admired  and  hated,  and,  in  fact,  one 
of  the  prominent  figures  in  the  little  world  of  Paris  and 
Versailles,  social,  political,  literary,  judicial,  and  otherwise. 
He  was  just  the  man  to  pick  up  some  wild  or  crack-brained 
scheme,  push  it  through  every  obstacle  and  difficulty  with 
theatrical  determination,  and  arrive  at  the  conclusion  of 
his  labors  covered  with  gratitude,  hatred,  and  scorn  from 
the  various  parties  concerned,  —  possibly,  though  not  prob 
ably,  with  some  financial  remuneration,  —  and  last,  and  to 
Beaumarchais  not  least,  crowned  with  eclat,  and  invested 
with  the  compelled  admiration  of  all  the  world. 

'This  man  in  1775  became  wild  with  enthusiasm  for 
America.!  During  the  summer  of  that  year  Beaumarchais 
went  often  to  London  on  certain  business  for  the  King  of 
France,  unconnected  with  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
This  business  was  only  a  blind  as  far  as  his  real  interests 
were  concerned;  Beaumarchais  wanted  to  know  more 

1  In  this  watchmaker's  family  verses  were  constantly  made  and  handed 
about,  letters  were  written  with  care  and  read  with  admiration,  and  bon 
mots  were  exchanged  with  clever  abbes  and  gens  des  lettres.  Diderot  was 
admired,  and  Richardson  was  adored.  This  last,  by  the  way,  will  supply 
the  curious  with  an  amusing  picture  of  the  young  Beaumarchais.  "An 
other  Grandison,"  writes  his  sister  Julie  with  care  in  her  note-book  ; 
"  his  genius,  his  goodness,  the  same  noble  and  superior  soul,  equally  sweet 
and  honest  ;  he  is  the  friend  of  men.  Grandison  is  the  glory  of  all  who 
surround  him,  and  Beaumarchais  their  happiness." 


36  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE.      • 

than  he  did  about  the  state  of  England  at  that  time,  and 
her  attitude  toward  her  rebellious  colonies.  He  had 
various  channels  of  information,  through  which  he  pro 
posed  to  hear  both  sides ;  and  being  of  an  optimistic  and 
enthusiastic  nature,  without  a  particularly  clear  and  well- 
balanced  intellect,  on  hearing  much  that  was  contra 
dictory  he  very  naturally  formed  an  incorrect  estimate  of 
the  state  of  parties.  Lord  Eochefort,  one  of  his  former 
friends,  being  now  Secretary  of  State  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
told  him  much  that  was  interesting,  though  perhaps  not 
very  well  founded  on  fact.  Another  friend  told  him 
more,  —  John  Wilkes,  whose  house  was  at  this  moment 
the  centre  of  the  Parliamentary  opposition  under  George 
III.,  and  therefore  the  rallying  place  for  all  particularly 
well-affected  toward  the  American  cause*.  At  this  time, 
although  Gage  was  shut  up  in  Boston  by  a  Continental 
army,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had  not  yet  en 
tirely  severed  relations  with  the  mother  country.  But 
the  idea  of  complete  separation  was  everywhere. 

Beaumarchais  at  once  reached  a  conclusion  in  which 
true  and  false  were  perhaps  equally  mingled.  "  Such  a 
nation,"  says  he,  "must  be  invincible;"  and  here  he  was  not 
far  wrong.  But  he  also  says,  "  England  is  in  such  a  crisis, 
such  a  disorder  without  and  within,  that  she  would  be 
nearly  on  the  brink  of  ruin  if  her  neighbors  and  rivals 
were  but  in  a  state  to  think  seriously  of  it."  "The  least 
check,"  he  says  further,  "  which  the  royal  army  shall  re 
ceive  in  America,  increasing  the  audacity  of  the  people 
and  of  the  opposition,  may  decide  affairs  in  London  when 
one  least  expects  it ;  and  if  the  King  sees  himself  forced  to 
give  way,  I  tell  you 'with  terror  that  I  do  not  believe  his 
crown  safer  on  his  head  than  the  heads  of  his  ministers 
on  their  shoulders."  This  is  exaggeration ;  it  shows,  how 
ever,  the  present  temper  of  the  man. 


BEAUMARCHAIS  AND   TURGOT.  37 

Beaumarchais  presented  his  views  to  the  King,  but  did 
not  at  this  time  urge  any  special  action.  This  was  in 
September,  1775.  Three  months  more  changed  his  views. 
He  became  convinced  that  France,  if  she  had  any  regard 
for  her  own  safety,  must  attack  England.  He  went  to 
London  again  and  again,  and  returned  each  time  with  his 
sympathies  for  America  stirred  to  their  greatest  extent. 
"  The  Americans  will  conquer,"  was  the  idea  forever  buzz 
ing  in  his  brain,  —  "  the  Americans  will  conquer,  but  how  ? 
It  must  be  by  the  aid  of  France.  France  must  give  as 
sistance,  —  if  not  openly,  why  then 
->x  in  secret."  These  ideas  continually 

filled  his  mind,  and  excluded  every 
thing  else.  He  had  nothing  in  him 
of  the  calm  calculation  of  Turgot, 
who  had  said  in  measured  sentences, 
"  Whatever  may  or  ought  to  be  the 
wish  of  the  two  crowns  [of  France 
and  Spain],  nothing  can  arrest  the 
TURGOT.  course  of  events,  which  sooner  or 

later  will  bring  about  the  absolute 

independence  of  the  English  Colonies.  ...  It  is  a  very 
delicate  question  to  know  if  we  can  indeed  help  the 
Americans  to  ammunition  or  money.  .  .  .  We  ought  to 
limit  ourselves  to  measures  of  caution,  —  to  precipitate 
nothing  unless  the  conduct  of  England  shall  give  us  rea 
son  to  believe  that  she  really  thinks  of  attacking  us.  ... 
As  for  us,  the  King  knows  the  condition  of  his  finances. 
.  .  .  For  a  necessary  war  resources  could  be  found ;  but 
war  ought  to  be  shunned  as  the  greatest  of  misfortunes, 
since  it  would  render  impossible,  perhaps  forever,  a  reform 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  prosperity  of  the  State  and  the 
solace  of  the  people." 

With  Beaumarchais  we  see  a  different  thought,  —  a  rush 


38  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

of  passionate  and  plausible  argument,  which  over-clouds 
reason  and  substitutes  for  it  enthusiasm. 

On  reaching  home  after  one  of  these  trips  to  London 
Beaumarchais  penned  — 

PEACE    OR    WAR.  1 

To  the  King  alone  : 

The  King  of  England,  the  ministry,  the  Parliament,  the 
opposition,  the  nation,  the  English  people,  the  parties 
which  tear  asunder  the  State  agree  in  giving  up  all  hope 
of  bringing  back  the  American  Colonies  without  a  severe 
struggle.  Lord  North  and  Lord  Germaine  would  will 
ingly  give  up  to  Lord  Shelburne  and  Lord  Kocking- 
ham,  but  the  latter  fear  to  accept ;  for  they  fear  the 
Americans  are  so  much  encouraged  that  they  will  not 
now  accept  the  conditions  which  they  begged  two  years 
since. 

Now,  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  secret  deputy  of  the  Colonies  at 
London,  is  discouraged  by  the  uselessness  of  his  applica 
tions  to  France  for  assistance.  He  offers  a  secret  treaty  of 
commerce  in  exchange  for  secret  help. 

Consider  everything,  Sire.     You  will  see  that  — 

1°.  If  England  triumphs,  they  will  seek  to  make  up  the 
cost  necessary  for  such  a  struggle  by  seizing  our  West 
India  sugar  islands. 

2°.  If  America  conquers,  the  English  will  try  to  make 
up  the  loss  of  some  of  her  American  Colonies  by  acquiring 
all  of  ours. 

3°.  If  England  gives  up  the  Colonies  without  a  blow, 
the  result  is  the  same,  save  that  England  will  be  stronger 
and  the  better  able  to  make  war. 

1  This  document  may  be  found  in  full  in  LOM^NIE'S  "  Beaumarchais  et 
son  Temps,"  ii.  99,  as  well  as  for  the  most  part  in  PARTON'S  Franklin,  ii. 
181. 


RODRIQUE   HORTALEZ   AND   CO. 


39 


4°.  If  America  and  England  are  reconciled,  the  Ameri 
cans,  enraged  against  France  by  her  present  refusal  to  aid 
them,  threaten  to  join  the  English  in  the  attack. 

What  to  do?  We  can  preserve  peace  only  by  giving 
aid  to  the  Americans  ;  two  or  three  millions  may  save  us 
our  sugar  islands,  worth  three  hundred. 

Beaumarchais  put  his  case  very  strongly,  but  the  King 
was  unmoved.  Vergennes,  who  at  heart  wished  for  war, 
remained  also  unmoved.  Beaumar 
chais  pressed  him  hard.  So  did  the 
English  Cabinet.  At  length  Ver 
gennes,  wearied  out  by  the  latter, 
succumbed  to  the  former.  Beau 
marchais  at  once  formulated  his 
scheme.  A  commercial  house  sus 
tained  by  government  aid  should 
furnish  the  Americans  money  or 
munitions.  3,000,000  livres  would 
do  wonders.1 

Vergennes  decided  to  propose  it 

to  the  King.  "  But,"  he  said  to  Beaumarchais,  "  the  opera 
tion  must  have  essentially  in  the  eyes  of  the  English 
government,  and  even  in  the  eyes  of  the  Americans,  the 
aspect  of  an  individual  speculation,  to  which  we  are 
strangers.  That  it  may  be  so  in  appearance,  it  must  be 
so  to  a  certain  extent  in  reality.  We  will  give  you 
secretly  a  million.  We  will  endeavor  to  persuade  the 
Court  of  Spain  to  unite  in  giving  you  another.  With 
these  two  millions  you  shall  found  a  great  commercial 
establishment,  and  at  your  own  risk  and  peril  you  shall 
furnish  to  America  arms  and  everything  else  necessary 
to  sustain  war.  Our  arsenals  will  deliver  to  you  arms 

1  One  livre  was  twenty  sons,  and  corresponds  to  the  present  franc. 


VERGENNES. 


40  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

and  munitions,  but  you  shall  pay  for  them.  You  will 
not  demand  money  of  the  Americans,  for  they  have  none ; 
but  you  can  ask  return  in  their  staple  products."  Such 
was  the  plan  for  secret  aid.  The  King  assented.  The  two 
millions  were  obtained,  and  Beaumarchais  constituted 
himself  the  managing  partner  of  the  great  firm  of  Rod- 
rique  Hortalez  and  Co.1  All  this  was  in  the  spring  and 
summer  of  1776. 

As  soon  as  the  promise  of  the  million  was  given  by 
France,  Beaumarchais  wrote  to  Arthur  Lee  :  "  The  difficul 
ties  which  I  have  found  in  my  negotiations  with  the  minis 
ter  have  led  me  to  form  a  company  which  shall  send  as 
soon  as  possible  munitions  and  powder  to  your  friends, 
taking  returns  in  tobacco  at  Cape  Francois."  2 

Affairs  would  have  run  their  course  more  smoothly  had 
Beaumarchais  not  written  this  letter,  for  very  shortly 
afterward  Silas  Dearie,3  the  recognized  commissioner  from 

1  Mairobert,  the   "diminutif  de  Beaumarchais,"  knows  not  what  to 
make  of  the  sudden  good  fortune  of  his  much-hated  master.     "  They  say 
to-day,"  he  remarks  about  this  time,  "that  the  cause  of  the  new  fortune 
of  Sieur  de  Beaumarchais  is  the  liking  which  the  Count  de  Maurepas  has 
taken  for  him.     He  amuses  this  minister  by  his  sarcasms,  and  is  singu 
larly  beloved  by  him  ;"  and  later  (27th  Sept.),  "Sieur  de  Beaumarchais 
is  developing  his  vast  schemes  for  the  future.     He  has  hired  a  very  great 
hotel  in  the  Rue  du  Temple,  where  he  establishes  a  business  house  of 
considerable  importance  ;  he  has  very  large  funds  at  his  disposition." 
(BACIIAUMONT.) 

There  is  also  much  speculation  as  to  the  cause  of  Beaumarchais's  jour 
neys  to  London,  —  which  it  is  decided  are  caused  by  curiosity  in  regard  to 
the  Chevalier  D'Eon,  — and  much  ill-natured  comment  on  a  magnificent 
diamond  ring,  —  worth  80,000  livres,  which  Beaumarchais  asserted  had 
been  given  him  by  the  Empress,  Queen  Maria  Theresa. 

2  Now  Cape  Haytien. 

3  Deane  assumes  in  the  Memoires  a  somewhat  romantic  appearance, 
rather   incompatible    with    the    character   of  a   Connecticut    merchant. 
"D'Ean,"  is  the  manner  in  which  at  least  one  Frenchman  alludes  to  the 
worthy  agent.  —  Corr.  Secrete,  iv.  384. 


ARTHUR   LEE.  41 

/ 

Congress  arrived  in  Paris,  and  after  a  little,  Beaumarchais 
came  to  a  complete  understanding  with  him  and  at  once 
broke  off  any  connection  with  Lee,  as  far  as  the  munitions 
went.  This  was  natural.  Deane  had  been  commissioned 
by  Congress  for  this  very  purpose.  Lee  had  not.  Beau 
marchais,  preferring  to  deal  with  an  accredited  agent, 
dropped  Lee  and  did  his  business  with  Deane. 

This  occasioned  many  difficulties,  all  arising  from  one 
source,  —  Arthur  Lee.  This  man  caused  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  to  his  fellow-commissioners,  first  and  last ;  about 
as  much  as  did  the  backwardness  of  the,  French  ministry, 
the  zeal  of  the  British  cruisers,  the  laxity  of  the  over- 
pressed  Continental  Congress  across  the  water,  and  the  low 
state  of  American  credit,  all  put  together.  One  can  hardly 
write  the  story  of  the  time  with  any  sympathy  for  Frank 
lin,  Deane,  or  Beaumarchais,  or  even  for  abstract  right, 
without  showering  a  good  deal  of  abuse  on  Arthur  Lee. 
His  was  one  of  those  characters  which,  though  probably 
reasonable  enough  to  their  ^possessors,  seem  to  others  to  be 
almost  miraculous  in  their  littleness  and  meanness.  It  is 
no  business  of  ours  to  place  vituperative  adjectives  to  the 
discredit  of  Arthur  Lee,  and  it  seems  unnecessary ;  for  the 
facts  of  the  case  as  they  are  understood  to-day  are  utterly 
incomprehensible  without  a  very  low  view  of  his  char 
acter.  To  state  the  good  side  first,  however,  —  to  our 
knowledge  it  was  never  charged  to  him  that  he  meditated 
treason,  as  did  Arnold ;  that  he  was  financially  dishonor 
able,  as  was  charged  against  Silas  Deane;  that  he  neg 
lected  what  he  conceived  to  be  his  duty  toward  Congress, 
as  did  Thomas  Morris.  The  only  charge  that  can  be 
truly  made  against  him  is  that  he  was  so  blinded  by  lack 
of  the  appreciation  which  he  conceived  to  be  deserved,  and 
envy  against  those  who  had  been  entrusted  with  duties 
which  he  conceived  to  be  his  by  right,  as  to  suffer  his 


42  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ideas  of  truth  to  become  quite  confused,  and  to  lie  like  a 
trooper  whenever  he  saw  an  opportunity  to  say  anything 
to  the  discredit  of  Franklin,  Deane,  or  Beaumarchais. 

With  the  last  of  these,  as  we  have  seen,  he  had  been  in 
timate.  To  this  intimacy  Beaumarchais  owed  very  largely 
his  later  financial  embarrassments.  He  met  this  young 
and  enthusiastic  Virginian,  of  one  of  the  best  families  in 
America,  and  at  once  fraternized  with  him. 

Beaumarchais  was  in  London  on  a  semi-political  errand. 
Lee  exaggerated  his  position.  He  supposed  that  he  saw 
in  Beaumarchais  a  secret  but  duly  accredited  negotiator 
between  the  French  Court  and  himself.  Before  the  firm 
of  Kodrique  Hortalez  and  Co.  was  formed,  it  is  very  probable 
that  Beaumarchais,  either  designedly  or  not,  conveyed  to 
Lee  the  idea  that  the  Court  of  France  had  determined 
to  give  outright  the  supplies  that  were  sent  to  Congress. 
Lee  never  disabused  himself  of  this  idea.  He  sent  letter 
after  letter  to  Congress  affirming  that  the  munitions  were  a 
free  gift  from  the  King  of  France,  though  a  disguised  one. 
Congress,  having  to  choose  between  the  fantastic  letters  of 
the  romantic  man  of  business  who  signed  himself  Kodrique 
Hortalez,  requesting  tobacco  and  other  things,  and  the 
repeated  and  earnest  assertions  of  Lee  that  no  tobacco 
need  be  forwarded,  very  naturally  chose  to  follow  the 
course  laid  out  by  the  latter.  They  sent  no  tobacco,  and 
answered  no  letters  from  Beaumarchais. 

Mr.  Parton  says  that  Arthur  Lee  "  knew  that  the  French 
ministry  had  changed  their  original  plan  of  sending 
money  and  stores  direct  to  Congress,  and  that  in  conse 
quence  of  this  change  Beaumarchais  had  set  up  a  com 
mercial  house  in  order  to  accomplish  the  same  end."  This 
is  probably  true.  But  there  is  no  evidence  known  to  us 
to  prove  that  Lee  knew  that  any  remuneration  was  really 
expected  for  them.  He  probably  considered  the  house  of 


ARTHUR  LEE'S  TROUBLES.  43 

Hortalez  to  be  merely  a  blind  to  Lord  Stormont,  set  up 
without  an  idea  of  doing  its  work  on  business  principles. 
With  this  idea  on  his  mind,  which  was  a  very  natural 
outcome  of  the  magnificent  promises  made  to  him,  in  all 
probability,  by  Beaumarchais  when  they  first  met  in  Lon 
don,  and  urged  by  very  bitter  hatred  of  Beaumarchais 
and  Deane,  Lee  looked  on  every  attempt  on  the  part  of 
the  house  of  Hortalez  to  obtain  a  return  for  the  cargoes  as 
a  corrupt  effort  on  the  part  of  the  confederates,  Beaumar 
chais  and  Silas  Deane,  to  enrich  themselves  at  the  expense 
of  Congress.  Lee  seems  to  have  been  a  man  who  having 
fixed  an  idea  in  his  head  was  absolutely  unable  to  remove 
it.  He  honestly  thought,  as  we  believe,  that  the  King  of 
France  meant  to  give  Congress  the  necessary  aid.  He 
was  furious  with  Beaumarchais  because  that  gentleman 
preferred  to  treat  with  a  recognized  agent  of  Congress 
rather  than  with  himself.  He  was  furious  with  Deane, 
who  seemed  to  have  robbed  him  of  the  chance  of  acquir 
ing  deserved  honor  by  doing  an  important  service  to  the 
country  he  loved.  He  hated  Franklin  on  his  arrival,  be 
cause,  on  account  of  the  wildly  enthusiastic  welcome 
accorded  the  sage,  he  himself  seemed  to  be  reduced  from 
first  or  second  place  to  third  or  even  fourth.  He  was 
angry  with  the  French  for  not  being  sufficiently  forward ; 
with  the  Spaniards  for  being  very  backward.  His  own 
undertakings  had  all  been  unsuccessful.  If  we  consider 
the  effect  of  all  this  upon  a  wildly  ambitious  but  still 
very  cramped,  narrow,  and  envious  nature  we  shall  easily 
evolve  Arthur  Lee's  behavior.  It  was  not  excusable,  but 
it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at.  The  nature  of  the  man  com 
pelled  him  to  acts  which  had  he  seen  them  in  their  true 
light  he  must  have  scorned.  He  was  a  man  who  longed 
to  do  something  great,  but  who  proved  by  his  impatience 
and  wrong-headedness  in  a  subordinate  capacity  that,  had 


44  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

he  had  the  opportunity  to  distinguish  himself  by  some 
noble  achievement,  he  could  hardly  have  succeeded.1 

It  was  on  June  10,  1776,  that  Beaumarchais  received 
at  the  orders  of  Vergennes  the  sum  of  a  million  livres 
from  the  French  treasury,  and  two  months  afterward 
he  received  another  million  from  the  Court  of  Spain. 
Some  time  subsequently  he  received  another  million  from 
France ;  and,  first  and  last,  two  millions  more  were  collected 
by  his  friends.  These  five  millions  were  to  form  the  capi 
tal  stock  of  a  great  commercial  house.  Beaumarchais 
was  the  house.  But  he  modestly  veiled  his  own  per 
sonality  under  the  romantic  and  yet  magnificent  name  of 
Kodrique  Hortalez^  aria  Company.  Acting  for  this  firm, 
Beaumarchais  hired  an  immense  hotel  in  Paris  (Hotel  de 
Hollande,  —  the  Dutch  ambassador  had  dwelt  there  in  the 
days  of  the  Grand  Monarque),  and  set  up  business  upon  a 
great  though  somewhat  eccentric  scale. 

In  July,  as  we  have  said,  Silas  Deane  arrived  in  Paris. 
He  had  been  commissioned  by  the  Continental  Congress 
to  treat  with  the  French  ministry.  It  was  the  mission  of 
this  gentleman  to  make  propositions  to  the  French  Court 
for  an  alliance  and  a  treaty  of  commerce,  and  to  corre 
spond  and  consult  with  the  other  agents  of  the  United 
States  in  Europe,  —  Dr.  Dubourg,  Arthur  Lee,  and  the 
rest,  —  in  regard  to  the  welfare  of  the  Colonies. 

Dr.  Dubourg  was  the  first  of  the  agents  to  whom 
Deane  presented  himself.2  He  first  presented  Deane  to 

1  Franklin,  three  years  later,  seems  to  have  judged  his  colleague  fairly 
enough.     He  says,  in  speaking  of  another  matter  :  "  Dr.  Lee's  accusation 
of  Captain  Landais  for  insanity  was   probably  well  founded ;  as  in  my 
judgment  would  have  been  the  same  accusation  if  it  had  been  brought  by 
Landais  against  Lee  ;  for  though  neither  of  them  are  permanently  mad, 
they  are  both  so  at  times,  and  the  insanity  of  the  latter  is  the  most  mis 
chievous."  —  Letter  to  Dr.  Cooper,  12th  Dec.  1780. 

2  With  cordial  letters  from  Franklin.     Dubourg,   of  whom  we  have 


SECRET  AID  FOR  AMERICA.  45 

Vergennes  on  the  17th  of  July.  Before  Vergennes  then, 
Deane,  as  directed,  laid  the  desires  of  Congress,  asking  in 
particular  for  two  hundred  pieces  of  cannon,  for  arms, 
munitions,  clothing,  and  equipage  for  25,000  men.  Ver 
gennes  naturally  refused  to  accede  to  this  request.  But 
although  he  said  that  His  Majesty  had  no  idea  of  furnish 
ing  America  with  all  these  necessaries,  he  mentioned 
Beaumarchais,  as  a  merchant  who  might  possibly  meet 
his  views  on.  reasonable  terms. 

Beaumarchais  at  once  wrote  to  Deane,  as  a  pure  man 
of  business,  offering  his  co-operation.  Deane  wrote  back, 
enclosing  him  a  copy  of  his  commission  and  of  the  portion 
of  his  instructions  relating  to  the  matter.  He  went  on  to 
speak  of  the  terms  on  which  the  arms  and  all  were  to  be 
sent.  "  A  year,"  he  said,  "  is  the  longest  credit  which  my 
compatriots  are  in  the  habit  of  taking,  and  the  Congress 
having  engaged  a  great  quantity  of  tobacco  in  Virginia 
and  in  Maryland  as  well  as  of  other  goods,  which  shall  be 
embarked  as  soon  as  ships  can  be  obtained,  I  have  no 
doubt  that  considerable  returns  of  staple  product  will  be 
returned  to  you  in  six  months,  and  that  the  whole  will  be 
paid  for  in  a  year."  One  or  two  more  letters  passed  be 
tween  the  two  gentlemen.  One  thing  seems  perfectly 
plain,  the  whole  transaction  was  a  business  dealing.  The 

spoken  already,  had  by  this  time,  given  up  the  practice  of  medicine,  and 
was  devoting  himself  to  the  American  cause  with  a  zeal  equal  to  that  of 
Beaumarchais,  though  without  such  marked  success.  He  was,  to  a  cer 
tain  extent,  in  the  confidence  of  Vergennes,  and  therefore  undoubtedly 
knew  of  the  plans  of  the  French  ministry  in  regard  to  furnishing  secret 
aid  to  America,  and  possibly  longed  to  have  a  part  of  it  pass  through  his 
hands.  In  such  a  state  of  things  it  was  not  at  all  unnatural  that  this 
quiet,  learned,  earnest  old  man  of  science  should  conceive  a  profound 
mistrust  for  the  gay  and  sparkling  comedian  whom  he  saw  take  into  his 
hands  the  2,000,000  livres,  which  the  worthy  Doctor  thought  would  come 
to  far  better  use  if  passed  through  his  own.  It  was  natural  that  Dubourg 
should  not  labor  to  bring  Deane  and  Beaumarchais  together. 


46  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

house  of  Hortalez  was  to  supply  munitions,  and  be  paid 
in  tobacco  in  a  year's  time,  if  possible. 

Beaumarchais  then  set  to  work  to  get  his  munitions 
together.  It  was  a  difficult  piece  of  work.  The  business 
was  one  rigorously  prohibited,  and  the  prohibition  was 
not  unlikely  to  be  carried  into  effect;  for  Lord  Stormont, 
the  British  ambassador,  was  lynx-eyed  by  means  of  his 
numerous  spies. l  However,  Beaumarchais  seems  to  have 
been  equal  to  the  emergency.  His  stores  were  to  be 
drawn,  one  will  remember,  from  the  royal  arsenals.  He 
collected  about  the  amount  asked  of  Vergennes  by  Deane, 
and  sent  them  down  to  Havre  and  to  Nantes,  where  Deane 
had  promised  to  provide  American  vessels  to  transport 
them.  The  American  vessels  did  not  appear,  and  the 
matter  dragged  wretchedly.  But  as  autumn  advanced, 
the  condition  of  things  improved.  Beaumarchais  himself 
fitted  out  three  ships,2  loaded  them  with  munitions,  and 

1  Stormont  was  apparently  as  busy  about  this  time  as  were  the  commis 
sioners.      This  gives  a  hint  of  the  kind  of  work  which  occupied  him : 
"A  banker  at  Nantes  was  the  agent  for  all  that  Messrs.  Franklin  and 
Deane  were  sending  to  America,  as  well  as  of  what  came  thence.     This 
unworthy  man  had  the  baseness  to  allow  himself  to  be  corrupted  and  to 
betray  the  confidence  of  his  principals,  by  giving  up  to  the  ministry  at 
London  the  last  dispatches  which  he  had  received  from  Paris  to  send  to 
Philadelphia."  —  Corr.  Secrete,  iv.  384.     This  is  contemporary  rumor,  and 
the  reader  will  observe  the  changes  which  were  in  fact  made  in  the  Ameri 
can  agency  at  Nantes. 

2  "  The  famous  Beaumarchais,  who  for  some  time  has  been  busying  him 
self  in  our  political  affairs,  had  been  charged  with  the  preparation  of  this 
frigate  [which  the  writer  seems  to  think  was  sent  out  by  royal  authority], 
and  having  received  orders  to  despatch  her  with  as  much  secrecy  as  speed, 
started  off  for  Havre  incognito  under  the  name  of  the  Sieur  Durand,  an 
iron-dealer  ;  but  by  a  fatality  which  often  disconcerts  the  schemes  of  high 
politics,  either  through  an  indiscretion  on  the  part  of  the  man  of  much 
business,  or  because  he  had  been  betrayed  or  found  out,  he  was  not  a  little 
astonished  to  see  himself  honored  in  the  role  of  comic  author,  on  his  passage 
through   Rouen,    where   the   comidicns  had   advertised    the    'Barber   of 
Seville,'  and  had  announced  the  presence  of  the  author.     The   frigate 


DU  COUDRAY   AND    HIS  OFFICERS.  47 

was  about  to  have  them  sent  to  sea,  when  down  came  an 
order  from  the  Court  that  the  ships  should  not  sail.  The 
largest,  the  "  Amphitrite,"  had  already  sailed.  Beaumar- 
chais  finally  obtained  permission  for  the  other  two  to  sail, 
and  all  seemed  well.  But  things  did  not  go  as  well  as  they 
might  have  done ;  for  the  "  Amphitrite,"  after  being  seven 
teen  days  at  sea,  returned  to  L' Orient.  This  happened 
from  a  very  pregnant  cause  of  trouble  during  the  Eevolu- 
tion  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  On  the  suggestion  of 
Dubourg  and  Beaumarchais, 1  Deane  unfortunately  al 
lowed  himself  to  add  to  the  military  stores  sent  over  to 
America  a  number  of  officers  from  the  French  army  to 
teach  the  Americans  to  make  use  of  them.  It  was  not  a 
successful  scheme.  Washington  and  the  American  officers 
did  not  want  the  Frenchmen.  The  officers,  having  one 
and  all  been  promised  a  grade  one  higher  than  that  which 
they  enjoyed  in.  the  French  army,  were  almost  always  dis 
appointed  in  what  they  found.  In  France  they  were  the 
most  fearful  nuisance  to  Franklin  and  the  other  Ameri 
can  agents,  as  will  appear  later.  At  present,  it  is  enough 
to  say  that  Du  Coudray,  the  chief  officer  of  artillery,  was 
dissatisfied  with  his  quarters  on  board  the  "  Amphitrite," 
and  compelled  the  captain  to  return,  that  he  might  get 
better.  The  "Amphitrite"  put  in  at  L'Orient. 

Here  arose  a  fresh  stir.     Stormont  began  his  complaints. 

nevertheless  set  sail ;  but  as  a  heavy  cannonading  was  heard  shortly  after 
ward,  and  as  nothing  has  since  been  heard  of  her,  one  is  inclined  to  believe 
that  she  was  captured,  or  else  sunk  to  the  bottom  by  a  couple  of  English 
cruisers  which  have  been  seen  in  the  bight."  —  Corr.  Secrete,  iv.  71. 

1  Most  probably,  although  Lomenie,  in  his  life  of  Beaumarchais,  says 
that  Arthur  Lee  made  the  suggestion.  "  I  complied  with  Monsieur  Beau- 
marchais's  proposal  of  sending  out  a  number  of  officers  with  the  stores," 
said  Deane  some  years  later.  ("Silas  Deane  in  France,"  page  26.)  And 
Dubourg,  as  early  as  June  10,  1776,  had  done  something  about  the  mat 
ter,  as  may  be  seen  in  his  letter  of  that  date  in  the  Sparks  MSS.  printed 
in  Parton. 


48  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Vergennes  revoked  his  permission  to  Du  Coudray  to  go  to 
America.  Beaumarchais  wrote  to  ask  why  the  "Amphi- 
trite  "  was  not  half  across  the  ocean  by  this  time,  and  Du 
Coudray  wrote  that  he  did  not  like  his  quarters. 

Finally,  however,  after  infinite  difficulty  Yergennes  re 
lented,  and  Du  Coudray  relented  too ;  and  the  "  Amphi- 
trite "  got  to  sea  again,  this  time  with  the  other  smaller 
ships  in  company ;  and  the  little  fleet,  after  a  safe  passage, 
arrived  at  Portsmouth  in  New  Hampshire.1  The  three 
ships  brought  over  ammunition,  cannon,  muskets,  clothes, 
and  boots  for  25,000  men,  —  no  small  help  to  the  Ameri 
can  people,  who,  as  Lome'nie  remarks,  "being  assembled 
on  the  shore,  clapped  their  hands." 

It  was  in  the  middle  of  all  this  hurry  and  worry  (Dec. 
21,  1776)  that  Franklin  arrived  in  Paris,  and  took  up 
his  lodgings  with  Deane.  It  was  high  time  that  a  strong 
hand  should  take  charge  of  affairs.  Deane  was  heavily 
overweighted ;  Lee  was  busy  as  ever,  but  accomplished  lit 
tle  that  was  good.  It  is  true  Hortalez  and  Co.  were  en 
gaged  in  loading  their  ships  for  America ;  but  Lord 
Stormont  was  vigorously  urging  Vergennes,  with  all  the 

1  With  Du  Coudray  sailed  Thomas  Conway  who,  to  the  misfortune  of 
America,  became  a  general.  Hence  the  following  letter,  which  came  to 
Franklin  at  about  the  time  that  Thomas  Conway  was  landing  in  Ports 
mouth  :  — 

SIR,  —  I  commence  to  read  and  write  a  little  the  euglish,  but  I  know 
not  speak  yet  that  language  ;  wherefor,  I  bold  not,  to  go  see  you,  neverthe 
less  1  pray  you  of  signify  to  me  the  a  day  and  a  hour  where  I  can  render 
my  homage  to  you.  I  am  the  wiffe  of  Thomas  Conway.  departed  by 
L'Amphitrite  for  to  aid  his  Brother  americains,  end  to  share  the  glory 
with  them.  I  wait  the  honour  of  your  answer  with  impatience 
I  am  sir 

with  the  best  great  veneration  your 
humble  servant 

d  [ame]  B.  CONWAY. 
A  Ville  D'avvay  ce  14  Avril  1777. 


FRANKLIN'S  VOYAGE. 

weight  of  an  ambassador  from  a  friendly  power,  to  have 
them  unloaded ;  and  the  French  minister  could  do  little 
else  than  send  vigorous  orders  and  connive  at  all  dis 
obedience.  The  French  government  seemed  losing  faith 
in  the  ultimate  success  of  the  American  cause.  Deane 
was  in  despair,  at  his  wits'  end.  He  had  heard  nothing 
from  home,  he  was  weighed  down  by  his  work,  he  was 
continually  worried  by  Lee,  he  was  irritated  almost  be 
yond  endurance  with  the  eccentricities  of  Beaumarchais, 
who  seemed  to  consider  the  whole  affair  a  dramatic  situa 
tion.  His  hair  must  have  turned  white  had  not  Franklin 
appeared. 

On  the  26th  of  September  Congress  had  elected  Frank 
lin,  Deane,  and  Lee  commissioners  to  make  a  treaty  of 
alliance  with  France,  and  to  represent  the  Colonies  at  the 
Court  of  Versailles.  It  was  the  26th  of  October  that 
Franklin  left  Philadelphia.  The  next  morning  he  sailed 
on  the  "Keprisal,"  Captain  Wickes,  and  on  December  3 
landed  at  Auray  in  Brittany,  whence  he  reached  Nantes  on 
the  7th.  The  voyage  had  been  a  short  one,  but  a  rough 
experience  for  a  man  of  seventy.  Franklin  felt  this  voy 
age  more  severely  than  any  of  his  others,  before  or  after. 
The  sailors'  fare  was  by  no  means  good  for  his  health,  and 
although  we  doubt  not  that  at  the  time  he  bore  up  in  the 
most  uncomplaining  manner,  four  years  later  he  allowed 
himself -to  insert  in  his  journal  the  fact  that  he  had  to 
live  chiefly  on  salt  beef,  the  fowls  being  too  hard  for  his 
teeth.  "  Being  poorly  nourished,"  he  says,  "  I  was  very 
weak  on  my  arrival."  As  for  Captain  Wickes,  the  tedium 
of  the  voyage  was  relieved  by  the  capture  of  two  English 
prizes,  which  had  just  left  French  ports.  The  English 
cruisers  also  did  their  best  to  furnish  excitement  by  fre 
quently  pursuing  the  sloop  of  war ;  but  at  no  time  did  they 
come  so  near  as  to  cause  any  real  danger,  though  the  crew 


50  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

was  several  times  beat  to  quarters.  The  voyage  though 
rough  was  safe,  and  on  the  21st  of  December,  as  we 
have  said,  Franklin  reached  Paris  from  Nantes.  ' 

Very  nearly  the  first  business  which  Franklin  had  to 
do  in  France,  was  to  inform  Congress  of  the  true  state  of 
I  the  house  of  Kodrique  Hortalez  and  Co.,  and  of  the  nature 
of  the  cargoes  of  aid  which  it  sent.  For  Congress  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  very  much  embarrassed  by  differing  re 
ports.  Deane  was  the  recognized  agent,  appointed  to  treat 
with  the  French  for  aid,  and  was  undoubtedly  cognizant 
of  the  true  commercial  standing  of  the  firm ;  and  Con 
gress  had  received  letters  from  him  and  from  Beaumar- 
chais,  asking  for  the  payment  in  tobacco  which  had  been 
agreed  upon.  But  the  payment  did  not  come.  For  Ar 
thur  Lee,  as  has  been-  said,  was  always  busy  writing  to 
Congress  letters  of  an  entirely  different  tone.  "  M.  de  Ver- 
gennes  the  minister,  and  his  secretary  [he  writes],  have 
repeatedly  assured  us  that  no  return  is  expected  for  the 
cargoes  sent  by  Beaumarchais.  This  gentleman  is  no  man 
of  business  ;  he  is  known  to  be  a  political  agent  employed 
by  the  Court  of  France."  In  face  of  these  contradictory 
reports,  Congress,  seeing' some  small  ground  for  choosing 
whether  to  pay  for  the  munitions  or  not,  very  naturally, 
though  very  wrongly,  decided  not  to  pay  for  them  ;  that 
is  to  say,  they  did  not  pay  for  them.  They  were  at  a  dis 
tance  ;  they  were  by  no  means  aware  of  the  real  state  of 
things ;  they  were  urged  by  the  personal  friends  of  Arthur 
Lee ;  and  they  were  pressed  by  other  most  urgent  claims 
for  their  time  and  money ;  and  it  is  perhaps  not  remarkable 
that  they  decided  to  do  nothing  about  the  matter. l 

But  one  would  imagine  that  Franklin  would  have  in 
formed  them  of  the  true  state  of  things.  That  he  knew 

1  "  On  the  one  hand,  Congress  would  be  unwilling  to  evidence  a  disre 
gard  for  and  contemptuous  refusal  of  His  most  Christian  Majesty  ;  so,  on 


FRANKLIN  AND  BEAUMARCHAIS.  51 

whether  payment  was  or  was  not  expected  cannot  per 
haps  be  determined;  but  it  seems  most  likely  that  he 
might  have  known  all  about  it  if  he  had  chosen.  Beau- 
marchais,  Vergennes,  and  Deane  would  any  one  of  them 
have  told  him  the  truth  on  the  matter.  But  Franklin 
probably  thought  it  none  of  his  business1  (as  indeed  it  / 
was  not,  except  in  a  general  sort  of  way).  He  probably 
had  no  very  great  confidence  in  Beaumarchais,  for  he  was 
very  intimate  with  Dr.  Dubourg,  who  greatly  mistrusted 
the  gay  man  of  business ;  and  he  probably  at  this  time 
saw  no  reason  for  taking  the  opposite  side  to  Arthur  Lee, 
who  was  held  in  America  in  rather  more  consideration 
than  Silas  Deane.  So  Franklin  let  that  part  of  the  matter 
take  care  of  itself,  and  applied  himself  at  once  to  the  busi 
ness  of  the  joint  commission. 

It  is  difficult  to  get  at  the  truth  of  this  matter.  Even 
so  soon  as  the  summer  of  1781,  only  five  years  afterwards, 
Franklin  was,  on  the  whole,  in  the  dark  on  the  subject. 
In  that  year  he  wrote  a  letter  to  M.  Durival,  which  we 
will  print  here  rather  than  later,  for  it  serves  to  give 
Franklin's  views  upon  a  confused  transaction. 


the  other,  they  are  unwilling  to  put  into  private  pockets  what  was  gratui 
tously  designed  for  the  public  good."  —  Committee  of  Commerce  to  the 
Commissioners,  May  16,  1778. 

It  is  hard  and  perhaps  useless  to  try  to  make  sure  whether  Beaumar 
chais  did  or  did  not  make  for  himself  large  sums  out  of  these  transactions. 
The  opinion  of  those  who  knew  the  town  (Mairobert  in  Bachaumont's 
Memoires,  especially)  was  that  Beaumarchais  was  nothing  more  than  a 
very  clever  speculator,  and  that  he  lined  his  pockets  well  with  the  profits 
of  his  enthusiastic  partisanship.  "  This  man,"  says  Abbe  Georgel  on  the 
subject,  "  was  no  stranger  to  the  art  of  enriching  himself;"  and  again, 
"Beaumarchais,  who  found  in  this  secrecy  and  monopoly  an  immense 
profit,  would  have  preferred  that  our  Court  should  continue  neutral." 

1  "  My  colleagues  [says  Deane,  later]  determined  that  as  it  was  an  affair 
undertaken  solely  by  me,  they  would  not  meddle  with  it,  but  left  it  with 
me  to  conduct  it  through  in  the  best  manner  I  could." 


52  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

PASSY,  June  12,  1781. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honor  of 
writing  to  me  the  8th  inst.,  and  am  perfectly  of  the  same 
sentiments  with  you  respecting  the  exactitude  and  clear 
ness  necessary  to  be  preserved  in  all  money  transactions, 
in  order  to  prevent  confusion  and  misunderstanding  when 
they  come  to  be  examined  by  those  who  may  succeed  us. 
Hitherto  there  seems  to  have  been  no  regular  method 
adopted  for  our  proceedings.  We  at  first  gave,  as  you 
observe,  simple  receipts  to  M.  D'Harvelay.  Nothing  more 
was  then  required  of  us.  Our  banker  has  sometimes 
given  his  receipts.  Afterwards  his  receipts  have  been 
changed  for  others  given  by  myself  with  my  colleagues,  or 
by  me  alone.  Those  again  have  been  afterwards  brought 
back  to  be  exchanged  for  others  of  a  proposed  new  form, 
and  the  last  form  has  a  blank  in  which  is  to  be  inserted 
the  name  of  some  person,  we  know  not  who,  to  whom  the 
money  is  payable.  From  the  want  of  explicitness  in  our 
past  proceedings,  though  but  of  a  few  years'  date,  there 
has  already  arisen  a  good  deal  of  misunderstanding  and 
dispute  between  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Lee  relating  to  the 
aids  received  through  the  hands  of  M.  de  Beaumarchais, 
and  misunderstandings  may  hereafter  arise  between  this 
Court  and  the  Congress,  relating  to  the  subsequent  aids,  if 
the  intentions  and  engagements  of  the  parties  are  not  clearly 
expressed  and  ascertained.  To  prevent  this  T  shall  very 
cheerfully  enter  with  you  into  any  method  that  may  be 
effectual  to  clear  and  ascertain  what  is  past,  and  be  proper 
to  render  all  our  future  transactions  in  money  affairs  per 
spicuous  and  indisputable.  For  this  purpose  it  may  be 
well  to  review  them  from  the  beginning. 

In  1776,  being  then  in  Congress,  I  received  a  letter 
from  Mr.  Lee,  acquainting  me  that  M.  Beaumarchais  had 
applied  to  him  in  London,  informing  him  that  200,000 


UNSETTLED  ACCOUNTS.  53 

guineas  had  .been  put  into  his  hands,  and  was  at  the  dis 
posal  of  the  Congress-;  Mr.  Lee  added  that  it  was  agreed 
between  them  that  he,  M.  Beaumarchais,  should  remit 
the  same  in  arms,  ammunition,  etc.,  under  the  name  of 
Hortalez  &  Co.  Several  cargoes  were  accordingly  sent. 
Mr.  Lee  understood  this  to  be  a  private  aid  from  the  Gov 
ernment  of  France ; l  but  M.  Beaumarchais  has  since  de 
manded  from  Congress  payment  of  a  gross  sum  as  due  to 
him,  and  has  received  a  considerable  part,  but  has  ren 
dered  no  particular  account.  I  have,  by  order  of  Congress, 
desired  him  to  produce  his  account,  that  we  might  know 
exactly  what  we  owed  and  for  what ;  and  he  has  several 
times  promised  it,  but  has  not  yet  done  it,  and  in  his  con 
versations  he  often  mentions,  as  I  am  told,  that  we  are 
greatly  in  his  debt.  These  accounts  in  the  air  are  unpleas 
ant,  and  one  is  neither  safe  nor  easy  under  them.  I  wish 
therefore  you  could  help  me  to  obtain  a  settlement  of 
them.  It  has  been  said  that  Mr.  Deane,  unknown  to  his 
colleagues,  wrote  to  Congress  in  favor  of  M.  Beaumarchais' 
demand,  on  which  Mr.  Lee  accuses  him  of  having,  to  the 
prejudice  of  his  constituents,  negotiated  a  gift  into  a  debt. 
At  present,  all  that  transaction  is  in  darkness;  and  we 
know  not  whether  the  whole,  or  a  part,  or  no  part  of  the 
supplies  he  furnished,  were  at  the  expense  of  Government, 
the  reports  we  have  had  being  so  inconsistent  and  contra 
dictory,  nor  if  we  are  in  debt  for  them,  or  any  part  of 
them,  whether  it  is  the  King  or  M.  de  Beaumarchais  that 
is  our  creditor.  We  once  understood  that  the  whole  was 
a  gift,  and  wrote  so  to  Congress ;  as  you  will  see  by  the 
extract  I  send  you  of  our  letter.  Perhaps  we  were  misin 
formed,  and  we  wish  to  be  set  right. 

1  His  reason  for  so  understanding  was  that  Beaumarchais  had  probably 
promised  him  this  private  aid,  and  then  told  him  nothing  to  the  contrary 
after  he  had  begun  to  transact  business  with  Deane,  who  understood  the 
true  nature  of  the  arrangement  throughout. 


54  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

The  first  two  millions l  granted  to  the  Congress  by  his 
Majesty  we  also  understood  to  be  a  gift,  as  you  will  see 
by  the  extract  of  another  letter  written  by  us  immedi 
ately  after  the  transaction.  As,  from  the  circumstances  of 
the  times,  nothing  of  this  kind  was  mentioned  in  any 
writing  from  the  Ministry  to  us,  and  perhaps  no  minute 
was  kept  by  them  of  the  intention  of  the  grant,  it  has 
possibly  slipped  out  of  memory,  and  thence  may  arise  the 
present  idea  of  the  imperfection  of  those  first  receipts  and 
the  propriety  of  changing  them  for  others  promising  a  re 
imbursement.  This,  however,  will  occasion  no  dispute ; 
for  if  the  Congress  are  authentically  informed  that  we 
mistook  the  King's  intention  in  that  grant,  and  that  it 
was  really  a  loan  and  not  a  gift,  I  am  persuaded  they  will 
cheerfully  agree  to  reimburse  it  as  soon  as  they  are  able. 
The  information  necessary  for  Congress  will,  I  imagine, 
be  best  given  in  an  official  memoir  or  account  stating 
from  the  beginning  the  several  aids  furnished  to  the 
United  States  for  which  reimbursement  was  expected ; 
those  by  M.  Beaumarchais  if  the  Government  was  con 
cerned  in  them,  those  by  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
by  the  Minister  of  War,  by  the  Minister  of  the  Marine, 
or  any  others  authorized  by  Government.  This  amount 
being  presented  to  Congress  and  agreed  to  by  them,  will 
constitute  the  debt  clearly ;  and  without  this  or  some 
equivalent  proceeding  to  authorize  me,  I  do  not  at  present 
see  how  I  can  take  upon  me  to  alter  the  nature  of  the 
receipts  that  were  given  by  my  colleagues  jointly  with 
me ;  for  that  would  subject  me  to  the  same  censure  from 

1  The  reader  must  not  confuse  these  two  millions  with  the  two  millions 
furnished  to  Beaumarchais.  These  two  millions,  as  will  be  seen  by  the  ex 
tracts  following,  were  obtained  in  the  winter  of  1777,  after  Franklin  had 
arrived  in  France.  Beaumarchais'  two  millions  were  furnished  him  in  the 
summer  previous,  for  a  special  purpose,  as  we  have  seen,  before  Franklin 
had  been  appointed  a  commissioner. 


FINANCIAL   MATTERS.  55 

my  enemies  as  Mr.  Deane  has  experienced.  With  great 
esteem  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Enclosed  with  this  is  "  Extract  of  Letter  from  the  Com 
missioners  of  the  United  States  of  America  at  the  Court 
of  France  to  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs  at  Phila 
delphia,"  dated  March  12,  1777:- 

"  We  entered  accordingly  into  a  treaty  with  that  com 
pany  (the  Farmers  Genl.),  which  meeting  with  difficulty 
in  settling  the  terms,  we  are  informed  that  a  grant  was 
made  us  of  two  millions  of  livres  from  the  Crown,  of  which 
500,000  was  ready  to  be  paid  us  down,  an  equal  sum 
should  be  paid  the  beginning  of  April,  July,  and  October ; 
that  such  was  the  King's  generosity,  he  exacted  no  con 
ditions  or  promise  of  repayment,  he  only  required  that 
we  should  not  speak  to  any  of  our  having  received  this 
aid." 

Extract  of  another  letter  from  the  same  to  the  same. 
Dated  Oct.  7,  1777:  — 

"  We  entreat  that  the  greatest  care  may  be  taken  that 
no  part  of  this  information  may  transpire,  nor  of  the  as 
surances  we  have  received  that  no  repayment  will  ever  be 
required  from  us  of  what  has  been  already  given  us  either 
in  money  or  military  stores." 


CHAPTEK  IV. 

FRANKLIN'S  COMMISSION. 

THE  year  1776  l  saw  the  most  dramatic  changes  in  the 
fortunes  of  America.  At  the  beginning,  George  III. 
was  the  acknowledged  King  of  America.  America  was  in 
rebellion  against  "  the  ministry,"  or  affected  to  be.  This 
English  King  had  an  army  of  10,000  men  in  Boston,  a 
smaller  garrison  in  New  York,  and  other  garrisons  in 
other  ports.  On  the  17th  of  March  this  army  left  Boston 
for  Halifax.  No  English  soldier  was  left  in  New  England. 
Gen.  Clinton  had  left  New  York  on  the  llth  of  February ; 
but  Gov.  Tryon  remained  there  on  a  ship-of-war  in  the 
harbor.  His  provisions  and  water  were  cut  off  by  the 
insurgents  on  the  14th  of  April. 

The  American  generals  knew  that  New  York  was  the 
key  to  the  whole  position,  if  England  seriously  meant 
offensive  war.  As  soon,  therefore,  as  General  Howe  left 
Boston  for  Halifax  with  his  fleet,  the  Continental  Army 
was  moved  to  New  York  City,  and  some  works,  not  incon 
siderable,  were  begun  for  its  defence.  The  defeated  army 
gathered  at  Halifax,  and  was  largely  reinforced.  On  the 
28th  of  June  Howe  reappeared  on  the  American  coast. 

1  There  is  an  amusing  speculation  by  Theodore  Parker,  —  who,  in  ridi 
cule  of  modern  analytical  criticism  of  history,  shows  how  clear  it  is  that 
the  date  July  4,  1776,  is  mythical,  being  derived  from  a  latent  superstition 
of  the  Americans,  connected  with  the  mystical  number  4.  The  Fourth  of 
March  is  the  date  of  their  second  Constitution.  Four  months  after  comes 
the  Fourth  of  July.  All  this  is  clearly  mythical.  The  date  of  the  year  is 
as  mythical.  It  is  simply  four  fours,  —  444  x  4  =  1776. 


THE  THREE   HOWES.  57 

He  had  under  him  a  force  of  31,625  men,  the  largest  army 
which  was  ever  collected  in  the  region  now  occupied  by 
the  United  States,  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  in 
1861. 

With  him  came  his  brother,  —  the  two  to  act  as  com 
missioners  for  peace.  They  had  been  appointed  on  the 
theory  that  an  olive-branch  was  to  be  shown  with  one 
hand,  while  invincible  thunder-bolts  were  brandished  in 
,  the  other.  An  older  brother  of  these  two  Howes  had  been 
killed  at  Ticonderoga,  in  Abercromby's  1  fatuous  advance 
of  the  year  1758.  The  Howes  were  the  cousins  once 
removed  of  George  III.,  —  their  mother,  Sophia,  being  the 
illegitimate  daughter  of  Sophia  Kilmansegge  and  George  I. 
To  this  connection  they  owed  their  promotion  in  army 
and  navy ;  and  from  this  connection  Great  Britain  reaped 
such  advantages  as  she  reaped  from  placing  William 
Howe  in  command  of  the  forces  which  were  to  reduce 
the  Colonies  to  submission.  The  Lord  Howe  who  was 
killed  at  Ticonderoga  bore  the  royal  names  of  George 
Augustus.  The  two  commissioners,  on  their  arrival,  took 
no  action  with  the  olive-branch  until  after  the  battle  of 
Long  Island.  In  this  battle  General  Howe  showed  real 
military  ability,  and  the  American  generals,  it  may  be 
said,  without  exception,  showed  their  lack  of  training  on  a 
large  scale.  Washington  said,  three  months  after,  that 
not  one  of  them  had  seen  two  regiments  together  in  line 
of  battle  before  the  war  began.  The  American  army  was 
entirely  outnumbered..  It  was  outflanked  and  defeated. 
After  the  retreat  from  Long  Island,  there  seemed,  if  ever, 
a  favorable  chance  for  negotiation ;  and  Lord  Howe  sent 
General  Sullivan,  who  had  been  taken  prisoner  in  the  bat 
tle,  to  Congress  with  a  verbal  message.  Sullivan  was 
directed  to  commit  this  message  to  writing.  Its  purport 

1  He  was  called  "Nabbie  Cromby"  by  the  New  England  contingent 


58  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

was  that,  while  Lord  Howe  could  not  at  present  treat  with 
Congress  as  such,  he  wished  he  might  have  a  conference 
with  some  of  the  members  as  private  gentlemen.  Lord 
Howe  said  that  he  and  General  Howe  had  full  powers  to 
compromise  the  dispute  on  advantageous  terms ;  that  many 
things  which  Congress  had  never  asked  might  and  ought 
to  be  granted  to  them.  Sullivan  added  that  Lord  Howe 
had  told  him  that  he  would  set  the  Act  of  Parliament 
wholly  aside,  and  that  Parliament  had  no  right  to  tax 
America,  or  meddle  with  her  internal  policy.  Congress 
replied  by  sending  Franklin,  John  Adams,  and  Eutledge 
as  its  committee  to  treat  with  Howe,  directing  them  to 
appear  as  a  committee  only,  and  in  no  sort  as  private 
gentlemen.  John  Adams  opposed  this  overture  from  the 
beginning.  Because  he  opposed  it  he  was  unanimously 
chosen  as  one  of  the  committee.  They  went  to  Staten  Isl 
and,  and  had  a  courteous  interview  with  Howe,  of  which 
they  gave  a  report  to  Congress  on  the  17th  of  September. 
No  difficulty  had  really  taken  place  from  any  etiquette  as 
to  whether  they  were  present  as  individuals  or  as  a  com 
mittee.  But  the  Americans  could  not  and  would  not 
assent  to  any  terms  which  did  not  acknowledge  independ 
ence,  and  such  terms  Lord  Howe  had  no  power  to  grant. 

In  the  conversation  at  Staten  Island,  Lord  Howe  spoke 
gratefully  of  the  honors  paid  to  his  brother  by  the  State  of 
Massachusetts.  "He  felt  for  America  as  for  a  brother, 
and  if  America  should  fall  he  should  feel  and  lament  it 
like  the  loss  of  a  brother."  Dr.  Franklin  replied,  with  a 
smile  and  a  bow,  "  My  Lord,  we  will  do  our  utmost  en 
deavors  to  save  your  lordship  that  mortification."  Lord 
Howe  replied  sensitively,  "  I  suppose  you  will  endeavor  to 
give  us  employment  in  Europe."  To  this  remark  the 
committee  made  no  reply  by  word  or  look.1 

1  John  Adams's  Works,  iii.  79. 


PLANS  FOR  TREATIES.  59 

Meanwhile  Congress  was  already  considering  the  ques 
tions  of  negotiations  with  foreign  powers.  Even  before 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  a  committee  had  been 
appointed  to  consider  that  subject,  of  which  John  Adams 
and  Franklin  were  both  members.  "  Independence  "  and 
"foreign  alliances"  were  terms  used  almost  in  the  same 
breath.  Indeed,  John  Dickinson,  in  his  speech  pleading 
for  delay,  —  which  is  the  only  speech  preserved  of  the  first 
day  of  July,  —  urges  that  a  Declaration  of  Independence 
at  that  moment  would  be  disrespectful  to  the  Court  of 
France,  to  whom  they  had  already  sent  an  envoy.  Frank 
lin  says,  in  one  of  his  later  letters,  that  he  always  opposed 
the  making  overtures  to  foreign  nations  for  such  treaties ; 
that  he  thought  the  country  was  a  virgin  country,  and 
that  she  should  be  asked  first,  and  should  not  make  ad- 

^•s 

vances.  But,  whatever  his  original  feeling  was,  he  gave/ 
himself  frankly  to  the  effort  in  hand,  and  he  and  Mr.\ 
John  Adams  drew  up  a  form  of  a  treaty  which  was  sub-/ 
mitted  to  Congress  on  the  18th  of  July. 1  This  form  wait 
purely  commercial,  and  contemplated  no  connection  be\ 
yond  reciprocity  in  commerce,  and  a  mutual  assurance  o|/ 
protection.  Congress  was  not  satisfied  with  this  draft. 
They  enlarged  the  committee  by  adding  R  H.  Lee  and 
Wilson,  with  directions  to  form  instructions  for  commis 
sioners  which  should  offer  further  proposals  to  foreign 
governments,  such  as  might  induce  them  to  negotiate.  In 
the  final  report  Mr.  Adams  probably  did  not  share. 

On  the  17th  of  September  the  committee  reported  the 
instructions  to  the  commissioners.2 


1  Mr.  C.  F.  Adams  supposes  that  the  greater  part  of  the  labor  fell  upon 
John  Adams. 

2  As  these  instructions  seem  never  to  have  been  printed  except  in  the 
"Secret  Journals  of  Congress,"  which  is  now  a  rare  book,  we  reprint  the 
essential  parts  of  them  here,  with  the  additional  instructions  of  October 


60  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

x" 

/  The  plan  for  a  treaty  to  be  submitted  to  the  considera- 
(  tion  of  the  King  of  France  contemplated  only  and  simply 
commercial  alliance.  By  articles  one  and  two,  it  was 
provided  that  the  subjects  of  the  respective  parties  should 
be  placed  on  the  same  footing  in  ports  of  the  other  nation 
as  were  her  own  people  as  regards  duties,  etc.  Article 
third  was  on  the  fishery,  and  guaranteed  to  the  King 
of  France  the  rights  laid  down  to  him  in  the  Treaty  of 
Paris,  1763.  The  next  two  articles  reciprocally  bound 
each  party  to  protect  vessels  and  persons  belonging  to  the 
other  whenever  in  their  dominions.  The  next  (sixth) 
bound  the  contracting  parties  in  an  endeavor  to  suppress 
piracy.  In  the  seventh  the  King  of  France  promised  to 
defend  ships  and  subjects  of  the  United  States  in  the 
Mediterranean  from  any  of  the  Barbary  powers.  The 
eighth  article  contains  almost  the  only  concession  Con 
gress  thought  of  offering  to  France  in  return  for  her 
recognition,  beyond  what  was  then  of  great  value,  the 
American  trade.  It  provided  that  "  if,  in  consequence  of 
this  treaty,  the  King  of  Great  Britain  should  declare  war 
against  the  most  Christian  King,  the  said  United  States 
shall  not  assist  Great  Britain  in  such  a  war,  with  men, 
money,  ships,  or  any  of  the  articles  in  this  treaty  denom 
inated  contraband."  The  next  article  (ninth)  bound  the 
King  of  France  never  to  invade  New  Britain,  Nova  Scotia, 
Acadia,  Canada,  Florida,  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  St. 
Johns,  or  Anticosti,  stating  that  it  was  the  future  destiny 
of  the  United  States  to  extend  over  the  whole  Continent. 
Article  ten  forbade  fishing  to  either  party  in  the  domin 
ions  of  the  other.  The  eleventh  provided  that  the  rights 
laid  down  in  the  second  article  for  United  States  citizens 
should  extend  to  any  West  India  islands  France  might 

16th,  and  an  abstract  of  the  proposed  treaty.     A  knowledge  of  them  is 
quite  necessary  for  understanding  the  position  of  Franklin  in  France. 


INSTRUCTIONS.  61 

conquer.  The  twelfth  provided  that  the  West  India 
exports  to  the  United  States  should  be  taxed  no  higher 
than  those  from  France  herself.  The  thirteenth,  that 
molasses  so  exported  should  have  no  tax  at  all  laid 
upon  it.  The  next  article  (fourteenth)  exempted  United 
States  citizens  in  France  from  the  action  of  the  droit 
d'aubaine.  The  remainder  (articles  15-30)  were  on  the 
rights  of  neutrals  at  sea  and  other  kindred  matters.  Con 
traband  was  defined,  the  maxim  that  free  ships  make 
free  goods  and  its  converse  was  stated,  the  right  of  search 
was  mutually  conceded  in  war,  certificates  and  sea-letters 
were  provided  for.  Two  articles  forbade  subjects  of  either 
power  to  accept  commissions  as  privateers,  or  letters  of 
marque,  from  a  third  power  to  be  used  against  the  other 
contracting  party,  and  forbade  either  party  to  allow  a 
foreign  privateer  to  be  fitted  out  in  her  ports  against  the 
other.  To  this  treaty  were  annexed  forms  of  sea-letters 
and  passports  to  be  used  in  time  of  war. 

With  this  plan  for  a  treaty  was  submitted  the  instruc 
tions  to  the  commissioners  who  were  to  attempt  its  nego 
tiation. 

Instructions  to  [ ]. 

There  is  delivered  to  you  herewith  a  plan  of  a  treaty 
with  his  most  Christian  majesty  of  France,  approved  of  in, 
Congress,  on  the  part  of  the  United  States ;  and  you  are 
hereby  instructed  to  use  every  means  in  your  power  for 
concluding  it,  conformably  to  the  plan  you  have  received. 

If  you  shall  find  that  to  be  impracticable,  you  are  here 
by  authorized  to  relax  the  demands  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  enlarge  their  offers  agreeably  to  the  following  direc 
tions. 

If  his  most  Christian  majesty  shall  not  consent  that 
the  inhabitants  of  the  United  States  shall  have  the  privi- 


62  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

leges  proposed  in  the  second  article,  then  the  United 
States  ought  not  to  give  the  subjects  of  his  most  Christian 
majesty  the  privileges  proposed  in  the  first  article ;  but 
that  the  United  States  shall  give  to  his  most  Christian 
majesty  the  same  privileges,  liberties,  and  immunities,  at 
least,  and  the  like  favor  in  all  things  which  any  foreign 
nation  the  most  favored  shall  have  provided,  his  most 
Christian  majesty  shall  give  to  the  United  States  the 
same  benefits,  privileges,  and  immunities  which  the  most 
favored  nation  now  has,  uses,  or  enjoys. 

And  in  case  neither  of  these  propositions  of  equal  ad 
vantages  is  agreed  to,  then  the  whole  of  the  said  articles 
are  to  be  rejected,  rather  than  obstruct  the  further  progress 
of  the  treaty. 

The  fourth  article  must  be  insisted  on. 

The  seventh  article  ought  to  be  obtained  if  possible,  but 
should  be  waived  rather  than  that  the  treaty  should  be 
interrupted  by  insisting  upon  it. 

His  most  Christian  majesty  agreeing,  nevertheless,  to 
use  his  interest  and  influence  to  procure  passes  from  the 
States  mentioned  in  this  article  for  the  vessels  of  the 
United  States  upon  the  Mediterranean. 

The  jiighth  article  will  probably  be  attended  with  some 
difficulty.  If  you  find  his  most  Christian  majesty  deter 
mined  not  to  agree  to  it,  you  are  empowered  to  add  to  it, 
as  follows :  That  the  United  States  will  never  be  subject, 
or  acknowledge  allegiance  or  obedience  to  the  king,  or 
crown,  or  parliament  of  Great  Britain ;  nor  grant  to  that 
nation  any  exclusive  trade,  or  any  "advantages  or  privileges 
in  trade  more  than  to  his  most  Christian  majesty  ;  neither 
shall  any  treaty  for  terminating  the  present  war  between 
the  king  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  or  any 
war  which  may  be  declared  by  the  king  of  Great  Britain 
against  his  most  Christian  majesty  in  consequence  of  this 


INSTRUCTIONS.  63 

treaty  take  effect  until  the  expiration  of  six  calendar 
months  after  the  negotiation  for  that  purpose  shall  have 
been  duly  notified,  in  the  former  instance  by  the  United 
States  to  his  most  Christian  majesty,  and  in  the  other 
instance  by  his  most  Christian  majesty  to  the  United 
States  ;  to  the  end  that  both  these  parties  may  be  included 
in  the  peace,  if  they  think  proper. 

The  twelfth  and  thirteenth  articles  are  to  be  waived  if 
you  find  that  the  treaty  will  be  interrupted  by  insisting 
on  them. 

You  will  press  the  fourteenth  article,  but  let  not  the  fate 
of  the  treaty  depend  upon  obtaining  it. 

If  his  most  Christian  majesty  should  be  unwilling  to 
agree  to  the  sixteenth  and  twenty-sixth  articles,  you  are 
directed  to  consent  that  the  goods  and  effects  of  enemies, 
on  board  the  ships  and  vessels  of  either  party,  shall  be 
liable  to  seizure  and  confiscation. 

The  twenty-fifth  article  is  not  to  be  insisted  on. 

You  will  solicit  the  Court  of  France  for  an  immediate 
supply  of  twenty  or  thirty  thousand  muskets  and  bayo 
nets,  and  a  large  supply  of  ammunition  and  brass  field- 
pieces,  to  be  sent  under  convoy  by  France.  The  United 
States  engage  for  the  payment  of  the  arms,  artillery,  and 
ammunition,  and  to  indemnify  France  for  the  expense  of 
the  convoy. 

Engage  a  few  good  engineers  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  France  means  not  to  let  the 
United  States  sink  in  the  present  contest.  But  as  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  true  accounts  of  our  condition  may 
cause  an  opinion  to  be  entertained  that  we  are  able  to 
support  the  war  on  our  own  strength  and  resources  longer 
than,  in  fact,  we  can  do,  it  will  be  proper  for  you  to  press 
for  an  immediate  and  explicit  declaration  of  France  in  our 


64  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

favor,  upon  a  suggestion  that  a  reunion  with  Great  Britain 
may  be  the  consequence  of  a  delay. 

Should  Spain  be  disinclined  to  our  cause,  from  an  ap 
prehension  of  danger  to  his  dominions  in  South  America, 
you  are  empowered  to  give  the  strongest  assurances  that 
that  crown  will  receive  no  molestation  from  the  United 
States,  in  the  possession  of  those  territories. 

You  will  transmit  to  us  the  most  speedy  and  full  intel 
ligence  of  your  progress  in  this  business  and  any  other 
transactions  that  it  may  import  us  to  know. 

You  are  desired  to  get  the  best  and  earliest  information 
that  you  possibly  can  get  of  any  negotiations  that  the 
Court  of  London  may  be  carrying  on  for  obtaining  foreign 
mercenaries  to  be  sent  against  these  States  the  next  cam 
paign  ;  and  if  any  such  design  is  in  agitation,  you  will  en 
deavor  to  prevail  with  the  Court  of  France  to  exert  its 
influence  in  the  most  effectual  manner  to  prevent  the 
execution  of  such  designs. 

You  are  desired  to  obtain  as  early  as  possible,  a  publick 
acknowledgement  of  the  independency  of  these  States  on 
the  crown  and  parliament  of  Great  Britain,  by  the  Court 
of  France. 

In  conducting  this  important  business  the  Congress 
have  the  greatest  confidence  in  your  address,  abilities, 
vigilance,  and  attachment  to  the  interests  of  the  United 
States,  and  wish  you  every  success. 

To  these  the  following  additional  instructions  were 
added,  soon  after :  — 

IN  CONGRESS,  Oct.  16,  1776. 

Whilst  you  are  negotiating  the  affair  you  are  charged 
with  at  the  Court  of  France  you  will  have  opportunity  of 
conversing  frequently  with  the  Ministers  and  Agents  of 
other  European  Princes  and  States  residing  there. 


CREDENTIALS  AND   INSTRUCTIONS.  65 

You  shall  endeavor,  when  you  find  occasion  fit  and  con 
venient,  to  obtain  from  them  a  recognition  of  our  inde 
pendence  and  sovereignty,  and  to  conclude  treaties  of 
peace,  amity,  and  commerce  between  their  Princes  and 
States  and  us,  provided  that  the  same  shall  not  be  incon 
sistent  with  the  treaty  you  shall  make  with  His  Most 
Christian  Majesty;  that  they  do  not  oblige  us  to  become  a 
party  to  any  war  which  may  happen  in  consequence 
thereof,  and  that  the  immunities,  exemptions,  privileges, 
protection,  defence,  arid  advantages,  on  the  contrary,  there 
by  stipulated,  be  equal  and  reciprocal.  If  that  cannot  be 
effected,  you  shall  to  the  utmost  of  your  power,  prevent 
their  taking  part  with  Great  Britain  in  the  war  which  His 
Brittanic  Majesty  prosecutes  against  us,  or  entering  into 
offensive  alliances  with  that  King,  and  protest  and  present 
remonstrances  against  the  same,  desiring  the  interposition, 
mediation,  and  good  offices,  on  the  part  of  His  Most 
Christian  Majesty  the  King  of  France,  and  of  any  other 
States  whose  dispositions  are  not  hostile  toward  us.  In 
case  overtures  be  made  to  you  by  the  Ministers  or  Agents 
of  any  European  Princes  or  States  for  commercial  treaties 
between  them  and  us,  you  may  conclude  such  treaties 
accordingly. 

By  order  of  Congress. 

JOHN  HANCOCK,  President 

At  the  same  time  Franklin  drew  and  submitted  to  the 
secret  committee  his  sketch  of  a  proposition  for  peace  with 
England.  The  conditions  begin  with  this  remarkable 
plan :  — 

England  should  renounce  and  disclaim  all  pretence  of 
right  or  authority  to  govern  in  any  of  the  United  States 
of  America.  England  was  also  to  cede  all  her  North 
American  possessions,  Bermuda,  and  the  Bahama  Islands 

5 


66  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

to  the  United  States,  with  all  the  adjoining  and  interme 
diate  territories  claimed  by  her.  In  return  for  this  ces 
sion  the  United  States  should  pay dollars  a  year 

for years  to  England.  And  the  United  States  were 

also  to  grant  a  free  trade  to  all  British  subjects  through 
out  the  United  States  and  the  ceded  Colonies,  and  should 
guarantee  to  Great  Britain  the  possession  of  her  islands  in 
the  West  Indies. 

Probably  the  first  reason  stated  by  Franklin,  in  his 
own  memorandum  of  "Motives  for  proposing  Peace," 
was  the  most  important  one  in  his  mind  in  drawing  this 
remarkable  plan.  If  any  of  the  commissioners  should  be 
captured  at  sea  by  a  British  cruiser,  as  very  likely  he 
himself  might  be,  on  the  impending  voyage,  the  possession 
of  such  a  plan  would  be  some  protection  under  the  law 
of  nations,  —  as  to  an  Ambassador.  He  suggests  in  this 
memorandum  that  their  merchants  and  manufacturers 
need  peace  as  much  as  the  Americans,  and  that  the 
landed  interest,  which  then  bore  a  large  share  of  the 
expense  of  government,  would  welcome  the  receipt  of  one 
hundred  thousand  pounds  a  year  for  one  hundred  years. 
It  was  thus  that  he  would  have  filled  the  blanks  in  his 
plan.  He  also  suggests  that  such  a  plan  would  enable 
him  to  go  to  England,  and  use  the  powerful  influence  of 
his  friends ;  and  that  the  knowledge  in  France  that  such 
powers  were  given  would  help  in  the  treaty  to  be  made 
there.  He  also  says  that  the  United  States  would  receive 
much  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  pounds  a  year 
from  the  sale  of  the  lands  which  they  would  acquire 
from  the  treaty. 

The  journals,  which  are,  however,  fragmentary,  do  not 
speak  of  any  discussion  of  this  plan.  But  it  cannot  be 
doubted  that,  had  the  "  Eeprisal "  been  captured  by  an  Eng 
lish  cruiser,  with  Dr.  Franklin  on  board,  this  plan  would 


OPINION  OF  EUROPE.  67 

have  been  found  by  the  commander  of  that  cruiser  in  the 
same  parcel  with  the  instructions  given  to  the  commis 
sioners  for  negotiation  with  any  sovereign  in  Europe. l 

Fortified  with  such  credentials  from  home,  Franklin 
arrived  in  Europe.  The  enemies  of  America  in  England 
immediately  spread  the  report  that  he  had  escaped  from 
the  ruin  which  was  to  follow  his  country.  Some  of  his 
correspondents,  as  will  be  seen,  shared  in  this  opinion. 
Edmund  Burke  said,  however,  "  I  never  will  believe  that 
he  is  going  to  conclude  a  long  life  which  has  brightened 
every  hour  it  continued,  with  so  foul  and  dishonorable  a 
flight."  This  is  almost  exactly  at  the  time  when  Burke,  — 
if  he  were  the  author,  as  is  supposed,  of  the  historical  re 
view  in  the  "  Annual  Eegister,"  —  wrote  of  the  opinion  of 
the  Continent,  in  his  review  of  the  affairs  of  1776  :  — 

"  It  is  not  a  pleasing  circumstance,  though  perhaps  of 
no  consequence,  that  in  all  the  countries  of  Europe  in 
which  public  affairs  are  a  subject  either  of  writing  or  of 
conversation,  the  general  voice  has  -been  rather  in  favor  of 
the  Americans.  Even  Voltaire  and  Eousseau,  who  never 
agreed  in  anything  else,  are  said  to  hold  the  same  opin 
ions  upon  that  subject." 

To  the  surprise  of  English  observers,  all  nations  which 
possessed  colonies  in  America  were  eager  to  partake  of 
the  new  and  unexpected  commerce  which  was  opened  by 
the  war.  The  Portuguese  were  as  eager  as  any  other  peo 
ple,  and  were  held  back  only  by  the  English  influence  at 
their  Court.  Indeed,  if  it  is  remembered  that  French, 
Dutch,  and  Danish  islands  in  the  West  Indies  had  long 
been  supplied,  as  well  as  the  English  islands,  with  pro 
visions,  cattle,  horses,  and  lumber  from  the  insurgent 
States,  —  so  that  the  very  existence  of  their  people 

1  The  manuscript  of  this  interesting  paper  is  lost  ;  we  have  the  copy  of 
it  printed  by  Temple  Franklin  in  1818. 


68  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

depended  upon  the  trade  with  them,  —  it  will  be  seen  how 
France,  Holland,  and  Denmark  were  interested  in  com 
merce  with  the  new  nation.  England  might  be  willing 
to  have  English  planters  starve.  But  it  was  hardly  to 
be  expected  that  French,  Dutch,  and  Danish  planters 
should  be  left  by  their  own  governments  at  home  to  the 
same  fate. 

If,  then,  Franklin  brought  with  him  from  America  but 
little  immediate  encouragement,  he  met  in  Europe  a  pub 
lic  opinion  and  certain  considerations  of  state  not  wholly 
unfavorable  to  his  wishes. 

He  arrived  on  the  coast  of  France  on  the  29th  of  No 
vember.  He  had  crossed  the  ocean  in  the  sloop-of-war 
"  Keprisal,"  of  sixteen  guns,  commanded  by  Captain  Wickes, 
for  whom  Franklin  conceived  a  great  regard.  With  so 
important  a  charge  Wickes  did  not  seek  an  encounter  with 
enemies,  but  several  times,  when  he  thought  there  was 
occasion,  he  beat  to  quarters,  and  Franklin  was  pleased 
with  his  spirit  and  that  of  his  men.  On  the  27th  and 
28th  of  November,  off  the  French  shore,  he  took  two 
prizes.  On  the  3d  of  December  he  set  Franklin  on 
shore  with  his  grandsons,  and  they  landed  at  Auray, 
whence  they  went  by  post  to  Nantes,  where  they  arrived 
on  the  7th  of  December. 


CHAPTER  Y. 

FRANKLIN  AND  THE  FRENCH. 

A  LTHOUGH,  as  we  have  seen,  Louis  and  his  ministers 
x~\  were  hesitating,  the  French  people  were  quite  ready 
to  burst  into  enthusiasm  for  America.  They  waited  only 
until  the  arrival  of  Franklin  to  take  up  the  cause  of  the 
"  Insurgents  "  (as  they  called  them)  with  the  greatest  zeal. 
This  event  caused  no  little  sensation  in  France,  and  for 
the  moment  the  attention  even  of  the  memoir- writers  and 
letter-writers  was  diverted  from  the  battles  between  the 
Gliickists  and  the  Piccinists,  or  the  squabbles  between  the 
Chevalier  d'Eon  and  the  Sieur  de  Beaumarchais.  "  Doctor 
Franklin,"  says  one,  "  arrived  a  little  since  from  the  Eng 
lish  Colonies,  is  mightily  run  after,  much  feted  by  the 
savans.  He  has  a  most  pleasing  expression,  very  little 
hair,  and  a  fur  cap  which  he  keeps  constantly  on  his 
head.  .  .  .  Our  csprits  forts  have  adroitly  sounded  him  as 
regards  his  religion,"  he  goes  on,  "and  they  believe  that 
they  have  discovered  that  he  is  a  believer  in  their  own,  — 
that  is  to  say,  that  he  has  none  at  all."  "  The  celebrated 
Franklin  arrived  at  Paris  the  21st  of  December,"  says  an 
other,  "  and  has  fixed  the  eyes  of  every  one  upon  his 
slightest  proceeding."  All  France  was  in  truth  ready  to 
welcome  him.  The  philosophers  and  scientists,  his  old 
friends  of  '67  and  '69,  greeted  him  again  as  one  of  them 
selves.  The  enthusiasts  for  the  rights  of  man  welcomed 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 


70  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

The  young  nobility,  either  taken  by  the  philosophic  doc 
trines  of  the  time  or  burning  for  a  war  of  revenge  with 
England,  crowded  about  him  beseeching  for  commissions 
to  serve  in  the  American  army.  Merchants  and  ship- 
captains  from  the  seaports  waited  upon  him  with  plans 
for  fitting  out  privateers,  or  for  importing  tobacco  at  an 
enormous  profit.  It  needed  nothing  more  to  set  all  Paris 
'  afire.  Franklin  and  the  "  Insurgents  "  became  at  once  the 
I  fashion.  "  It  is  the  mode  to-day,"  we  read  about  January 
llth,  three  weeks  after  his  arrival,  "  for  everybody  to  have 
an  engraving  of  M.  Franklin  over  the  mantelpiece." 

Everybody  for  the  moment  was  full  of  Franklin,  and 
according  .to  the  custom  of  the  time,  the  clever  fellows 
about  the  town,  though  probably  caring  little  enough 
which  party  got  the  upper  hand  in  the  struggle,  addressed 
themselves  to  their  profession  of  turning  out  amusement 
for  "  tout  Paris."  Verses  on  the  "  Insurgents  "  were  passed 
from  hand  to  hand,  caricatures  "  dans  le  gout  Anglais " 
were  drawn,  stories  and  calembours  about  Franklin  and 
about  Lord  Stormont  flew  about  from  one  dinner-table  to 
another.  In  fact,  they  hailed  the  occasion  as  rather  a  god 
send.  The  winter  had  been  a  stupid  one,  there  had  been 
very  little  fun  going  on,  and  the  wits  were  not  ill-pleased 
to  find  something  to  turn  a  pleasantry  or  so  for  the  edifi 
cation  of  their  circle.  It  was  well  along  in  February, 
however,  before  some  wag  concocted  the  following  politi 
cal  vaudeville,  —  rather  the  best  copy  of  verses  on  the 
subject  which  we  have  seen ;  of  which  the  chronicler 
says  with  some  admiration  that  it  contains  in  a  succinct 
form  all  the  facts  relative  to  the  war.  Although  this  is 
a  statement  which  we  may  see  reason  to  doubt,  that  it 
greatly  amused  the  town  and  the  court  is  not  so  hard  to 
believe. 


LE   CONTINENT  DE  L'AMERIQUE.  71 


1. 

"  Pour  atnuser  notre  loisir 

Sans  blesser  le  decence, 
II  est  naturel  de  choisir 

Ce  que  Ton  aime  en  France. 
II  faut  done  sur  un  nouveau  ton, 

Comme  notre  musique,1 
Ne  parler  ici  que  du  Con- 

Tinent  de  1'Amerique. 

2. 

"  Qu'a  done  fait  certain  General 

Dans  cette  injuste  guerre  ? 
Aux  Insurgens  fort  peu  de  inal, 

Beaucoup  a  1'Angleterre. 
Ces  fiers  ennemis  de  Boston, 

De  honte  ou  de  colique, 
Meurent  a  la  porte  du  Con- 

Tinent  de  1'Amerique. 

3. 

"II  en  coute  bien  des  ecus 

A.  plus  d'un  Royaliste 
Le  tout  pour  ne  voir  que  des  cus 

Que  Ton  fuit  a  la  piste. 
Mais  malgre  tant  d'exploits,  dit  on, 

Le  Sire  Britannique 
N'  aura  jarnais  un  poil  du  Con- 

Tineiit  de  I'Amerique. 

4. 

"  Fit  on  jamais  en  pareil  cas 

Plus  brillante  retraite  ; 
Aussi  ne  le  cache-t-oii  pas 

Dans  certaine  gazette. 
Chacun  parlant  du  Washington 

Et  de  sa  politique 
Trouve  qu'il  est  digne  du  Con- 

Tinent  de  1'Amerique. 

1  An  allusion  to  the  Gliick  and  Piccini  controversy. 


72  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

5. 

"Pourquoi  voudroit-on  abolir 

Le  droit  de  la  nature  ? 
A  Londres  on  fait  bien  jouir 

Et  meme  avec  usure. 
La  Liberte  n'est  pas  un  don 

Qu'  aisement  on  trafique  ; 
Laissons  en  done  jouir  le  Con- 

Tinent  de  1'Amerique." 

There  are  good  lines  also  in  an  "  Epistle  to  the  Insurg 
ents,"  written  six  months  later.  In  this  there  are  some 
points  of  a  nature  deeper  than  mere  fanciful  conceit, — this, 
for  instance :  — 

"Raisson  nous  un  pen,  je  vous  prie  : 
Quel  droit  avez  vous  plus  que  nous 
A  cette  liberte  cherie, 
Dont  vous  paroissez  si  jaloux  ?  " 

Louis  XVI.  could  not  answer  this  question.1 
In  the  first  chapter  of  this  book  we  have,  in  brief,  illus 
trated  the  hold  which  Franklin  had  early  secured  on  the 
regard  of  the  naturalists  of  France  and  the  circle  of 
political  economists,  whose  views,  really  radical,  gave  large 
material  for  talk,  even  in  fashionable  and  literary  circles. 
Of  his  old  friends  of  nine  years  before,  most  were  still 
living  and  gave  him  a  cordial  welcome.  His  works, 
edited  by  Barbeu  Dubourg,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been 
published  in  elegant  quartos  two  years  before  his  arrival 
as  commissioner.  Some  of  his  smaller  tracts  had  been 
translated,  and  several  compilations  from  "  Poor  Richard  " 
appeared  at  once  after  his  own  landing.  He  had  been 
chosen  into  the  Academy  of  Sciences  in  1772,  and  now 

1  Corr.  Secrete,  v.  187.     The  "  Epistle"  contains  also  this  line  :  — 

"  Rome  resuscite  a  Boston." 
This  is  a  curious  foreshadowing  of  the  Autocrat's  — 

"  We  are  the  Romans  of  the  modern  world." 


THE   TONE   OF  THE   COURT.  73 

began  to  be  a  regular  attendant.  Capefigue,  indeed,  writ 
ing  many  years  after,  implies  that  he  never  went  into 
Paris  except  to  attend  its  meetings.  But  this  is  an  exag 
geration  probably.  In  the  "Annual  Register,"  published 
in  London  this  year,  the  historian,  who  is  supposed  to  be 
Burke,  says,  with  a  suppressed  sigh,  that  outside  of  Eng 
land,  the  opinion  of  all  intelligent  men  seems  to  be  on  the 
side  of  the  insurgents.  Among  the  correspondents  of 
Franklin  in  the  early  years  of  his  French  life  may  be 
noted,  beside  the  names  which  have  been  already  cited, 
those  of  his  neighbor,  the  widow  Helvetius,  of  the  Baron 
de  Stael,  the  husband  of  Necker's  daughter,  of  De  Saus- 
sure,  Rochefoucauld  D'Enville,  Bernstorff,  J.  B.  Beccaria, 
Condorcet,  Mile.  Biheron,  and  Turgot,  —  as  surviving  the 
oblivion  of  a  hundred  years,  even  to  those  who  are  only 
general  readers. 

At  the  Court,  to  tell  the  truth,  the  subject,  as  may  be 
readily  conceived,  was  a  most  delicate  one.  Undoubtedly 
the  large  part  of  the  courtiers  were  strongly  in  favor  of 
war.  But  Louis  XVI.  and  his  queen  were  for  peace,  and 
the  ministry  as  well, —  that  is,  for  peace  at  present;  and 
it  would  not  do  for  the  Court  to  adopt  a  warlike  tone, 
nor  one  particularly  sympathetic  toward  the  insurgents. 
Lord  Storm ont  was  incessant  in  his  complaints.  It  is 
said1  that  as  soon  as  he  learned  that  Franklin  had  dis 
embarked  in  France  he  sent  a  note  to  Vergennes,  threat 
ening  to  leave  sansprendre  conge  if  the  "  chief  of  the  Ameri 
can  rebels  "  were  allowed  to  set  foot  in  Paris.  Vergennes 
replied,  with  diplomatic  temporizing,  that  the  ministers 
had  already  sent  a  courier  to  meet  Franklin  on  his  way 

1  In  a  letter  from  Versailles  (Corr.  Secrete,  iv.  69).  This  correspon 
dence,  written  by  various  hands,  is  usually  taken  as  authority.  Having 
noted  one  or  two  errors,  however,  in  ministerial  rumors,  we  cannot  be  ab 
solutely  sure  of  its  accuracy. 


74 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


from  Nantes,  with  orders  to  forbid  him  to  come  to  Paris ; 
"  but  being  uncertain  of  the  precise  time  of  his  departure, 
and  of  the  route  which  he  has  taken,  we  cannot  be  sure 
that  the  intentions  of  the  King  will  be  carried  out ; "  and 
he  goes  on  to  say  that  "  if  the  Doctor  were  once  in  Paris, 
the  Government,  notwithstanding  its  desire  to  comply  as 
far  as  possible  with  the  views  of  the  Court  of  London, 
would  not  like  to  send  him  away,  because  of  the  scanda 
lous  scene  this  would  present  to 
all  France,  should  we  respect 
neither  the  laws  of  nations  nor 
of  hospitality."  Vergennes  also 
ventured  to  conceive  that  a  sim 
ple  private  individual,  "almost 
eighty,"  could  have  but  little  in 
fluence  on  the  interests  of  France 
and  England.1  The  worthy  min 
ister,  however,  knew  well  just 
how  much  comfort  these  diplo 
matic  phrases  would  bear  to  the 
British  Ambassador,  and,  willing 
to  go  a  little  further  in  order  to 

make  it  seem  that  France  was  still  neutral,  he  forbade  any 
conversation  in  the  cabarets  of  Paris  either  about  the 
insurgents  or  about  the  English.  "  You  understand,  how 
ever,"  remarks  our  authority, "  that  this  forbidding  has  only 
the  effect  of  kindling  more  zeal  than  existed  at  first." 

Nevertheless,  this  much  talking  was  in  the  wine-shops, 
and  not  at  Court.  At  Court,  where  the  desires  of  the 
King  gave  the  sign,  in  public  at  least,  and  to  some  extent 
in  private,  the  tone  was  very  reserved.  "We  do  not  dare 
here  at  Court2  to  take  part  too  much  with  the  Americans, 

1  Franklin  had  in  fact  just  passed  seventy. 

2  That  is,  at  Versailles. 


LOUIS   XVI. 


LOUIS  XVI.  AND  AMERICA. 


75 


though  they  do  at  Paris,  to  the  great  disgust  of  the  Eng 
lish  minister."1  Nevertheless,  the  subject  could  not  be 
entirely  excluded.  Witness  the  well-known  bon  mot  of 
Count  Falken stein,  the  Emperor  incognito.  When  he  ar 
rived  this  spring  in  Paris,  he  was  asked  by  an  incautious 
lady  whether  he  sympathized  with  the  insurgents.  "  Ma 
dame,"  said  the  Austrian,  "it 
is  my  profession  to  be  a  roy 
alist." 

So  was  it  the  profession  of 
Louis  XVI.  to  be  a  royalist; 
and  he  had  not  at  this  time  en 
tirely  conquered  his  prejudices 
against  aiding  a  number  of 
rebels  to  their  King.  The 
American  cause  looked  dark 
and  the  British  were  menacing. 
Subsequently,  when  Princeton, 
Trenton,  and  Saratoga  were 
added  to  the  American  side  of 

the  scale,  he  gave  way  to  the  united  voice  of  his  ministry, 
his  court,  and  his  people. 

1  Corr.  Secrete,  iv.  197.  Exactly  what  was  called  "too  much"  hy  the 
writer  cannot  easily  be  determined.  A  few  months  before,  some  one  had 
considered  it  not  too  much  to  permit  himself  to  write  the  following  verse 
in  a  species  of  Christmas  hymn,  which  we  are  told  was  sung  at  Court 
shortly  after  the  time  of  Franklin's  arrival  : — 

"Vergennes,  gobemouche, 
Ministre  sans  talent, 
Laisse  1'anglais  farouche 
Battre  les  insurgens ; 
Valet  has  et  soumis 
De  toute  1'Angleterre 
A  George  III.  il  a  promis 
Qu'on  serait  toujours  de  ses  amis 
Pendant  son  ministere."  a 

a  SOULAVIE  :  Memoires  duregne  de  Louis  XVI.  iii.  436. 


MARIE   ANTOINETTE. 


76 


FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 


NECKER. 


But  at  this  time,  however,  his  ministry  was  decidedly 
averse  to  giving  any  public  aid  to  America,  and  appar 
ently  very  eager  to  show  England  that  the  friendly  feel 
ings  between  the  old  enemies  were 
to  remain  unstrained  through  this 
great  test  of  the  American  Eevo- 
lution.     Turgot  was  no  longer  in 
the  ministry.     He  had  been  dis 
missed  in  May,  1776,  —  not  before 
he   had   given  it  as   his   opinion 
that  America  would  ultimately  be 
free,  and  as  his  advice  that  Louis 
should  not  in  any  way  assist  her. 
His  place   was   filled  by  Tabou- 
reau,  and  afterwards  by  Necker 

but  neither  of  them  had  any  very  appreciable  influence 
upon  the  attitude  of  the  Court  in  this  crisis.  The  two 
men  who  were  the  king's  most  trusted  advisers  were  the 

Count  de  Maurepas,  President 
of  the  Council  of  State,  and 
the  Count  de  Vergennes,  Min 
ister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  As 
for  Maurepas,  he  was  appar 
ently  uninfluenced  by  any  se 
rious  considerations ;  he  gave 
but  little  advice  or  counsel. 
What  little  advice  he  did  give, 
influenced  by  his  new  favorite, 
Beaumarchais,  was  in  the  di 
rection  of  secret  aid  rather  than  open  alliance. 

Gravier  de  Vergennes,  on  the  whole,  held  the  decision 
of  the  question  in  his  hands  as  far  as  any  minister  could. 
He  was  a  man  of  great  good  sense,  political  wisdom,  and 
of  a  singularly  temperate  nature.  A  hard  worker,  and 


MAUBEPAS. 


THE   COURT  POLICY. 


raised  to  his  present  high  position  by  his  own  worth,  after 
an  experience  in  many  courts  of  Europe,  he  was  emphati 
cally  a  man  of  business,  a  man  who  would  look  at  a  ques 
tion  calmly,  wisely,  from  all  sides,  and  decide  it  unmoved 
by  prejudices  or  trifles.  "  Je  cause  avec  M.  de  Maurepas  ; 
je  negocie  avec  M.  de  Vergennes  "  was  the  mot  of  D'Arauda, 
the  Spanish  minister,  who  knew  them  both  well.  He 
was  in  all  respects  a,  man  worthy  to  receive  Benjamin 
Franklin,  and  the  two  always  had  for  each  other  great 
respect  and  broad  confidence. 

A  man  like  this  would  not  be  carried  away  by  enthu 
siasm  ;  nor  would  the  plausible  talk  of  a  clever  favorite 
urge   him  to  do  anything   without   consideration.     Ver 
gennes  looked,  reflected,  and  finally  decided  that  an  open 
alliance  with  America  was  not  at  that  time  to  be  desired. 
That  decided,  he  applied  himself  with  all  his  diplomatic 
skill  and  clever   astuteness   to  maintain   France  in  her 
anomalous  position.     For  this  purpose  it  was  necessary  ( 
that  the  tone  of  the  French  Court  should  remain  very  I 
strictly  neutral. 

The  Court  policy,  therefore,  was  not  particularly 
friendly  to  Franklin  in  the  first  months  of  his  mission. 
Social  France  received  him  as  an  idol;  philosophical 
France  welcomed  him  as  a  co-worker  in  a  great  work ; 
military  France  greeted  him  as  an  ally  against  an  old  foe ; 
commercial  France  at  once  set  him  down  as  the  means  of 
netting  very  considerable  sums ;  and  all  alike  welcomed 
him  warmly.  But  the  hands  which  swayed  the  political 
destinies  of  France  had  at  this  moment  no  welcome  — 
that  is,  no  open  welcome  —  for  the  chief  of  the  American 
rebels.  So  far  from  welcoming  him,  we  doubt  not  that 
they  wished  that  he  had  kept  at  home,  rather  than  involve 
them  in  such  difficulties  as  those  that  he  brought  with 
him. 


/   f^ 


78  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

We  have  noted  in  our  chapter  on  the  proceedings  of 
Beaumarchais  and  Deane  the  sailing  of  Du  Coudray  and 
many  more  French  officers  for  America  to  fight  for  the 
cause  of  liberty  under  the  great  Washington 1  in  one  grade 
higher  than  that  they  now  enjoyed;  lieutenants  were  to 
become  captains,  captains  majors,  and  so  on.  It  seemed 
as  though  half  the  French  army  wished  to"  cross  the  ocean. 
They  were  most  enthusiastic. 

How  far  the  desire  to  fight  the  English  once  more  was 
the  ruling  motive,  how  much  was  real  enthusiasm  for 
a  revolted  people  fighting  for  liberty,  and  how  far  it  was 
merely  the  love  of  adventure,  or  the  desire  of  bettering 
themselves,  it  is  difficult  to  say,  and  perhaps  unnecessary. 
Undoubtedly,  all  these  incentives  were  influential,  as 
well  as  others  less  apparent.  There  is  one  example,  at 
least,  of  one  moved  by  a  generous  feeling  for  an  oppressed 
nation  that  will  rise  at  once  to  the  mind  of  every  one. 
The  services  of  the  Marquis  of  Lafayette  2  will  out-balance 
in  the  minds  of  Americans  to-day  all  and  more  than  all 
the  annoyance  and  trouble  caused  by  his  less  able  and  less 
worthy  co-partners. 

But,  leaving  out  the  few  cases3  wherein  the  foreign 
gentlemen  and  their  companions  did  service  for  America 
which  she  could  not  have  missed,  —  on  the  whole,  this 

1  Whose  name  is  met  with  in  their  letters  to  Franklin  spelt  in  various 
queer  ways,  and  notably,  "  Vaginsthon." 

2  Capefigue  says  that  ' '  it  was  said  in  the  world  of  court  and  of  gal 
lantry  that  an  exalted  and  unfortunate  love  made  him  quit  Europe."     But 
no  one  will  believe  this,  who  has  read  the  charming  love  letters  which  he 
wrote  to  his  young  wife  on  his  passage  and  immediately  after  his  arrival. 
Capefigue  also  says  that  the  discipline  of  the  Count  de  Saint  Germain 
"  had  so  annoyed  and  fatigued  the  military  spirit  that  many  a  gentleman 
wished  to  pass  into  the  foreign  service." 

8  And  in  these  cases  the  service  rendered  was  genuine,  true,  and  of  the 
finest  quality,  as  any  one  will  agree  who  runs  over  in  his  mind  the  names 
of  Lafayette,  Steuben,  De  Kalb,  Pulaski,  Kosciusko. 


FRENCH   OFFICERS. 


79 


LAFAYETTE. 


wholesale  desire  to  cross  to  America  to  serve  in  her  armies 
was  nothing  but  the  most  frightful  annoyance  to  Frank 
lin  on  the  one  side  of  the  Atlantic,  and  to  Washington 
on  the  other.  They  crowded 
about  the  Doctor,  clamorous 
for  commissions ;  they  intro 
duced  friends  even  when 
they  were  unacquainted  with 
him  themselves  ;  they  over 
powered  him  with  letters  full 
of  the  wildest  protestations  of 
the  most  enthusiastic  sympa 
thy  for  his  noble  compatriots  ; 
they  formed,  in  short,  one  of 
the  worst  of  the  myriad  petty 
annoyances  under  which  the 

worthy  Doctor  cheerfully  bore  up  for  several  years, — as 
long,  in  fact,  as  the  war  lasted.1 

And  in  America,  if  possible,  matters  were  worse.  Not 
six  months  after  the  "Amphitrite"  and  Du  Coudray 
had  reached  America  we  find  the  following  letter  from 
the  Secretary  of  Congress  to  Franklin :  — 

PHILADELPHIA,  July  4th,  1777. 

Sin,  —  I  think  it  my  duty  as  an  individual  to  communi 
cate  some  information  to  you  which  you  may  not  perhaps 
receive  in  a  more  formal  or  authoritative  way.  The  con- 

1  Franklin  had  countless  letters  from  these  brave  officers  and  numberless 
interviews  with  them.  Almost  everybody  will  remember  his  form  for  a 
letter  of  introduction  which  he  says  he  used  to  give  when  one  person  with 
whom  he  was  totally  unacquainted  introduced  another  for  a  letter  of 
recommendation  to  General  Washington  or  to  Congress.  They  became 
rather  an  everyday  affair  to  Franklin.  Perhaps  the  most  curious,  and  one 
which  seems  to  have  roused  the  Doctor  from  his  usual  apathy,  is  one 
endorsed  "from  Dom  Bernard  Benedictine,  who  wants  me  to  pay  his 
gaming  debts,  and  he  will  pray  for  success  to  our  cause." 


80  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

tracts  made  with  the  Cheval.  De  Borre,  M.  Du  Coudray, 
and  several  more  have  given  infinite  trouble,  being  incon 
sistent  with  each  other,  and  all  of  them,  except  the  one 
you  signed  with  four  engineers,  inconsistent  with  the 
honor  of  our  American  officers,  who,  though  not  formed  in 
regular  standing  armies,  have  the  most  just  claims  from 
their  services  since  the  war  began.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted 
but  that  a  multitude  of  foreign  officers,  by  no  means  de 
ficient  of  merit,  are  willing  to  come  over  and  supersede 
such  of  ours  as  have  been  constantly  in  the  field,  and  have 
borne  innumerable  hardships  when  our  poverty  in  arms 
and  ammunition  would  have  terrified  the  stoutest  Euro 
pean  who  had  been  accustomed  to  systematic  campaigns. 
Though  we  have  now  a  standing  army  for  three  years  or 
during  the  war,  yet  the  genius  of  the  people  of  these 
United  States  is  far  from  relishing  this  monarchical 
production ;  so  far,  at  least,  as  not  to  be  willing,  for  the 
sake  of  theory,  to  have  foreigners  placed  in  the  highest 
trusts. 

The  merit  of  Brigadier-General  Knox  is  great,  and  he  is 
beloved  by  his  corps.  How  then  could  it  be  conceived 
that  M.  Du  Coudray 's  treaty  should  not  create  the  great 
est  confusion  among  our  officers  of  artillery.  But  these 
are  not  the  only  ones  disgusted.  Numbers  of  our  Major- 
Generals  are  injured  by  an  antedate.  The  four  engineers 
who  have  arrived  this  week  disavow  in  the  most  peremp 
tory  manner  being  under  the  command  of  Mr.  Du  Coud 
ray,  who  is  not  of  the  Eoyal  Corps  of  Engineers.  Nor  is 
it  usual  or  convenient  that  these  two  parties  should  be 
under  the  same  guidance. 

Mr.  De  la  Balme  may  be  Inspector-General  of  Cavalry 
without  umbrage  given  to  any  of  that  corps. 

Brigadier-General  Conway  resigns  upon  finding  De  Borre 
ranking  above  him.  The  first  might  be  ten  thousand 


COUNT  BULCKLEY.  81 

times  more  useful  to  us  than  the  last.     Mr.  Holsendorf  is 
a  fresh  embarrassment  in  all  respects. 

I  much  fear  that  an  instruction  formerly  passed  in 
Congress  respecting  foreigners  who  do  not  understand  our 
language  will  be  construed  as  a  patent  for  those  who  do. 
It  was  not  intended  for  that  end,  I  assure  you.  Nothing 
is  more  dreaded  than  such  a  construction. 

I  will  not  multiply  words,  but  conclude  by  assuring 
you  of  my  most  sincere  esteem  as,  Sir, 

Your  friend  and  very  humble  servant, 

JAMES  LOVELL. 

It  is  not  impossible,  however,  that  we  may  exaggerate 
this  desire  of  the  French  officers  to  serve  in  the  American 
army,  —  or  rather,  that  we  may  imagine  that  there  was  no 
other  feeling  at  the  time.  The  other  side  cannot  be  ex 
pected  to  reveal  itself  so  distinctly  in  Franklin's  letters. 
Those  who  wished  to  serve  in  the  English  army  did  not 
write  to  ask  his  permission  and  recommendation.  That 
there  were  such  is  not  improbable.  In  the  "  Correspondance 
Secrete,"  written  from  Versailles  in  the  winter  of  1776,  we 
find  that  "  Count  Bulckley  has  asked  permission  to  offer 
his  services  to  the  King  of  England  against  the  Americans. 
He  was  answered  that  if  his  father  (an  excellent  officer) 
had  made  such  a  request,  the  King  would  never  have  con 
sented  to  it ;  but  that  as  for  him,  he  might  do  as  he  liked, 
for  nobody  cared  what  he  did."  Who  sent  this  extraor 
dinary  answer  to  the  unfortunate  Count  is  not  stated.  It 
is  the  only  instance  of  this  sort,  however,  that  we  have 
noted. 

But,  to  show  that  the  feeling  of  admiration  and  rev 
erence  for  Franklin  was  hardly  universal  throughout 
France,  let  us  here  introduce,  a  little  in  advance  of  the 
date  of  its  publication,  the  sentiments  of  a  clever  soul, 

6 


82  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

who  in  some  fifty  or  sixty  quatrains  represents  himself  as 
having  been  drawn  to  America  in  search  of  the  wonders 
of  the  Abbd  Eaynal's  book,  and  who,  disappointed  in  what 
he  saw,  roundly  condemns  almost  everything  American, 
Franklin  included. 

"  Vous  voyez  leur  mobile  unique,  — 
Ce  vieux  Doeteur  in  partibus  ; 
Dont  1'insidieuse  rubrique 
Vous  echauffe  de  ses  rebus. 

"Sur  1'Amerique  consternee 
Pla£ant  le  bout  d'un  conducteur, 
De  1'autre  a  1' Europe  etonnee, 
II  lance  le  feu  destructeur. 

"Cameleon  octogenaire, 
Son  esprit  se  ploie  aisement  : 
De  la  France  et  de  1'Angleterre 
Le  fourbe  rit  egalemeut." 

In  the  same  mood,  a  generation  later,  Capefigue,  in  his 
memoirs  of  Louis  XVI.,  calls  Franklin  "one  of  the  great 
charlatans  of  the  nineteenth  century,"  and  in  another  place 
says  that  he  was  very  much  occupied  with  the  affairs  of 
his  country  and  his  own  reputation,  knowing  France  well, 
where  everything  "  qui  est  charlatanisme  "  succeeds. 

There  was  another  direction  in  which  sympathy  for 
America  appeared.  We  have  glanced  at  the  social,  the 
philosophical,  the  political  aspects  of  Franklin's  arrival  in 
/  France ;  if  we  look  at  the  influence  of  the  American  war 
on  the  commerce  of  France,  we  shall  see  here  too  an  im 
mense  feeling  for  the  "  insurgents,"  from  motives  of  profit 
and  loss.  This  is  indeed  one  of  the  most  important  points 
of  view  from  which  to  look  at  Franklin's  stay  in  France,  as 
well  as  one  of  the  most  difficult  and  uninteresting.  We 
shall,  as  we  proceed,  have  more  or  less  to  do  with  this 
feeling,  as  we  go  with  Franklin  through  the  time  he  spent 


FRANKLIN  AND  THE  FRENCH  MERCHANTS.     83 

at  the  French  Court.  Here  it  may  be  enough  to  point  out 
the  immense  profits  possible  in  the  tobacco  trade,  in  con 
tracting  to  supply  the  American  army  with  military  stores, 
and  in  fitting  out  privateers  to  prey  upon  the  English 
commerce.  "  Twenty  thousand  hogsheads  of  tobacco  are 
this  instant  wanted  in  this  kingdom,"  writes  Deane,  just 
before  Franklin  arrived;  and  ai>ain,  "Tobacco  is  rising 
very  fast,  being  seven  stivers  in  Holland."  The  trade  was 
a  lucrative  one,  and  many  were  the  merchants  who  desired 
to  make  some  arrangements  with  the  commissioners  to  im 
port  tobacco.  So  in  regard  to  privateers.  Deane  had  been 
continually  demanding  blank  commissions,  that  privateers 
might  sally  forth  from  the  French  ports  to  prey  upon 
English  commerce.  There  were  many  and  varied  schemes 
on  the  carpet,  —  a  contract  with  the  farmers -general,  for 
instance,  for  a  loan  to  be  paid  in  tobacco ;  a  contract  with 
Eay  de  Chaumont  for  establishing  a  line  of  packets  be 
tween  France  and  America;  a  contract  with  a  Spanish 
firm  for  the  supplying  of  cannon,  to  be  repaid  in  tobacco 
(half  as  much  tobacco  again  by  weight  as  there  was  can 
non).  There  were  projects  from  Dunkirk  for  the  building 
and  fitting  out  of  privateers.  There  were,  in  fact,  number 
less  commercial  schemes,  many  of  which  will  come  up 
before  us  as  we  go  on.  It  will  be  enough  here  to  point 
out  the  commercial  feeling  for  America,  —  by  no  means  so 
pure  and  uninterested  as  the  devotion  of  Lafayette  or  the 
enthusiasm  of  Voltaire,  but  yet  an  important  element  in 
the  general  disposition  of  France. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PARIS  REVISITED. 

AFTER  a  diplomatic  delay  in  the  city  of  Nantes,  while 
he  was  waiting  for  advices  from  Deane,  Franklin 
and  his  party  rode  by  post  to  Paris.  It  was  in  this 
journey,  if  in  any,  that  the  historian  Gibbon  refused  to 
spend  the'evening  with  him  at  an  inn,  while  he  also  was 
travelling.  The  anecdote,  which  has  been  generally  circu 
lated,  is  probably  true.  Arriving  in  Paris  Franklin  took 
up  his  quarters  at  the  Hotel  d'Hambourg,  in  the  Rue  de 
1'Universite',  and  there  he  remained  from  the  21st  of 
December,  when  he  arrived,  for  some  weeks.  The  party 
then  removed  to  the  comfortable  and  even  elegant  hotel 
of  Monsieur  Ray  de  Chaumont,  in  Passy.  Passy  was  then 
rather  a  suburb  of  Paris  than  a  part  of  the  great  city,  as 
it  is  now.  Fortunately  for  America  and  for  the  comfort 
of  the  commissioners,  M.  de  Chaumont  at  this  time  owned 
the  Hotel  Valentinois.  In  the  general  enthusiasm  for 
the  American  cause  which  was  felt  by  so  many  French 
men  of  high  social  position,  M.  de  Chaumont  pressed 
Franklin  to  come  and  reside  in  his  hotel.  Franklin  did 
so.  He  removed  there  with  his  grandsons,  and  from  that 
time  till  he  left  France,  maintained  a  separate  establish 
ment  in  a  part  of  the  hotel,  —  M.  de  Chaumont  with  his 
family  residing  in  another  part.1  M.  de  Chaumont  would 

1  There  is  some  confusion  as  to  the  exact  date.  Mr.  Alexander,  an  inti 
mate  correspondent,  addresses  Franklin  at  the  Hotel  Hambourg  on  March  7. 
De  Saxy,  writing  from  St.  Qnentin  as  late  as  March  18,  addressed  him  at 
Hotel  Hambourg.  Dubourg,  who  knew  the  movements  of  the  commis- 


FRANKLIN. 

(From  a  Drawing  by  L.  C.  DE  CARMONTELLE.) 
"  On  1'a  vu  ctesarmer  les  Tirans  et  les  Dieux." 


FRANKLIN'S  ESTABLISHMENT.  85 

never  accept  any  rent  until  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  was  made  sure.  So  far  as  appears,  Franklin 
accepted  this  arrangement  as  one  out  of  many  favors 
which  the  present  popularity  of  America  won  for  her,  — 
probably  with  no  fear  but  that  time  would  bring  its 
revenges. 

It  will  probably  be  a  convenience  to  the  reader  if  we 
bring  together  here  some  notes  as  to  the  domestic  life  of 
Passy  through  the  whole  of  Franklin's  residence  there, 
which  will  in  part  supply  the  coloring,  and  indeed  some 
of  the  lights  and  shades  for  the  whole  history. 

The  establishment  which  he  maintained  was  so  gen 
erous  that  Mr.  John  Adams,  in  a  well-known  letter,  ex 
postulated  with  him  regarding  it.  But  Franklin  defended 
very  wisely  the  expenditure  which  Mr.  Adams  thought 
profuse,  and  the  scale  of  it  was  never  changed.  To  a 
foreign  minister  of  to-day  it  would  not  seem  extravagant. 
He  kept  a  carriage  and  a  pair  of  horses ;  he  had  servants 
enough  to  entertain  handsomely  any  guests  whom  he 
chose  to  receive.  The  correspondence  now  open  to  us  is 
full  of  curious  little  notes  from  his  more  intimate  friends, 
who  avail  themselves  of  the  use  of  his  carriage  and  horses, 
as  friends  will  in  almost  any  stage  of  civilization. 

Here  is,  for  instance,  an  appointment,  without  date, 
made  by  Madame  Helvetius.  The  note  is  from  the  Abbe* 
Morellet :  — 

sioners  perfectly,  wrote  to  the  care  of  M.  Chaumont  at  Paris  on  the  21st. 
Arthur  Lee,  writing  from  Burgos  as  early  as  March  5,  addresses  "Mons. 
Francis,  dans  le  jardin."  This  is  the  Passy  address,  which,  as  the  reader 
will  see,  had  been  already  given  to  Miss  Shipley.  It  seems  therefore  that 
the  removal  was  probably  made  in  the  second  week  in  March.  Temple 
Franklin,  however,  says  distinctly  that  they  removed  to  Paris  early  in  Janu 
ary.  If  this  is  not  a  misprint  or  an  error  in  memory  the  business  office  must 
have  been  retained  in  the  Hotel  de  Hambourg  till  the  second  week  in  March. 
But  even  Franklin's  private  letters  are  dated  at  Paris  until  that  time. 


86  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

"MONSIEUR, — Mad.  Helvetius  learns  that  the  Miles. 
Alexander  will  come  to  ask  her  to  dine  to-day.  She  is 
engaged  to  dine  at  the  Abbd  Eochon's  with  his  Sunday 
party,  so  that  she  will  not  be  able  to  receive  these  ladies. 
She  thinks  that  as  you  are  at  home  you  will  come  to  her 
rescue  and  receive  the  young  ladies  in  her  place,  and  then 
she  will  come  and  join  them  with  you  after  dinner.  I 
shall  have  the  pleasure  of  accepting  your  agreeable  invi 
tation  for  Monday.  It  is  always  a  great  good-fortune 
for  me  to  see  you.  I  am,  with  the  most  profound  re 
spect,"  etc.,  etc. 

And  again,  from  the  same  person, — 

"My  sister,  my  niece,  and  M.  Marmontel,  being  about 
to  go  into  the  country  for  the  summer,  have  a  great  de 
sire  to  visit  you  on  Sunday  morning,  —  a  day  on  which 
Madame  Helvetius  had  asked  them  to  dine.  If  you  will 
grant  them  this  permission,  I  beg  you  to  join  another 
kindness,  which  is  to  send  your  carriage  only  to  bring 
them  to  your  house.  Madame  Helvetius  will  send  them  if 
anything  shall  prevent  you  from  lending  yourself  to  this 
arrangement.  Do  me  the  pleasure  to  let  me  know  before 
Sunday.  You  know  with  what  satisfaction  I  always  see 
you.  My  family  joins  in  this  and  in  all  the  sentiments  of 
affectionate  regard  and  respectful  attachment  which  I 
have  for  you  always.  I  am,  with  all  possible  devotion, 
Monsieur,  your  very  humble  and  very  obedient  servant. 

Thursday.  If  you  have  the  goodness  to  send  your  car 
riage,  I  beg  you  let  it  be  at  Paris  before  nine  o'clock." 

A  pleasant  note  from  Miss  Alexander  asks  Franklin  to 
carry  a  parcel  into  Paris  for  her  father.  Unless  he  brings 
it  in  his  own  carriage  it  will  be  stopped  at  the  gate  of  the 
city.  This  is  after  Franklin  had  the  privileges  of  an 
ambassador. 


CLERICAL  DUTIES.  87 

.  William  Temple  Franklin,  a  boy  in  his  sixteenth  year 
when  they  arrived  at  Passy,  remained  with  his  grand 
father  through  the  whole  of  his  residence  in  France,  and 
acted  strictly  as  his  private  secretary.  Other  gentlemen 
were  employed  from  time  to  time  in  the  clerical  duties  of 
the  office ;  among  others  John  Quincy  Adams  is  said  to 
ha v^e  worked  there  with  his  father,  when  he  was  but 
eleven  years  old.1 

Congress,  however,  which  was  the  executive  of  the 
United  States,  never  made  any  diplomatic  appointment 
for  this  period,  of  an  officer  to  undertake  the  duties  which 
are  now  assigned  to  a  Secretary  of  Legation.  An  interest 
ing  letter  from  Mr.  Alexander,  an  English  friend  of  Frank 
lin,  written  on  the  first  of  March,  implies  that  at  that  time 
at  least  the  new  "  Chancelry "  was  not  in  very  thorough 
business-like  order.  "  Forgive  me,  dear  Doctor,  for  notic 
ing  that  your  papers  seem  to  lye  a  little  loosely  about 
your  house.  You  ought  to  consider  yourself  as  sur 
rounded  by  spies  and  amidst  people  who  can  make  a  cable 
from  a  thread.  Would  not  a  spare  half-hour  per  day 
enable  your  grandson  to  arrange  all  your  papers,  useless 
or  not,  so  that  you  could  come  at  them  sooner,  and  not 
one  be  visible  to  a  prying  eye?"  This  refers  to  the 
establishment  at  the  Hotel  d'Hambourg. 

To  Mrs.  Juliana  Kitchie,  who  had,  apparently,  addressed 
him  in  the  same  strain  while  he  was  still  in  Paris,  Frank 
lin  wrote  the  following  amusing  reply :  — 

PARIS,  Jan.  19,  1777. 

MADAM,  —  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  kind 
attention  to  my  welfare  in  the  information  you  give  ma 

1  We  have  not,  however,  found  any  handwriting  which  could  be  re 
ferred  to  him  in  the  rough  drafts  of  that  period.  A  letter  to  him  begin 
ning  "  My  dear  Master  Johnny  "  will  be  printed  in  its  place. 


88  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

I  have  no  doubt  of  its  being  well-founded,  but  as  it  is 
impossible  to  discover  in  every  case  the  falsity  of  pre 
tended  friends  who  would  know  our  affairs,  and  more  so 
to  prevent  being  watched  by  spies  when  interested  people 
may  think  proper  to  place  them  for  that  purpose,  I  have 
long  observed  one  rule  which  prevents  any  inconvenience 
from  such  practices.  It  is  simply  this,  —  to  be  concerned 
in  no  affairs  that  I  should  blush  to  have  made  public, 
and  to  do  nothing  but  what  spies  may  see  and  welcome. 
When  a  man's  actions  are  just  and  honorable,  the  more 
they  are  known,  the  more  his  reputation  is  increased  and 
established.  If  I  was  sure,  therefore,  that  my  valet  de 
place  was  a  spy,  as  probably  he  is,  I  think  I  should  not 
discharge  him  for  that,  if  in  other  respects  I  liked  him. 
The  various  conjectures  you  mention  concerning  my  busi 
ness  here  must  have  their  course.  They  amuse  those 
that  make  them,  and  some  of  those  that  hear  them ;  they 
do  me  no  harm,  and  therefore  it  is  not  necessary  that  I 
should  take  the  least  pains  to  rectify  them.  I  am  glad  to 
learn  that  you  are  in  a  situation  that  is  agreeable  to  you, 
and  that  Mr.  Eitchie  was  lately  well.  My  daughter  and 
her  children  were  so  when  I  left  them,  but  I  have  lost  my 
dear  Mrs.  Franklin,  now  two  years  since.  I  have  the 
honor  to  be,  very  respectfully,  &c. 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Very  little,  of  course,  could  be  expected  from  a  private 
secretary  who  was  but  sixteen  years  old.  Franklin  him 
self  was  a  well-trained  man  of  business,  and  everything  in 
the  correspondence  shows  that  the  business  of  the  country 
went  systematically  on.  But  from  this  time  to  Temple 
Franklin's  death  in  1823,  he  does  not  favorably  impress 
the  persons  who  followed  his  work  as  an  officer  of  this 
legation,  or  as  its  historian.  It  seems  as  if  he  never  took 


DANGERS   OF   THE   SEAS.  89 

any  vital  interest  in  the  affairs  of  his  country.  It  would 
be  difficult  to  show  a  single  detail  in  which  he  lifted  a 
finger  or  spoke  a  word  in  national  affairs,  unless  he  were 
obliged  to  do  so. 

The  details  of  office  life  and  duty  sometimes  involved 
very  great  anxiety  for  all  concerned.  There  is  one  period 
when  at  a  time  of  critical  interest  more  than  twelve 
months  passed,  without  their  receiving  any  instructions 
from  home.  When  instructions  came  they  were  predi 
cated  on  a  view  of  affairs  which  was  almost  antiquated 
when  they  were  received ;  and  in  some  instances  they  were 
written  by  committees  of  Congress,  who  do  not  seem  to 
have  known  or  cared  what  their  predecessors  had  written. 
Endless  embarrassments  arose  from  the  appearance  of 
drafts  on  the  Commissioners,  which  had  been  drawn  really 
on  no  account  but  that  of  the  "  Bank  of  Hope,"  but  which 
the  Commissioners  had  to  provide  for,  that  the  credit  of 
the  United  States  might  not  be  dishonored.  . 

Such  was  the  constant  danger  of  the  capture  of  vessels 
which  bore  despatches,  that  every  paper  to  or  from  Con 
gress  was  copied  four  times.  The  originals  always  have 
the  grim  endorsement  —  on  the  outside  —  "  To  be  sunk  if 
in  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy."  If  we 
may  judge  from  the  present  files  it  would  seem  that  these 
instructions  had  been  fulfilled  with  more  than  half  the 
papers  which  passed  the  hands  of  the  copying  clerks.1 

There  were,  therefore,  many  periods  of  profound  anxiety 
and  of  wearing  labor  during  the  eight  years  of  Franklin's 
residence  in  Passy.  But  there  were  long  vacations,  so  to 
speak,  intermissions  of  anxiety  and  of  work,  when  with 

1  The  rates  of  insurance  in  London  against  captures  by  American 
cruisers  were  once  as  high  as  sixty  per  cent.  At  the  beginning  of  1777 
the  rate  was  twenty-two  per  cent  on  freight  from  the  West  Indies.  The 
risk  of  capture  by  British  cruisers  was,  of  course,  much  larger. 


90  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

that  good-natured  light-heartedness  which  was  an  essential 
part  of  his  character,  he  was  able  to  give  himself  freely  to 
the  social  duties  which  make  the  most  important  part  of 
the  life  of  a  successful  diplomatist.  At  the  very  moment 
of  his  arrival  he  found  himself  "  the  rage  "  in  Paris.  He 
was  received  with  the  other  commissioners  by  Vergennes, 
the  foreign  minister,  as  early  as  Dec.  23,  1776,  not  as 
ambassadors,  but  as  gentlemen  to  whom  Vergennes  wished 
to  show  respect. 

We  have  from  the  French  archives  the  report  made  to 
the  government  by  the  police  of  Franklin's  appearance. 
It  is  dated  January  15, —  three  weeks  after  his  arrival  in 
Paris,  —  and  is  in  these  words  :  — 

"Doctor  Franklin,  who  lately  arrived  in  this  country 
from  the  English  Colonies,  is  very  much  run  after,  and 
feted,  not  only  by  the  savants  his  confreres,  but  by  all 
people  who  can  get  hold  of  him;  for  he  is  difficult  to  be 
approached,  and  lives  in  a  reserve  which  is  supposed  to  be 
directed  by  the  Government.  This  Quaker  wears  the  full 
costume  of  his  sect.  He  has  an  agreeable  physiognomy. 
Spectacles  always  on  his  eyes;  but  little  hair, — a  fur  cap  is 
always  on  his  head.  He  wears  no  powder,  but  a  neat  air 
(un  air  net);  linen  very  white,  a  brown  coat  make  his 
dress.  His  only  defence  is  a  stick  in  his  hand.  If  he  sees 
our  ministers,  it  is  at  Paris l  at  night,  and  in  the  greatest 
secrecy ;  but  he  has  frequent  conference  with  the  Sieurs  de 
Beaumarchais  et  le  Eez  de  Chaumont.  The  first  of  these 
is  the  tou-tou  of  Madame  de  Maurepas,  and  probably  bears 
some  messages  (le  porteur  des  paroles)." 

Our  own  readers  will  know  how  close  were  the  rela 
tions  of  Beaumarchais  both  with  Maurepas  and  Franklin. 

Capefigue,  in  his  unfriendly  account  of  Franklin,  says 
that  "  the  retreat  to  which  he  condemned  himself  in  the 
1  That  is,  not  at  Court. 


GEOKGIANA   SHIPLEY.  91 

village  of  Passy"  helped  to  make  up  his  reputation  in  a 
world  disposed  to  mystery.  "He  shewed  himself  little, 
like  all  men  who  choose  to  exercise  a  mysterious  influr 
ence."  This  is  the  bitter  remark  of  a  partisan,  whose  own 
views  of  government  and  policy  had  not  been  favored 
with  success. 

So  soon  as  the  arrival  of  Dr.  Franklin  was  known  in 
Europe,  his  old  friends  in  every  country  addressed  him. 
It  is  amusing  now  to  see  how  various  were  their  views. 
Jngenhausz,  his  scientific  correspondent  in  Vienna,  really 
supposed  that  he  had  come  to  reunite  the  Colonies  to 
^England.  "  I  hope  your  return  to  our  Continent  has  for 
its  object  the  happy  reunion  between  the  mother  country 
and  the  Colonies,  which  I  so  much  the  more  hope  is  the 
case,  as  I  know  it  was  your  constant  opinion  that  the 
Colonies  should  keep  the  seat  of  government  out  of  their 
country."  The  German  naturalist,  in  his  cabinet,  did 
not  understand  how  times  had  changed,  —  and  Franklin's 
views  with  them. 

A  charming  letter  from  Georgiana  Shipley  —  afterwards 
the  mother  of  the  brothers  Hare,  so  well  known  to  the 
last  generation  of  English  scholars  —  came  early  in  Feb 
ruary.  She  even  disobeyed  the  good  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 
her  father,  by  writing  it. 

"LONDON,  February  the  llth,  1777. 

"  After  near  two  years  had  passed  without  my  hearing 
anything  from  you,  and  while  I  looked  upon  the  renewal 
of  our  correspondence  as  a  very  unlikely  event,  it  is  easier 
to  conceive  than  express  the  joy  I  felt  at  receiving  your 
last  kind  letter ;  the  certainty  that  you  are  in  good  health 
and  spirits,  and  that  you  still  remember  your  English 
friends,  is  the  greatest  pleasure  we  can  know  during  your 
absence.  How  good  you  were  to  send  me  your  direction ; 


92  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

but  I  fear  I  must  not  make  use  of  it  as  often  as  I  could 
wish,  since  my  father  says  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  write 
in  the  present  position  of  affairs.  I  am  not  of  an  age  to  be 
so  very  prudent,  and  the  only  thought  that  occurred  to  me 
was  your  suspecting  that  my  silence  proceeded  from  other 
motives.  I  could  not  support  the  idea  of  your  believing 
that  I  love  and  esteem  you  less  than  I  did  some  few  years 
ago.  I  therefore  write  this  once  without  my  fathers 
knowledge.  You  are  the  first  man  who  ever  received  a 
private  letter  from  me ;  and  in  this  instance,  I  feel  that 
my  intentions  justify  rny  conduct.  But  I  must  entreat 
that  you  will  take  no  notice  of  my  writing  when  next 
I  have  the  happiness  of  hearing  from  you. 

"  You  say  you  are  interested  in  whatever  relates  to  this 
family ;  my  father,  I  think,  was  never  better  than  he  is  at 
present,  both  as  to  his  health  and  spirits ;  my  mother  has 
not  been  so  well  this  last  summer,  but  I  flatter  myself 
that  she  has  now  perfectly  recovered  her  late  indisposition. 
Emily  has  only  one  daughter,  a  charming  little  girl  near 
fifteen  months  old,  whom  her  aunts  reckon  a  prodigy  of 
sense  and  beauty.  The  rest  of  my  sisters  continue  in  statu 
quo  ;  whether  this  proceeds  from  the  men  being  difficult  or 
from  their  being  difficult,  I  leave  you  to  determine.  I 
often  see  many  of  your  good  friends ;  need  I  add  you  are 
the  favorite  subject  of  our  conversation  ?  they  all  love  you 
almost  as  much  as  I  do  —  as  much  I  will  not  allow  to  be 
possible.  Dr.  P.  made  me  extremely  happy  last  winter 
by  giving  me  a  print  of  my  excellent  friend ;  it  is  certainly 
very  like  you,  altho'  it  wants  the  addition  of  your  own 
hair  to  make  it  complete  ;  but  as  it  is  I  prize  it  infinitely 
now  the  dear  original  is  absent.  Pray  have  you  met  with 
Smith's  c  Wealth  of  Nations '  ?  if  not,  I  venture  strongly 
to  recommend  it  to  you.  I  have  read  only  parts,  but  pro 
pose  shortly  to  read  it  regularly  through.  His  sentiments 


GIBBON'S   "DECLINE  AND   FALL."  93 

are  liberal  and  the  language  clear  and  interesting.  This 
is  the  only  book  that  has  been  published  lately  worth 
mentioning,  except  Gibbon's  '  History  of  the  rise  and  fall 
of  the  Koman  Empire.'  It  is  written  in  a  pleasing,  ele 
gant  manner ;  his  scheme  is  to  unite  antient  and  modern 
history,  an  immense  work  which  I  wish  he  may  have 
application  to  accomplish.  I  have  been  at  length  for 
tunate  enough  to  procure  '  The  Economics,'  which  I  have 
read  with  great  attention,  as  indeed  everything  else  I  can 
meet  with  relative  to  Socrates,  for  I  fancy  I  can  discover 
in  each  trait  of  that  admirable  man's  character  a  strong 
resemblance  between  him  and  my  much-loved  friend,— 
the  same  clearness  of  judgement,  the  same  uprightness  of 
intention,  and  the  same  superior  understanding.  I  dined 
lately  with  Sir  Wm.  Hamilton ;  he  gave  me  an  account 
of  a  new  electrical  machine  invented  in  Italy.  It  is 
composed  of  beeswax,  a  plate  of  metal,  and  a  plate  of 
glass.  They  are  able  to  take  a  spark  from  it  at  ten  inches 
distance,  but  he  could  not  inform  me  why  these  bodies 
united  to  produce  this  effect.  Were  you  in  England  how 
happy  should  I  be  to  have  this  as  well  as  many  other 
things  explained  by  you ;  but  I  don't  allow  myself  to  en 
tertain  hopes  on  this  subject,  as  I  much  fear  there  is  no 
reason  to  flatter  myself  with  so  pleasing  an  idea.  Envy 
is  reckoned  one  of  the  foibles  of  our  sex.  Till  lately  I 
thought  I  was  exempt  from  it,  but  now  I  find  a  strong 
inclination  to  envy  your  grandson  the  having  it  in  his 
power  to  shew  you  any  kindness  and  attention.  Did  my 
family  know  of  my  writing,  my  letter  would  scarce  contain 
the  very  many  things  they  would  desire  me  to  say  for 
them.  They  continue  to  admire  and  love  you  as  much  as 
they  did  formerly,  nor  can  any  time  or  event  in  the  least 
change  their  sentiments.  My  paper  now  reminds  me  that 
it  is  high  time  for  me  to  conclude.  Assure  yourself  that 


94  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

every  good  wish  for  your  happiness  and  prosperity  attends 
you  from  this  house.  Adieu,  mon  cher  Socrate,  conservez 
vous  pour  1'amour  de  moi,  et  pour  mille  autres  raisons, 
plus  importans.  Je  ne  vous  en  dirai  pas  d'avantage  pour 
aujourdhui,  mais  je  veux  esperer  de  vous  entretien  plus  a 
mon  aise  avant  qui  soit  longue.  Pray  write  whenever  a 
safe  conveyance  offers.  Since  the  receiving  of  letters  is 
reckoned  very  different  from  answering  them,  I  must  once 
more  repeat,  nobody  knows  of  this  scrawl.  '  A  word  to 
the  wise/  as  Eichard  says." 

The  letter  is  addressed,  undoubtedly  at  Franklin's  direc 
tion,  to  "  Mons,  Monsieur  Francis,  chez  M.  de  Chaumont, 
a  Passy,  pres  de  Paris."  It  is  cfear  that  as  soon  as  he 
knew  where  his  home  was  to  be,  he  apprised  those  friends 
in  Europe  from  whom  he  wished  to  hear.  A  letter  from 
Thomas  Walpole  states  so  well  the  position  of  the  friends 
of  America  in  England,  that  we  copy  it  as  a  key  to  the 
subsequent  correspondence  with  those  friends.  Walpole 
had  been  closely  connected  with  Franklin  in  an  effort 
which  the  war  broke  up  to  organize  emigration  into  the 
region  bordering  on  Lake  Erie.  He  was  a  rich  London 
banker,  and  we  shall  meet  him  again.  The  letter,  written 
February  1,  begins  with  an  allusion  to  the  Erie  enterprise. 

"When  the  charges  are  finally  settled,  I  shall  send  you 
an  account  thereof,  with  a  credit  upon  some  House  in 
Paris  for  the  balance.  I  hope  this  will  be  speedily,  as  I 
am,  and  have  been  for  some  time  past,  very  impatient  to 
get  rid  of  a  transaction  where  so  many  different  persons 
are  concerned,  that  I  might  be  left  at  liberty  to  act  for 
myself  in  it  hereafter,  according  to  my  own  inclination, 
and  to  the  circumstances  of  the  times. 

"  If  Lord  Chatham  was  in  a  state  of  health  capable  of 
comfort,  I  know  nothing  would  give  him  so  much  pleasure 
as  your  testimony  of  his  conduct  on  the  opening  •  of  the 


THOMAS   WALPOLE.  95 

important  crisis  to  which  the  two  countries  have  been 
driven ;  and  I  will  communicate  to  him  your  observation 
as  soon  as  a  fit  opportunity  offers.  Lord  Camden  sends 
you  his  best  compliments,  and  laments  heartily  with  me 
that  the  restoration  of  peace  is  at  so  great  a  distance  as 
you  seem  to  apprehend. 

"  All  those  who  are  friends  to  both  countries  think  they 
have  much  reason  to  complain  of  the  neglect  with  which 
they  have  been  treated  by  America,  in  not  having  been 
made  acquainted  in  some  authentic  manner  with  her  real 
views  and  circumstances  at  the  opening  of  this  unhappy 
rupture,  nor  with  a  true  representation  of  the  events 
which  have  followed ;  the  want  of  which  advices,  it  is 
thought,  has  not  been  less  prejudicial  to  the  reputation  of 
America  in  the  eyes  of  the  rest  of  Europe  than  in  the 
public  opinion  here ;  as  the  friends  of  both  countries  have 
thus  been  deprived  of  all  means  of  refuting  the  tales 
which  have  been  imposed  on  the  world  by  the  artifice  of 
Administration,  and  which  have  principally  contributed  to 
the  delusion  of  the  people  of  England. 

"  But  these  considerations  are  of  small  importance  com 
pared  to  that  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  extend 
ing  itself,  not  only  to 'the  renunciation  of  all  allegiance, 
but  even  to  all  connection  with  this  country,  in  preference 
to  any  other.  This  measure,  so  taken,  reduced  the  friends 
to  the  liberties  of  America  to  the  single  argument  of  re 
sisting  the  war  against  her  upon  local  considerations  of  a 
ruinous  expense  to  the  nation  in  prosecuting  a  plan  of 
conquest  which,  in  its  issue,  must  be  considered  as  very 
uncertain ;  and,  although  we  should  be  successful,  would, 
probably,  in  its  consequences,  prove  more  burdensome 
than  profitable.  May  I  add,  also,  that  shutting  the  door 
so  fast  against  a  reconciliation  with  this  country  may 
make  American  alliances  with  other  powers  more  diffi- 


96  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

cult  or  give  these,  at  least,  a  considerable  advantage  in 
negotiation  ? 

"  These  are  the  complaints  of  friends,  and  my  reflections 
upon  them;  but  all,  I  fear,  too  late  for  any  useful  correc 
tion  or  possible  remedy,  and  all  a  person  of  my  small 
importance  in  these  great  matters  dares  to  add  is,  that 
he  would  think  no  office  too  mean,  nor  any  endeavors 
above  his  ambition,  which  could  tend  to  put  a  stop  to  our 
dreadful  civil  contentions. 

"  To  expatiate  farther  upon  them  with  you,  sir,  would  be 
as  if  I  doubted  of  the  benevolence  of  your  disposition 
being  equal  to  your  other  great  talents ;  but  the  contrary 
is  so  truly  my  opinion,  that  I  subscribe  myself,  with  the 
sincerest  sentiments  of  esteem  and  affection, 
Dear  Sir, 

Your  very  faithful,  humble  servant, 

THOMAS  WALPOLE." 

^rfr    / 

}\V  /  /          I  I  / 

Franklin  soon  established  in  his  own  house  at  Passy  a 
little  printing  establishment,  from  which  occasionally  a 
tract  or  handbill  was  issued.  From  this  press  the  pre 
tended  "  Independent  Chronicle,"  with  an  account  of  In 
dian  scalping,  was  issued,  and  the  little  books  published 
here  are  among  the  treasures  most  desired  by  the 
connoisseurs. 

Immediately  after  Franklin  and  his  party  were  settled 
at  Passy  they  received  encouraging  news  from  home,  from 
which  the  accounts  had  been  very  dreary  until  this  ar 
rival.  Washington's  army  had  been  steadily  retreating 
across  New  Jersey,  and  it  was  well  known  that  it  was 
becoming  smaller  and  smaller.  The  tone  of  English  nar 
rative  and  criticism  was  becoming  more  and  more  exas 
perating.  In  this  darkness  Franklin  learned  through 
England  of  Washington's  success  at  Trenton  and  Prince- 


TRENTON  AND  PRINCETON.  97 

ton,  in  an  account  even  exaggerated  as  to  the  English 
losses.  In  the  middle  of  March  he  received  the  rosy- 
account  of  these  successes,  which  were  sent  him  by  the 
secret  committee. 

BALTIMORE,  Jan.  9,  1777. 
To  the  Commissioners : 

GENTLEMEN, — Captain  Hammond  having  "been  detained 
longer  than  we  expected  furnishes  us  with  an  opportu 
nity  of  giving  you  the  information  we  have,  since  our  last, 
received  from  the  army,  through  a  committee  of  Congress 
left  at  Philadelphia,  for  we  have  yet  had  no  regular 
accounts  from  General  Washington.  On  the  2d  instant 
General  Washington,  having  received  information  that  the 
enemy  were  on  their  march  to  attack  him  at  Trenton, 
ordered  two  brigades  of  militia  to  advance  and  annoy 
them  on  the  road  leading  from  Princeton  to  Trenton  ;  who, 
falling  in  with  the  enemy  about  three  miles  from  the  lat 
ter  place,  engaged  them,  but  being  overpowered  by  num 
bers,  made  a  retreating  fight  until  they  joined  the  main 
body  who  were  drawn  up  on  the  heights  west  of  a  bridge 
that  divides  the  village  of  Trenton  nearly  in  two  parts. 
The  enemy  attempting  to  force  the  bridge  were  repulsed 
with  loss  by  a  body  of  men  with  artillery  placed  there  to 
receive  them.  In  the  meantime  some  batteries  being 
opened  on  the  heights  soon  drove  the  enemy  from  that 
part  of  the  town  possessed  by  them.  Thus  the  event 
ended  for  that  evening.  But  General  Washington,  having 
received  intelligence  that  General  Howe  was  in  person 
coming  up  to  join  his  army  with  a  strong  reinforcement, 
directing  fires  to  be  made  on  the  heights  to  deceive  the 
enemy,  decamped  at  midnight  and  made  a  forced  march 
in  order  to  meet  M.  Howe  and  give  him  battle  before 
he  joined  his  main  body.  About  three  miles  short  of 
Prince  Town,  the  van  of  our  army  fell  in  with  600 

7 


98  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

British  infantry  strongly  posted  behind  a  fence  and  upon 
a  hill,  with  artillery.  They  were  attacked,  and  after  a 
short  engagement  routed,  having  lost  200  killed  and  taken 
prisoners ;  among  whom  one  colonel,  one  major,  several 
captains  and  subalterns  were  slain,  and  about  twenty  offi 
cers  made  prisoners.  The  fugitives  were  pursued  through 
Princetown  where  our  army  halted  a  while.  In  this  af 
fair  six  pieces  of  artillery  with  abundance  of  baggage  fell 
into  our  hands.  At  Princetown 
it  was  learnt  that  General  Howe 
was  not  with  this  party,  but  that 
he  remained  at  Brunswick  with 
three  or  four  thousand  men.  There 
being  a  considerable  force  in  the 
rear,  and  our  men  greatly  fatigued 
with  their  march,  and  their  bag- 
..:  gage  chiefly  behind  (it  having  been 

WASHINGTON.  sent  to  Burlington),  the   General 

proceeded    to     Sommerset     Court 

House  that  evening,  a  little  westward  of  the  road  leading 
to  Brunswick,  and  about  seven  or  nine  miles  from  that 
place.  Here  we  understand  he  expected  to  be  joined  by  a 
body  of  1500  or  2000  fresh  troops,  and  that  his  intention 
was  to  attack  Mr.  Howe  in  Brunswick.1  On  Friday 
morning  when  the  enemy  in  Trenton  missed  our  army, 
they  returned  toward  Princetown,  but  it  seems  they  left 
3000  Hessians  behind  them ;  who  following  afterwards 
were  so  fatigued  with  travel  and  want  of  food  that  num 
bers  were  left  on  the  road,  and  were  straggling  about  the 

1  This  was  "Washington's  intention,  as  all  the  reports  say.  "  But  his 
men  ha.d  had  no  rest  for  two  days,  and  after  the  affair  at  Princeton  actually 
fell  down  under  the  influence  of  sleep."  In  the  Carter-Brown  library  at 
Providence  is  a  curious  MS.  note  by  the  English  General  Clinton  expressing 
the  surprise  of  the  English  that  this  attack  did  not  take  place. 


SPECIAL  DESPATCHES.  99 

country  in  threes  and  fours.  Many  were  taken  by  the 
country  people  and  brought  in  prisoners.  Many  came  to 
Trenton  and  surrendered  themselves.  The  militia  of  New 
Jersey  were  rising  generally ;  and  it  was  thought  few  of 
these  Hessians  would  get  back  again.  This  is  the  present 
state  of  our  information  and  we  hourly  expect  a  well- 
authenticated  account  of  the  whole,  and  of  much  greater 
successes.  We  shall  endeavor  to  give  you  the  speediest 
account  of  what  shall  further  come  to  our  knowledge  from 
good  authority.  The  above  relation  is  taken  from  a  gen 
tleman  who  was  in  the  action  and  who,  the  Committee 
write  us,  is  a  person  of  sense  and  honor.  The  General  has 
been  too  much  engaged  to  write,  and  we  suppose  waits  the 
final  issue. 

We  most  earnestly  wish  you  success  in  your  negotia 
tion,  and  are  in  perfect  esteem,  honorable  gentlemen, 

B.  HARRISON. 

R  H.  LEE. 

In  secret  Committee. 

P.  S.  In  the  engagement  near  Princetown,  we  lost 
fifteen  privates,  one  colonel,  and  Brig.-Gen.  Mercer,  —  a 
very  good  officer  and  a  worthy  gentleman. 

It  seems  desirable  to  rescue  from  obscurity  these  early 
narratives,1  with  all  the  errors  as  to  fact  which  they  con 
tain,  because  they  show  the  materials  on  which  our  diplo 
matists  were  forced  to  work,  and  reflect  very  perfectly  the 
opinion  of  the  best-informed  people  at  home. 

On  occasions  requiring  haste,  the  Continental  Congress 
often  sent  to  Boston  to  ask  the  Government  of  Massachu 
setts  to  forward  their  despatches  by  a  special  packet.  On 

1  The  Mass,  letters  have  not,  to  our  knowledge,  been  printed.  The 
Baltimore  letter  is  in  Lee's  Memoirs. 


100  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

such  an  occasion  Franklin's  old  friends  in  the  Government 
of  that  State  wrote  to  him  letters,  which  served  him  as 
official  despatches  from  Congress  might  have  done. 

Such  a  despatch,  reviewing  the  position  of  affairs,  is  the 
following  letter  from  James  Bowdoin  :  — 

STATE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY. 
COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  BOSTON,  February  27th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  We  have  lately  received  from  the  secret 
committee  of  Congress  seven  letters  addressed  to  you,  and 
they  request  that  we  would  forward  them  by  the  quickest 
sailing  vessel  for  France.  In  consequence  of  which  we 
desired  the  Continental  agent  here  with  all  possible  dis 
patch  to  prepare  one  of  the  Continental  vessels  for  sail 
ing.  She  is  now  ready,  and  is  commanded  by  Captain 
John  Adams,  whom  we  have  directed,  immediately  upon 
his  arrival  at  Nantz,  to  repair  by  post  to  Paris,  and  to  de 
liver  you  the  letters  himself,  and  there  receive  your  an 
swer,  and  be  governed  by  your  directions  touching  his 
return,  and  the  port  he  is  to  come  to.  We  wish  they 
may  arrive  in  safety.  If  the  captain  should  be  directed 
to  return  to  any  of  the  ports  in  this  State,  we  shall  expe- 
ditiously  forward  to  Congress  any  dispatches  you  may 
commit  to  our  care.  By  the  last  accounts  from  Congress, 
we  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  they  were  more 
firmly  united  than  ever,  and  that  in  their  measures  they 
were  decisive,  determinate,  and  very  spirited.  They  have 
some  time  since  resolved  that  eighty-eight  battalions 
should  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  the  Continent,  the  men 
to  serve  for  three  years  or  during  the  war.  Fifteen  of 
these  battalions  are  to  be  raised  in  this  State  as  their 
quota ;  the  assembly  are  taking  every  measure  in  their 
power  to  raise  them,  and  hope  we  shall  be  able  to  com 
plete  them  in  season.  The  Congress  have  since  agreed  to 


GOVERNOR  BOWDOIN'S  LETTER.  101 

raise  sixteen  more  battalions,  and  have  impowered  Gen 
eral  Washington  to  appoint  the  officers.  General  Howe,  in 
November  and  December  last,  knowing  that  the  time 
for  which  our  troops  were  engaged  was  near  expiring,  and 
that  they  would  most  of  them  be  on  the  return  home,  im 
proved  this  opportunity  suddenly  to  throw  his  troops  into 
the  Jerseys.  This  manoeuvre  threw  the  people  of  that  State 
into  a  panic.  Their  militia  were  scattered  and  could  not 
be  rallied.  This  enabled  the  enemy  to  traverse  the  whole 
extent  of  the  Jerseys  without  much  molestation* ,  and 
obliged  General  Washington  to  return  to  the  other  side 'of '" 
the  river  Delaware.  But  thanks  to  heaven,  who  lids  20-! 
markably  interposed  in  our  favour,  the  scene  lias  greatly 
changed;  for  General  Washington,  having  received  a 
reinforcement  in  the  night  of  the  25th  of  December, 
repassed  the  Delaware,  attacked  a  large  detachment  of 
the  enemy's  troops  at  Trenton,  and  took  most  of  them 
prisoners ;  and  soon  after,  when  a  large  body  of  the  en 
emy  made  an  attempt  to  dislodge  him  from  Trenton,  he 
in  the  night  stole  a  march  upon  them,  passed  them,  and 
attacked  and  drove  a  large  detachement  of  the  enemy  from 
Princeton,  who  had  began  their  march  to  join  the  body  at 
Trenton.  He  killed  several  hundreds  and  took  many  pris 
oners  and  a  large  number  of  waggons.  The  enemy  in  the 
Jerseys  are  now  confined  to  Brunswick  and  Amboy,  and 
are  said  to  be  about  ten  thousand  strong.  We  hear  of 
small  skirmishes  every  day  in  which  our  people  have  the 
advantage.  We  understand  that  great  dissensions  and 
disputes  have  arisen  between  the  British  troops  and  the 
Hessians  For  further  particulars  relative  to  the  move 
ment,  operation,  and  state  of  our  army  and  that  of  the 
enemy,  we  must  refer  you  to  the  public  prints  which  we 
herewith  transmit.  We  esteem  ourselves  happy  that  gen 
tlemen  of  such  accomplishments  and  abilities  have  been 


102  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

appointed  to  represent  this  Continent,  at  this  important 
crisis,  at  the  Court  of  France.  We  sincerely  wish  you 
success  in  your  negotiation,  and  from  your  well-known 
attachment  to  the  cause  of  America,  and  from  the  zeal, 
activity,  and  vigilance  you  have  discovered  in  her  service, 
we  promise  ourselves  that  we  shall  soon  experience  the 
happy  fruits  of  your  exertions.  The  aid  and  assistance 
of  France  in  this  country  in  some  way  or  other  is  highly 
necessary.  We  may  otherwise  by  a  further  accession  of 
foreign  troops  be  overborne.  It  is  greatly  probable  that 
unless  a  powerful  diversion  prevents,  the  enemy  the  ensu 
ing  summer,  will  have  in  America  as  great  a  force  as  with 
all  our  exertions  we  can  possibly  cope  with.  We  are  un 
der  some  apprehension  of  General  Carleton's  crossing  the 
lakes  and  attacking  the  important  post  of  Ticonderoga, 
and  are  forwarding  troops  thither  to  strengthen  the  gar 
rison.  Some  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  have  in  course 
of  this  week  made  us  a  friendly  visit;  and  we  have  a 
good  prospect  of  their  attachment  to  our  interest. 

The  Indians,  likewise,  on  the  Eastern  frontiers  of  this 
State  are  friendly;  and  we  have  reports,  attended  with 
some  degree  of  probability,  that  the  mercenary  troops  in 
Canada  are  at  variance  with  the  British  troops  there. 

We  have  just  now  received  a  letter  from  the  com 
manding  officer  at  Ticonderoga,  dated  the  18th  inst.  He 
writes  that  Cumberland  Bay  in  Lake  Champlain  was  still 
open;  that  two  Frenchmen  arrived  there  from  Canada 
four  days  before,  who  bring  intelligence  of  about  one 
hundred  Indians  with  a  few  regulars  being  on  their  march 
for  that  post,  probably  with  a  view  of  surprising  some  of 
our  parties;  and  further  say  that  the  enemy  are  posted 
as  follows :  — 

150  at  Montreal,  where  Gen.  Frazer  commands ; 

100  at  La  Prairie ; 


COOPER  AND   WINTHROP.  103 

200  at  Chamille,  where  the  now  infamous  Gen.  Paoli 
commands ; 

550  at  St  Johns,  including  sailors  and  marines ; 

300  at  the  Isle  aux  Noix,  with  a  12  guns  redoubt; 

100  at  Bojor  Ville;  and 

20  at  Point  au  Fair.  The  remainder  of  the  British 
troops  are  billeted,  two  or  three  in  a  house,  in  the  vicinity 
of  Montreal  and  Chamilld ;  and  the  Germans  are  all  can- 
tonned  in  and  below  Quebec. 

By  resolves  of  Congress  transmitted  to  us,  we  observe 
you  are  impowered  and  requested  to  procure  for  the  Con 
tinent,  among  other  things,  a  great  number  of  fire-arms. 
The  public  service  'requires  they  should  be  sent  as  expe- 
ditiously  as  possible,  and  that  a  considerable  part  of  them 
should  be  appropriated  to  the  use  of  this  State ;  in  which 
case  it  will  be  needful  that  such  part  should  be  directed 
to  be  brought  into  some  of  our  ports. 

By  the  return  of  Captain  Adams  and  all  other  oppor 
tunities,  we  should  be  glad  to  be  favored  with  such  intelli 
gence  and  information  as  you  shall  think  the  public  ser 
vice  makes  necessary  to  be  communicated. 

JAMES  BOWDOIN,  Presid. 

The  following  are  from  Eev.  Samuel  Cooper  and  Prof. 
John  Winthrop.  Cooper  was  ridiculed  in  the  English 
ballads  as  "  silver-tongued  Sam ; "  he  was  the  minister  of 
Brattle  St.  Church.  He  deserves  to  be  called  a  statesman 
for  the  breadth  and  intelligence  of  his  views.  He  was 
afterwards  in  official  correspondence  with  the  French 
government ;  and  one,  at  least,  of  his  sermons  —  that 
on  the  constitution  of  Massachusetts  —  was  widely  circu 
lated  in  Europe  in  different  languages.  The  other  letter 
is  from  John  Winthrop.  He  was  Professor  of  Natural 
Philosophy  in  Harvard  College. 


104  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

BOSTON,  N.  E.,  Feb.  27,  1777. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  wrote  you  some  time  ago,  acknowl 
edging  the  receipt  of  your  kind  letter,  dated  from  Phila 
delphia  25th  Oct,  last,  the  day  you  embarked  for  Europe, 
and  read  your  affectionate  leave  to  all  our  friends.  We 
often  think  and  talk  of  you,  and  constantly  follow  you 
with  our  best  wishes.  I  have  lately  heard  with  particular 
pleasure  of  your  safe  arrival  in  France,  where  I  know  you 
meet  with  many  friends,  and  where  all  orders  of  people 
will  treat  you  as  you  deserve ;  and  I  can  wish  you  nothing 
better.  May  heaven  preserve  your  life  and  health  for  the 
sake  of  your  country,  for  which  I  know  your  wishes  are 
at  least  equal  to  your  abilities. 

"Oh  !  save  my  country,  Heaven,  will  be  your  last." 

You  will  doubtless  have  heard  before  this  can  reach  you 

—  perhaps  already,  from  those  who  can  best  inform  you 

—  of  the  happy  change  in  the  face  of  our  affairs  since  the 
26th  of  Dec,  last. 

When  our  army  was  wasted  greatly,  when  what  re 
mained  was  upon  the  point  of  dissolution,  the  time  of 
enlistment  being  expired,  when  Gen.  Lee,  upon  whom  we 
placed  large  hopes,  was  snatched  from  us,  when  Wash 
ington,  whose  prudence  and  firmness  can  never  be  too 
much  applauded,  was  driven  with  his  handful  of  men 
through  the  Jersies,  beyond  the  Delaware,  when  every 
thing  upon  which  the  states  depended  for  the  winter's 
defence  seemed  to  fail,  —  then  a  kind  Providence,  in  whose 
blessing  in  so  righteous  a  cause  you  expressed  so  firm  a 
dependence,  signally  interposed  on  our  behalf.  Wash 
ington  was  animated  to  form  a  great  and  daring  design, 
considering  his  circumstances.  He  attacked  the  conquer 
ing  and  pursuing  army.  He  saved  Philadelphia.  He 
almost  instantly  cleared  the  West  Jersies.  He  revived 


COOPER'S  LETTER.  105 

the  spirits  of  the  states,  though  they  remained  firm  at 
the  most  pressing  season,  almost  beyond  example.  Since 
which,  the  British  forces  and  their  auxiliaries  have  been 
cooped  up  at  Brunswick  and  Amboy  by  scarcely  anything 
more  than  a  militia,  inferior  even  in  numbers. 

Desertions  from  the  enemy  are  now  frequent.  They  are 
straitened  for  provisions  and  forage.  Alarms  and  fatigues 
and  sickness  have  worn  their  men  and  impaired  their 
number. 

Frequent  skirmishes,  in  which  we  have  constantly  had 
the  advantage,  have  done  the  same.  A  large  foraging  par 
ty,  that  lately  ventured  but  a  little  way  from  Brunswick, 
have  been  drove  back  with  precipitation  and  considerable 
loss.  The  states  are  now  engaged  in  forming  their  new 
army.  There  are  difficulties,  but  not,  we  hope,  insur 
mountable.  Washington  begins  to  receive  in  considerable 
numbers  the  new  levies.  Those  from  this  quarter,  that 
are  first  in  readiness,  march  to  Ticonderoga.  The  lake  has 
not  yet  been  frozen  over,  and  it  is  believed  we  are  for  the 
present  safe  on  that  side.  Will  France  let  such  an  op 
portunity  for  her  own  advantage  slip  out  of  her  hands  ? 
Can  Britain  give  her  an  equivalent  for  the  indepen 
dence  of  these  states  ?  Will  the  House  of  Bourbon  not 
exert  itself  to  prevent  any  more  foreign  troops  from  com 
ing  to  America?  Can  we  have  no  men-of-war  to  open 
our  ports  and  trade,  and  secure  our  most  necessary  sup 
plies  ?  Will  not  France  employ  its  influence  in  Canada, 
and  on  the  foreigners  that  are  here  ?  Many  of  them 
have  already  mutinied  at  New  York,  and  are  confined 
in  jails  and  guard-ships,  or  disarmed,  or  very  narrowly 
watched  by  Britons.  We  have  reports  of  the  same  kind 
from  Canada. 

Adieu,  my  dear  sir ;  for  having  such  short  warning  of 
this  opportunity,  I  write  in  haste  and  fear  of  missing  it. 


106  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Eeinember  me  to  any  friend  you  see  where  you  now  are. 
Every  blessing  attend  you.     Pray  write  me. 

With  the  greatest  esteem  and  attachment, 

Ever  yours,  SAM'L.  COOPER. 

The  second  letter  is  from  John  Winthrop  :  — 

CAMBRIDGE,  N.  E.,  Feb.  28,  1777. 

DEAR  Sir,  —  I  do  most  sincerely  congratulate  you  on 
your  safe  arrival  in  France.  Though  nothing  ever  gave 
me  greater  pleasure  than  to  hear  you  had  undertaken  a 
commission  in  which  America  is  so  deeply  interested,  and 
which  could  not  well  have  been  executed  without  you, 
yet,  I  must  own,  I  was  in  great  pain  for  your  safety  in  so 
long  a  voyage,  and  exposed  as  you  were  to  peculiar  danger 
from  the  enemy.  The  firmness  of  mind  and  ardent  love  of 
your  country  manifested  on  this  and  every  other  occasion 
must  endear  you  to  every  American,  and  lay  this  continent 
under  obligations  that  can  never  be  forgot.  May  the  same 
gracious  providence  which  has  hitherto  protected  you  suc 
ceed  all  your  exertions  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty. 
We  promise  ourselves  everything  from  your  abilities  and 
influence  in  the  Court  of  France,  and  hope  they  will  pur 
sue  such  measures  as  will  effectually  disconcert  the  plans 
of  our  enemies ;  certainly  they  never  had  so  fair  an  oppor 
tunity  of  depressing  and  weakening  their  great  rival.  This 
seems  to  be  the  critical  moment  for  them  to  step  in ;  and 
if  they  act  from  national  views,  and  with  their  usual  pol 
icy,  I  should  think  they  would  not  let  it  slip. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  enclose  a  letter  to  Dr.  Price, 
upon  a  particular  affair  that  he  is  solicitous  about,  and  beg 
you  will  be  so  good  as  to  forward  it. 

I  frequently  entertain  myself  with  the  pleasing  hope 
that  you  will  ere  long  return  to  America,  and  have  the 


VIEWS  OF   THE  FRENCH  CABINET.  107 

high  satisfaction  of  seeing  your  country  nourish,  under 
your  auspices,  in  freedom  and  independence ;  and  that  the 
circle  here  whom  you  have  honored  with  your  friendship 
will  again  be  happy  in  your  company. 

The  council  write  you  by  this  conveyance  so  fully  on 
the  present  situation  of  our  affairs  that  I  have  nothing  to 
add. 

With  every  sentiment  that  gratitude  and  respect  can 
inspire,  I  am,  &c.,  &c., 

JOHN  WINTHROP. 

It  will  be  interesting  to  see  at  the  same  time  by  what 
views  the  French  Cabinet  was  guided  in  its  first  inter 
views  with  Franklin.  Of  the  papers  submitted  to  it  at 
that  time,  all  the  more  important  have  probably  been  pre 
served  in  the  French  archives.  There  are  now  to  be  found 
in  those  collections  five  papers  of  dates  between  the  time 
when  Franklin  sailed  and  the  1st  of  April,  1777,  which 
were  evidently  drawn  for  the  instruction  of  the  ministers. 

On  the  llth  of  September,  there  is  a  paper  entitled 
"  Problem  touching  the  American  Colonies."  It  is  argued, 
first,  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of  France  that  the  Colonies 
should  become  an  independent  power ;  second,  that  France 
should  not  maintain  a  neutrality  in  the  contest.  A  short 
memoir  is  attached  to  this  article. 

On  the  2d  of  October,  there  is  "  A  view  of  some  of  the 
special  motives  which  ought  to  induce  France  to  form  an 
alliance  with  the  new  American  Ttepublic."  The  subject 
is  treated  principally  in  a  commercial  point  of  view. 

The  next  is,  "  Considerations  on  the  legitimacy  of  the 
succors  which  foreign  powers  may  render  to  the  English 
American  Colonies,"  —  a  long  and  a  very  able  article  by 
Pfeffel,  an  eminent  jurist.  The  subject  is  examined  on 
the  ground  of  justice,  history,  and  the  laws  of  nations. 


108  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

His  argument  is  summed  up  in  five  points,  in  which  he 
considered  the  position  established  that  France  and  Spain 
may  lawfully  render  assistance  to  the  Colonies  in  their 
contest  with  England. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  1777,  "  Eeflections  on  the  neces 
sity  of  rendering  aid  to  the  Americans  in  the  war  with 
England,"  —  a  political  discussion  of  the  subject,  appar 
ently  drawn  up  by  one  of  the  ministers. 

In  the  same  month,  "  Considerations  of  a  Frenchman  on 
the  insurgents  in  America,"  —  written  apparently  by  a 
military  officer. 

January  7,  1777,  "  Reflections  on  the  state  of  American 
affairs,"  —  a  well- written  paper  on  the  actual  state  of 
things  and  their  political  bearings.  It  maintains  the 
position  that  France  ought  to  aid  the  Colonies  against 
England.1 

1  These  memoranda  of  the  contents  of  these  papers  are  those  made  by 
Mr.  Sparks,  and  left  by  him  in  manuscript. 


CHAPTEE  VII. 

LAMBERT  WICKES   AND   GUSTAVUS   CONYNGHAM. 

THE  worthy  Captain  Wickes,  who  commanded  the 
ship  wherein  Franklin  came  to  France,  employed 
himself  at  once  in  refitting  the  "  Eeprisal,"  in  disposing  of 
his  captured  cargoes,  and  in  securing  his  prisoners,  who, 
as  he  was  pleased  to  think,  would  serve  to  rescue  many  of 
his  countrymen  from  English  prisons.  Of  that,  more  here 
after.  He  was  also  busy  in  examining  ships.  Ships  were 
to  be  bought  for  the  American  navy,  and  Captain  Wickes, 
intent  on  making  himself  serviceable  to  his  country,  made 
the  rounds  of  the  seaports  of  France  and  examined  such 
likely  ships  as  he  heard  of,  whether  on  the  stocks  or  al 
ready  launched.  While  occupied  in  this,  he  appeared  at 
Nantes  at  about  the  time  that  the  great  ship  of  the  firm 
of  Eodrique  Hortalez  &  Co.,  the  "  Amphitrite,"  had  put  in, 
after  leaving  Havre,  as  will  be  remembered,  on  account  of 
General  du  Coudray,  who  was  displeased  with  his  accom 
modations.  Wickes,  who  had  a  clearer  idea  of  the  neces 
sities  of  the  American  service  than  Silas  Deane  or 
Beaumarchais,  gave  the  artillerist  a  bit  of  good  advice. 
"  Leave  some  of  your  officers  behind,"  was  the  counsel  of 
the  sea-dog ;  "  they  don't  want  'em  over  there."  But  Du 
Coudray  did  not  follow  his  advice ;  so  Wickes  was  unable 
to  stop  what  became,  as  has  been  seen1,  a  very  fruitful 
source  of  trouble  to  the  American  cause. 

He  did  good  service,  however,  in  examining  ships.     At 
Nantes  he  met  with  a  sixty-gun  ship,  which  he  examined 


110  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

with  interest.  But  he  reported  to  Franklin  that  it  was 
unsuitable  for  American  waters,  —  too  deep  in  draught. 
Other  ships,  too,  he  examined,  and  of  each  he  wrote  a 
report  to  Franklin.  Indeed,  it  would  seem  as  though  that 
gentleman,  to  understand  all  the  particulars  of  the  letters 
with  which  the  captain  favored  him,  must  have  used  his 
late  sea-voyage  to  great  advantage  in  acquiring  an  exten 
sive  knowledge  of  maritime  affairs.  The  questions  which 
were  occurring  every  day  were  such  as  required  the 
greatest  knowledge,  prudence,  and  decision,  to  be  sure  of 
a  satisfactory  settlement,  and  though  much  was  misman 
aged  and  many  events  turned  out  unsatisfactorily,  yet 
when  we  consider  what  numbers  of  important  questions 
turned  up,  we  are  more  inclined  to  wonder  that  everything 
did  not  go  to  ruin.  There  was,  at  once,  question  of  the 
purchase  of  ships-of-war,  of  officers  to  command  them,  of 
sailors  to  make  up  the  crew,  of  merchants  to  fit  them  out, 
of  cannon  and  stores  to  be  bought,  of  cruises  to  be  made 
when  the  ships  had  got  to  sea.  The  Commissioners,  none 
of  them  previously  famous  for  their  knowledge  of  mari 
time  affairs,  had  to  constitute  themselves  into  a  Navy 
Department,  which  was  to  make  something  out  of  almost 
no  resources  at  all.  And  not  only  were  there  questions 
of  this  sort,  but  questions  of  a  far  more  intricate  and  diffi 
cult  nature,  which  even  Captain  Wickes  could  not  clearly 
comprehend,  —  questions  of  really  far  more  importance,  for 
they  affected  the  position  of  France  as  a  neutral  power 
between  the  two  belligerents.  Were  American  ships-of- 
war  and  privateers  to  be  allowed  in  French  ports  ?  Could 
they  issue  forth  from  such  ports,  make  prizes,  return  to 
these  same  or  other  neutral  ports  safe  from  the  enemy's 
fleet,  and  sell  their  prizes  to  the  highest  bidder  ?  Could 
the  American  cruisers  capture  English  seamen,  carry  them 
into  French  ports,  confine  them  in  French  prisons,  and 


WICKES'S  VIEW  OF  FRENCH  NEUTRALITY.         Ill 

finally  exchange  them  for  as  many  American  prisoners  in 
England,  who,  on  being  exchanged,  at  once  should  step  on 
board  the  privateers  which  the  French  merchants  were 
fitting  out  with  American  commissions  under  American 
colors  ?  These  were  questions  of  much  importance. 
Wickes  evidently  thought  that  every  one  of  them  should 
be  solved  in  the  affirmative.  According  to  public  inter 
national  law,  as  understood  to-day,  every  one  of  them 
would  be  answered  in  the  negative.  But  France  was 
friendly  to  America,  and  though  Lord  Stormont  was  loud 
and  continual  in  his  really  just  complaints  at  the  gross 
breach  of  neutrality  by  France,  that  country  remained 
for  a  year  or  more  in  this  peculiar  position.  American 
cruisers  were  constantly  to  be  found  refitting  in  French 
ports.  As  constantly  were  they  ordered  out  of  them  at 
twenty-four  hours'  notice.  Then  a  letter  was  sent  to 
Franklin,  who  was  to  write  to  Vergennes  for  some  sort 
of  permit,  —  it  mattered  not  just  what  sort ;  time  was 
gained,  the  refitting  was  completed,  and  the  cruiser  sailed 
out,  captured  prizes,  and  put  into  France  again,  where 
they  were  sold ;  and  then  the  same  thing  occurred  over 
again.  The  "Alabama"  question  was  no  new  thing  in 
history. 

As  we  say,  Wickes  thought,  evidently,  that  all  this 
questioning  was  absurd.  He  seems  to  have  found  it  im 
possible  to  see  why,  if  France  was  a  friend  to  America, 
American  vessels  could  not  fit  out  in  her  ports.  In  truth, 
the  position  of  France  was  not  justifiable ;  it  could  not  be 
maintained ;  and  naturally,  though  not  so  quickly  as 
might  have  been  thought,  she  drifted  into  open  war.1 

1  "Your  friends  are  neither  just  or  reasonable,  if  they  complain  of  the 
bounds  that  it  is  necessary  to  set  to  the  enterprises  of  the  privateers.  .  .  . 
We  have  exerted  a  patience  which  they  had  no  right  to  expect.  .  .  .  We 
cannot  allow  the  privateers  of  any  nation  whatever  to  come  in  and  go  out 


112  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Our  readers  will  gain  the  best  view  of  these  maritime 
affairs  if  they  read  for  themselves  the  letters  of  this  en 
ergetic  sea-captain,  and  see  what  things  were  happening 
in  the  French  seaports  in  these  months  of  the  winter, 
spring,  and  summer  of  the  year  1777.  He  will  also  see 
what  sort  of  work  was  expected  of  the  Commissioners  at 
the  Court  of  France,  —  not  the  most  important  part  of 
their  work,  but  one  of  the  details. 

NANTES,  January  14th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  have  been  waiting  ever  since  I  wrote 
you  last  for  the  inventory  of  the  St.  John,  and  have  not 
received  it  yet,  [and]  therefore  conclude  M.  Gourlade1 
has  sent  it  forward  for  Paris.  Capt.  Nicholson  arrived 
here  yesterday,  and  produced  your  instructions  to  him 
concerning  the  visiting  and  inspecting  the  ships  at 
L' Orient.  But  I  think  I  have  done  everything  that 
Capt.  Nicholson  could  do  was  he  to  go  there,  [and] 
therefore  have  considered  that  it  is  better  for  Capt. 
Nicholson  to  return  immediately  to  Paris,  and  there  to 
assist  you  in  pointing  out  the  deficiencies  of  stores  and 
materials,  agreeable  to  inventories.  I  think  you  had  best 
get  Capt.  Nicholson  to  make  what  addition  he  may 
think  needful  or  necessary  to  the  inventories,  and  agree 
with  these  gentlemen  to  furnish  all  stores  and  material 
and  fit  the  ship  out  fit  for  sea,  as  it  will  be  in  their  power 

of  our  ports  as  they  would  their  own.  This  is  a  duty  imposed  on  us  by 
treaties.  Neither  can  we  permit  the  sale  of  prizes.  In  every  other  re 
spect  we  have  shown  the  greatest  compliance  ;  we  have  even  gone  further 
than  was  reasonably  to  be  expected."  —  Vergennes  to  Grand,  Aug.  21, 
1777,  Dip.  Cor. 

1  Mr.  Gourlade  was  a  merchant  at  the  port  of  Morlaix,  recommended 
to  Franklin  by  "Wickes  as  being  a  good  man  to  transact  business  with. 
He  was  the  partner  of  Mr.  Moylan,  and  with  these  two  as  well  as  with  the 
firm,  Franklin  had  constant  dealings. 


CAPTAIN  NICHOLSON.  113 

to  do  it  much  cheaper  and  quicker  than  we  could  possibly 
do  it  ourselves.  My  reason  for  mentioning  this  matter  is 
that  it  may  be  conducted  with  more  secrecy  than  it  could 
be  done,  provided  Capt.  Nicholson  or  myself  was  to 
attend  the  fitting  this  ship,  as  they  have  spies  in  every 
port  who  would  give  immediate  information  to  the  Court 
of  Britain,  whom  we  may  reasonably  suppose  would  give 
orders  for  blocking  her  up,  thereby  rendering  her  useless. 
I  beg  leave  to  recommend  Capt.  Nicholson  to  your 
notice  as  a  Gentleman  of  good  family,  who  has  been  regu 
larly  bred  to  the  Sea,  and  think  him  well  qualified  to  com 
mand  a  ship-of-war.  He  was  very  active  in  the  beginning 
of  our  unhappy  difficulties  in  his  country's  cause,  and 
continued  so  until  the  necessities  of  his  business  obliged 
him  to  go  to  London,  where  he  has  been  ever  since  idle 
for  want  of  employment.  This  inconveniency  I  hope 
you'll  soon  remedy  by  employing  him  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States  of  America,  and  thereby  put  it  in  his 
power  to  make  good  his  lost  time.  As  Capt.  Nicholson 
will  be  there  to  assist  you,  I  hope  it  will  not  be  necessary 
for  me  to  come  to  Paris.  I  am  now  all  ready  fitted  for 
sea,  only  waiting  to  be  informed  by  you  whether  our 
prizes  will  be  received  and  protected  in  French  ports  or 
not,  as  I  may  take  my  measures.  Accordingly  you'll 
please  inform  of  this  as  soon  as  possible,  as  I  only  wait 
your  orders  and  answer  to  this,  and  then  proceed  on  a 
cruise  immediately.  I  should  be  much  obliged  for  all 
other  necessary  information  in  your  power.  I  remain, 
with  much  respect,  gentlemen, 

Your  most  obliged  humble  serv't, 

LAMBERT  WICKES. 

P.  S.    If  you  think  it  necessary  I  should  come  to  Paris, 
I  will  set  off  immediately  on  receiving  your  orders. 

L.  W. 

8 


114  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

What  information  was  sent  him  in  regard  to  prizes  in 
French  ports  can  only  be  conjectured.  He  sailed  on  a 
cruise  and  returned  with  booty,  as  we  shall  see. 

PORT  LEWIS,  Feb'y  14th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  This  will  inform  you  of  my  safe  arrival 
after  a  tolerable  successful  cruise,  having  captured  3  sail  of 
Brigs,  one  snow,  and  one  ship.  The  Snow  is  a  Falmouth 
Packet  bound  from  thence  to  Lisbon.  She  is  mounted 
with  16  guns,  and  had  near  50  men  on  board.  She  en 
gaged  near  an  hour  before  she  struck.  I  had  one  man 
killed.  My  first  Lieut,  had  his  left  arm  shot  off  above 
the  elbow,  and  the  Lieut,  of  Marines  had  a  musquet  ball 
lodged  in  his  wrist.  They  had  several  men  wounded, 
but  none  killed.  I  am  in  great  hopes  that  both  my 
wounded  officers  will  do  well,  as  there  are  no  unfavorable 
symptoms  at  present.  Three  of  our  Prizes  are  arrived, 
and  I  expect  the  other  two  in  to-morrow.  As  I  am  in 
formed  that  there  has  been  two  American  Private  ships 
of  war  lately  taken  and  carried  into  England,  I  think  it 
would  be  a  good  opportunity  to  negociate  and  exchange 
prisoners,  if  it  could  be  done,  but  I  submit  to  your  better 
judgment  to  act  as  you  think  proper.  I  should  be  very 
glad  to  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible,  and  should  be 
much  obliged  if  you  would  point  out  some  line  or  mode  to 
proceed  by  in  disposing  of  prisoners  and  prizes,  as  noth 
ing  will  be  done  before  I  receive  your  answer  to  this.  I 
hope  you  '11  excuse  my  being  more  particular  at  present, 
from,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obliged  h'ble  serv't, 

LAMB'T  WICKES. 
A  list  of  the  vessels  and  cargoes  taken,  viz. :  — 


WICKES  AT  L'ORIENT.  115 

No.  1.  A  brig  from  Pool l  bound  to  Cadiz,  with  a  cargo 
of  codfish. 

2.  A  brig,  with  wheat  and  flour,  from  Dublin  bound  to 
Lisbon. 

3.  A  brig  from  Shetland,  with  barley,  bound  to  Cadi2. 

4.  Swallow  packet,  bound  from  Falmouth  to  Lisbon,  in 
ballast. 

5.  A  ship  from  Bordeaux  bound  to  Londonderry  with 
brandy,  claret,  and  hoops.     Three  of  those  are  arrived,  and 
the  other  two  are  not  far  off. 

L.  W. 

L'ORIENT,  Febr'y  26th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  have  this  day  received  very  extraor 
dinary  orders  from  the  intendant  of  this  port,  demanding 
me  to  leave  this  port  in  24  hours.  He  says  this  order  is 
given  in  consequence  of  a  positive  order  received  this  day 
from  the  minister  at  Paris.  I  asked  liberty  to  heave 
down  my  ship,  and  repair  her  on  my  arrival ;  but  it  has 
never  been  granted.  On  being  told  that  I  must  positively 
depart  in  24  hours,  I  told  the  intendant  that  it  was  not 
in  my  power  to  depart  in  so  short  a  time,  as  my  ship  was 
not  fit  to  proceed  to  America  without  heaving  down  and 
repairing;  and  begged  he  would  send  carpenters  off  to 
examine  the  ship,  and  take  their  report  accordingly.  This 
he  consented  to,  and  sent  them  off.  They  returned  and 
told  the  intendant  that  they  thought  highly  necessary 
to  careen  and  repair  the  ship  before  she  departed  for 
America.  He  then  positively  refused  to  grant  me  liberty 
to  refit,  unless  the  carpenter  and  caulkers  would  sign  a 
certificate  that  we  should  be  in  imminent  danger  of  losing 
the  ship  if  not  repaired.  This  certificate  they  could  not 

1  Liverpool.     This  city  may  be  found  as  the  Pool,  on  Continental  maps 
as  late,  at  least,  as  1807. 


116  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

sign,  as  they  had  not  been  to  sea  in  the  ship,  and  it  was 
not  in  their  power  to  see  the  ship's  bottom  without  heav 
ing  her  down.  He  then  told  me  I  must  depart  imme 
diately.  We  are  now  taking  our  water  on  board  and 
getting  ready  to  proceed,  but  I  shall  not  be  able  to  sail 
before  Friday,  the  28th,  in  the  evening,  and  am  in  hopes 
I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  orders  and 
instructions  on  this  head  before  that  time ;  but  if  obliged 
to  depart  sooner,  or  before  I  receive  your  orders,  I  shall 
run  into  Nantes,  and  there  enter  a  protest,  and  ask  liberty 
to  heave  down  and  repair,  though  I  am  ordered  by  the 
intendant  not  to  go  into  any  port  in  France.  These  are 
very  extraordinary  orders,  such  as  I  little  expected  to 
receive  in  France.  I  beg  leave  to  congratulate  you  on  our 
late  success  in  America,  as  I  am  informed  we  have  gained 
a  very  signal  and  complete  victory  over  our  enemies  at 
Trenton.  You  '11  see  by  my  declaration  made  on  my 
arrival,  that  I  then  mentioned  my  ships  being  leaky,  and 
begged  liberty  to  heave  down  and  repair.  If  this  favour 
cannot  be  granted,  as  it  is  absolutely  necessary  prior  to 
my  departure,  I  should  be  much  obliged  if  you  would  for 
ward  your  dispatches,  and  send  me  off  for  America  as  soon 
as  possible.  From,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obliged  h'ble  serv't, 

LAMB'T  WICKES. 

L'OniENT,  March  3d,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  23d  Feb'y  by 
Mr.  De  Francy, 1  which  I  am  sorry  came  so  late,  as  the 
vessels  are  all  gone.  He  will  soon  return,  when  I  shall 
give  you  as  full  an  answer  as  I  can  to  all  your  proposals. 
We  have  got  up  to  the  place  of  careening,  and  are  now 

1  De  Francy  was  in  the  employ  of  Beaumarchais,  who  probably  had  a 
good  deal  of  business  at  the  seaports  at  about  this  time. 


PLANS  FOR   CRUISING.  117 

preparing  for  that  business.     Time  is  now  our  own,  and 
you  may  order  or  dispose  of  us  as  you  think  proper. 

From,  Gentlemen,  your  most  obed't  h'ble  serv't, 

LAMB'T  WICKES. 

The  carpenters  had  come  aboard  again,  and  signed 
the  required  paper,  whereupon  permission  to  careen  was 

granted. 

/ 

L'ORIENT,  5th  March,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  — I  received  two  of  yours  of  the  25th  by 
Mr.  De  Francy,  who  I  am  sorry  came  so  late,  as  our  sales 
were  complete  before  his  arrival.  I  have  strictly  attended 
to  your  proposals,  and  shall  give  you  as  full  an  answer  as 
in  my  power.  As  to  cruising  in  the  Sound  for  the  Baltic 
ships,  I  am  afraid  that  will  not  do ;  as  neither  I  nor  my 
officers  are  acquainted  with  those  seas,  nor  have  we  any 
proper  charts  for  those  seas.  Another  objection  is  the 
certainty  of  being  soon  discovered,  as  there  is  such  num 
bers  of  vessels  passing  and  repassing  continually  ;  the  con 
sequence  of  which  would  be  dangerous,  as  the  passages  in 
and  out  are  narrow,  and  we  should  be  either  blocked  in  or 
taken.  But  if  you  should  think  proper  to  order  us  on 
this  expedition,  I  think  it  would  be  highly  necessary  to 
procure  us  admittance  and  protection  in  some  of  the  prin 
cipal  ports  in  those  seas.  If  this  cannot  be  done,  I  think 
it  would  not  be  advisable  to  venture  there.  The  coast  of 
Guineay  I  think  much  safer  and  better;  but  there  are 
such  difficulties  attending  it  as  cannot  be  got  over.  Our 
ship  will  not  carry  water  and  provision  enough  for  the 
cruise,  as  it  will  be  necessary  to  take  four  months'  water 
and  provisions  for  that  cruise,  and  we  cannot  take  more 
than  two  months'  water  and  provisions.  If  you  should 
purchase  the  "  Maurepas,"  I  think  this  cruise  would  then 


118  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

be  advantageous,  as  the  ships  of  war  are  small  that  are  on 
that  coast,  and  the  Guineay  men,  though  they  have  all 
more  qr  less  guns,  are  not  in  a  condition  to  fight,  as  their 
men  are  generally  very  sickly  going  off  the  coast.  I  join 
with  you  in  sentiments  in  regard  to  cruising  on  this  coast, 
as  there  is  very  little  prospect  of  any  more  success  here. 
I  am  informed  by  the  officers  belonging  to  the  French 
ships  of  war  that  arrived  here  two  days  ago  from  a  cruise, 
that  there  are  three  British  ships  of  war  cruising  between 
Cape  Finisterre  and  Ushant,  one  of  64  guns,  one  of  50, 
and  one  of  32  guns,  two  of  which  they  saw,  and  were  told 
there  was  another.  The  French  ships  go  out  again  on  a 
cruise  to-day.  I  think  if  a  very  fast-sailing  cutter  could 
be  got,  and  stationed  at  Dunkirk,  they  might  soon  make 
plenty  prizes  by  running  into  the  Downs,  and  cutting 
ships  out  from  there;  provided  they  would  be  received 
and  protected  in  that  port,  untill  it  suited  you  to  send 
them  off  for  America  or  elsewhere;  and  take  liberty  to 
recommend  Capt.  Hinson  for  that  service,  as  he  is  a  stout, 
brave  man,  and  I  think  well  qualified  for  such  an  enter 
prise.  I  am  very  glad  to  hear  you  intend  to  provide  for 
Capt.  Nicholson,  as  I  think  him  deserving  your  confi 
dence,  and  make  no  doubt  he  will  merit  your  esteem  in 
any  station  you  may  think  proper  to  place  him.  If  you 
purchase  the  "Maurepas,"  and  I  am  appointed  to  com 
mand  her,  I  know  no  obstacle  in  Capt.  Nicholson's  way, 
as  my  officers  would  chuse  to  continue  with  me,  and,  of 
course,  there  will  be  room  for  him  in  the  "  Eeprisal."  I 
think  you  may  get  the  "  Maurepas  "  for  12,500£  sterling. 
She  is  a  very  fine  ship,  and  has  the  character  of  a  very  fast 
sailer.  I  would  recommend  her  purchase,  if  convenient. 
Whatever  may  be  the  determination  on  these  hints  men 
tioned  in  your  last,  I  shall  cheerfully  comply  [seal]  with 
any  orders  from  you,  if  in  my  power,  the  officers  [seal]  not 


WICKES  AT  L'ORIENT.  119 

to  sign  a  written  parole,  or  give  their  word  of  honour.  As 
I  have  wrote  you  fully  on  this  head,  shall  only  say  they 
are  all  discharged. 

From,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obliged  humble  servant. 

P.  S.     I  shall  take  care  not  let  any  more  officers  on 

shore  at  all. 

L.  W. 


L'ORIENT,  March  15th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  wrote  you  last  post,  informing  you  of 
my  disagreeable  situation. 1  Also  mentioned  the  proceed 
ings  of  Mr.  Gonnett,  the  Commissary  of  this  Port.  He 
still  continues  to  threaten  to  drive  me  out  immediately. 
If  the  threats  and  abuses  of  this  busy  person  cannot  be 
stopped,  I  should  be  much  obliged  for  your  instructions, 
and  am  in  hopes  you  '11  either  dispatch  me  immediately 
for  America,  or  procure  me  admittance  in  some  other  port, 
where  I  shall  be  better  received  and  kinder  treated  than  I 
have  been  here.  You  may  rest  satisfied  that  no  proceed 
ings  of  mine  have  meritted  Mr.  Gonnett's  treatment,  as  I 
have  always  behaved  with  all  the  complaisance  in  my 
power  to  that  gentleman,  which  I  am  afraid  will  be  out  of 
my  power  to  continue  longer,  as  it  vexes  me  very  much  to 
be  treated  in  this  manner,  and  I  would  not  submit  to  else 
where.  Please  let  me  know  what  news  there  is  from 
America. 

From,  Gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  h'ble  serv't, 

LAMB'T  WICKES. 

1  This  letter,  dated  March  13,  relates  how  he  received  orders  to  leave 
the  port  at  twenty-four  hours'  notice. 


120  FRANKLIN  IN  PRANCE. 

On  account  of  this  order  from  the  commissary  of 
L'Orient,  Wickes  sailed  for  Nantes,  but  shortly  returned 
to  L'Orient. 

L'ORIENT,  25th  April,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  left  Nantz  Wednesday  evening  to  come 
here,  and  by  a  letter  from  you  and  one  from  Capt.  John 
ston,  I  find  he  arrived  at  Nantz.  Soon  after  my  departure 
I  returned  an  answer  to  Capt.  Johnston,  and  desired  him 
to  come  immediately  and  join  me,  but  have  since  received 
a  positive  order  from  the  Commissary  of  this  port  to 
depart  the  port  in  24  hours.  In  consequence  of  those 
orders  I  write  by  this  evening's  post,  desiring  Capt.  John 
ston  to  join  me  at  St.  Auzeau  as  soon  as  possible.  As 
Capt.  Nicholson  is  not  yet  ready,  I  think  it  will  be  the 
best  place  to  meet  and  depart  from.  You  may  depend 
on  my  utmost  attentions  to  your  orders,  and  make  no 
doubt  we  shall  be  able  to  give  you  satisfaction  if  we  are 
not  taken.  There  is  three  British  ships  of  war  cruising 
in  the  bay,  which  have  been  seen  last  Monday  evening. 
A  prize  sloop  arrived  here  yesterday,  taken  by  Capt. 
Thompson  of  the  Brig  "  Kising  States  "  from  Boston.  This 
was  the  third  prize  taken  by  her  since  her  departure  from 
America.  This  prize  is  from  Lisbon  bound  to  London, 
loaded  with  fruit  and  wine.  I  shall  leave  this  port,  if  the 
wind  and  weather  permits,  and  go  immediately  for  St. 
Auzeau,  where  I  shall  inform  you  of  my  further  proceed 
ings. 

From,  Gentlemen,  &c.,  &c., 

LAMBEET  WICKES. 

L'ORIENT,  April  27th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  wrote  you  last  post,  acknowledging 
the  receipt  of  your  letters  by  Capt.  Johnston,  and  in 
forming  you  of  my  intentions  to  proceed  to  Nantz,  and 


DIFFICULTIES  OF  WICKES.  121 

there  wait  the  arrival  of  Capt.  Johnston.  I  am  very  sorry 
to  inform  you  of  the  mutiny  that  has  happened  among 
my  people  since  my  arrival.  They  have  all  refused  to 
go  to  sea  until  they  received  their  prize  money.  With 
much  threats,  and  a  promise  that  the  prize  money  should 
be  paid  before  they  left  Nantz,  I  have  prevailed  on  them 
to  go  to  Nantz,  but  do  not  expect  to  get  them  from  there 
till  they  are  paid,  as  the  time  they  shipped  for  was  one 
year,  which  is  now  expired.  I  hope  you  '11  be  punctual  in 
giving  orders  to  Mr.  Morris  for  paying  them  as  soon  as 
they  arrive,  in  order  to  prevent  delays.  I  think  this  will 
be  necessary  in  order  to  prevent  any  dispute  between  me 
and  Mr.  Morris.  The  people  have  promised  to  continue  in 
the  ship,  and  behave  well,  provided  they  receive  their  mon 
ey,  and  if  not,  I  shall  be  under  the  disagreeable  necessity 
of  proceeding  directly  to  America  with  a  few  of  the  people 
I  can  get  to  go  with  me,  which  will  not  exceed  30  or 
40  men.  I  have  this  day  received  my  certain  orders 
from  Mr.  Gonnett,  commissary  of  this  port,  ordering  me 
out  this  day,  and  not  to  offer  to  cruise  or  make  any  prizes 
on  the  French  coast  on  any  pretence  whatever.  These 
orders  were  handed  me  to  sign,  which  I  refused  to  do; 
and  told  the  Commissary  I  would  comply  with  them  as 
far  as  was  consistent  with  my  orders  from  the  Honorable 
Continental  Congress  of  the  United  States  of  America.  I 
told  him  that  I  never  had  cruised  on  the  coast  of  France, 
or  made  prizes  on  said  coast,  nor  would  I  do  it.  I  should 
be  glad  of  your  advice  on  these  different  subjects  as  soon 
as  possible. 

I  also  take  this  opportunity  to  recommend  Mr.  Gour- 
lade  to  your  honours'  particular  notice,  and  think  him  wor 
thy  of  your  utmost  confidence,  and  hope  for  the  future 
you  will  render  him  every  service  in  your  power,  as  he 
has  been  very  active  in  rendering  me  every  service  in  his 


122  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

power.  I  have  made  him  my  confident  in  regard  to 
prizes  and  the  signals  to  be  made  by  them  agreeable  to  a 
request  in  a  paragraph  of  your  last  letter  to  me.  If  they 
should  fall  in  here  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  he  will  do 
everything  in  his  power  to  give  you  satisfaction,  and  hope 
you  will  favor  him  with  your  instructions  in  regard  to  the 
sale  of  the  prizes  that  may  come  in  here.  Mr.  Gonnett's 
orders  was  in  writing  that  he  wanted  me  to  sign ;  but  I 
told  him  I  could  not  sign  them  or  receive  orders  from 
him  or  Mr.  Sartine  or  any  other  person  except  the  Hon'ble 
Congress  or  their  Commissioners.  I  imagine  you  '11  hear 
this  from  the  minister  at  Paris,  which  makes  me  more 
particular  in  my  answer.  From,  Gentlemen,  &c., 

L.  W. 

P.  S.  If  you  should  have  any  other  business  to  transact 
I  think  Mr.  Gourlade  the  most  proper  person  you  can  em 
ploy  at  this  port.  I  have  had  occasion  to  take  money  of 
Mr.  Gourlade  to  pay  the  ship's  disbursements,  and  he 
would  have  advanced  the  money  to  pay  the  people,  but  I 
did  not  like  to  give  him  a  bill  for  so  large  a  sum  without 
your  orders. 

L.  W. 

By  this  time,  however,  the  "  Reprisal "  was  ready  for  sea, 
and  Wickes,  tired  of  dodging  from  one  port  to  another, 
sailed  off  on  a  cruise,  this  time  in  company  with  Nichol 
son  on  board  the  "Dolphin,"  and  Johnson  with  the 
"  Lexington. " 

ST.  MALO,  June  28th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  This  will  inform  you  of  my  safe  arrival 
at  this  port  yesterday,  in  company  with  Capt.  Sam 
uel  Nicholson  of  the  sloop  Dolphin.  We  parted  from 
Capt.  Johnson  the  day  before  yesterday  a  little  to  the 


HISTORY  OF  THE   CRUISE.  123 

east  of  Ushant.  Now  for  the  History  of  our  late  cruise. 
We  sailed  in  company  with  Captains  Johnson  and  Nichol 
son  from  St  Nasair  l  May  28th  1777.  The  30th  fell  in 
with  The  Fudrion  2  about  40  leagues  to  the  west  of  Bell- 
isle,  who  chased  us,  fired  several  guns  at  the  Lexington, 
but  we  got  clear  of  her  very  soon,  and  pursued  our  course 
to  the  N°  West  in  order  to  proceed  round  into  the 
North  Sea.  On  our  way  thither  we  brought  to  several 
French,  Portuguese,  and  Dutch  vessels,  all  of  which  we  let 
go  as  soon  as  we  found  who  they  were.  Nothing  more 
happened  till  we  arrived  off  the  North  end  of  Ireland, 
June  19th,  when  we  took  two  Brigs  and  two  Sloops ;  one 
of  each  we  sunk,  the  other,  a  small  smuggling  cutter,  we 
let  go,  and  the  other,  a  Brig  from  Newry,  sent  into  port  in 
ballast.  20th  took  the  sloop  Jassans  from  White  Haven, 
bound  to  Petersburg  in  Ballast;  sent  her  in.  21st  took 
Scotch  ship  from  Prussia  bound  to  Liverpool  loaded  with 
wheat ;  took  a  small  Scotch  smuggler  and  sunk  her.  22nd 
took  the  John  and  Thomas  from  Norway  bound  to  Dub 
lin  loaded  with  deals,  the  Brig  Jenny  and  Sally  from 
Glasgow  bound  to  Norway  in  ballast.  Sent  them  forward. 
22d  took  a  Brig  from  Dublin  bound  to  Irwin ;  sunk  her. 
Took  three  large  Brigs  loaded  with  coals  from  White- 
haven  bound  to  Dublin ;  sunk  them  in  sight  of  that  Port, 
after  taking  all  the  people  out  of  them.  Took  the  Brig 
Crawford  from  Glasgo  bound  to  St.  Ubes  in  Ballast. 
23d  took  the  ship  Grace,  from  Jamaica  bound  to  Liver 
pool,  loaded  with  sugar,  rum,  cotton  and  tobacco,  and  the 
Brig  Peggy,  from  Cork  bound  to  Liverpool,  loaded  with 
Butter  and  hides,  and  sent  them  forward.  24th  at  8  p.m. 
gave  the  Brig  Crawford  to  the  Prisoners  and  sent  them 
forward  to  Whitehaven.  We  stood  down  the  Irish 
Channel.  25th  took  the  sloop  John  and  Peter  from 

1  Same  as  St.  Auzeau.  2  Foudroyante. 


124  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Havre  de  Grace  bound  to  Dungarvan  in  Ballast ;  gave 
them  their  vessel  and  let  them  go.  This  day  we  passed 
between  Scilly  and  the  Land's  End.  26th  at  4  p.m.  took 
a  snow  bound  from  Gibraltar  bound  to  London  loaded 
with  Cork;  sent  her  forward.  At  6  a.m.  saw  a  large 
ship  off  Ushant;  stood  for  her  at  10  a.m. ;  discovered  her 
to  be  a  large  ship  of  war  standing  for  us ;  bore  away 
and  made  sail  from  her.  She  chased  us  till  9  p.m.  and 
continued  firing  at  us  from  4  till  6  at  night;  she  was 
almost  within  musket  shot,  and  we  escaped  by  heaving 
our  guns  overboard  and  lightening  the  ship.  They  pay 
very  little  regard  to  the  laws  of  neutrality,  as  they  chased 
me  and  fired  as  long  as  they  dared  stand  in  for  fear  of 
running  ashore. 

As  I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  getting  the  ship 
refitted  here,  I  hope  you  will  furnish  me  with  a  credit  for 
what  money  I  want  here,  as  soon  as  possible.  We  can 
get  supplied  with  guns  and  everything  necessary  on  tol 
erably  easy  terms.  I  am  in  hopes  you  '11  soon  hear  of 
Captain  Johnston's  arrival  as  I  saw  him  clear  of  the  ship 
that  chas'd  us.  I  think  you  had  best  sell  the  cutter  and 
purchase  some  other  vessel  for  Capt.  Nicholson,  as  she 
is  only  a  pickpocket  and  will  want  a  heavy  repair  if 
fitted  out  again  for  another  cruise.  I  shall  look  out  and 
see  if  there  is  any  vessel  in  this  port  fit  for  a  cruiser.  If 
I  should  find  one,  will  let  you  know.  As  I  had  not  the 
pleasure  of  knowing  Captain  Johnston 1  before,  I  could  not 
give  him  a  character  sufficient  to  his  merit ;  and  now  beg 
leave  to  recommend  him  as  a  very  brave,  active  officer,  and 
worthy  your  honours'  utmost  attention.  The  prizes  is 
sent  into  1'Orient,  Nantz,  Bilbao,  or  St.  Sebastian's,  or 
the  first  port  they  can  reach. 

from,  Gentlemen,  &c.,  L.  W. 

1  Johnson  arrived  in  the  "  Lexington  "  at  Morlaix,  July  1,  2,  or  3. 


WICKES   AT  ST.   MALO.  125 

ST.  MALO,  July  13th,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN, —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  4th  instant 
ordering  me  to  send  our  prizes  to  the  address  of  Mr.  Wil 
liams  at  Nantz  and  give  orders  to  our  prize  masters  ac 
cordingly.  This  order  will  be  cheerfully  complied  with 
by  me.  I  should  be  very  glad  to  know  my  future  desti 
nation,  and  whether  I  am  to  go  out  as  soon  as  fitted  for 
sea,  as  I  am  told  the  ministers  has  ordered  me  out  of  Port. 
I  shall  get  my  guns  on  board  and  proceed  to  sea  as  soon 
as  possible  unless  ordered  to  the  contrary.  Three  of  our 
people  have  run  away,  and  carried  off  a  French  pilot  boat, 
which  they  say  I  must  pay  for.  Please  advise  me  on 
this  head.  I  have  wrote  Captain  Johnston  desiring  him 
to  address  his  prizes  as  you  direct,  and  have  also  commu 
nicated  said  orders  to  Captain  Nicholson.  As  the  Dol 
phin  is  at  present  disabled  in  her  mast  I  don't  think  it 
prudent  to  send  Capt.  Nicholson  and  his  officers  to 
Nantz  in  her,  as  she  is  very  dirty  and  cannot  escape  if 
chased.  It  will  be  attended  with  very  little  expense  to 
send  her  round  as  French  property,  and  may  be  done 
by  Capt.  Nicholson's  own  French  hands  now  on  board, 
only  shipping  a  French  captain  and  clearing  her  out  as 
French  property,  for  which  a  bill  of  sale  may  be  given  to 
Messrs.  De  Segray  and  Co.  Please  inform  us  how  you 
would  have  this  matter  conducted  and  depend  on  our 
compliance  from  &c.,  &c. 

L.  WICKES. 

In  the  next  letter  is  a  reminder  of  the  immense  num 
bers  of  volunteers  for  America  who  were  boring  the  life 
out  of  the  Commissioners. 

"  This  letter,"  says  Wickes,  "will  be  made  use  of  merely 
as  an  introduction  to  your  acquaintance,  —  as  this  gentle 
man  has  no  favours  to  ask,  and  will  not  be  among  the 


126  EKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

number  of  your  American  adventurers,  as  he  is  well  pro 
vided  for  in  France,  and  has  no  thoughts  at  present  of 
going  to  America." 

ST.  MALO,  12th  Aug.  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  This  will  inform  you  of  my  present  un 
happy  situation.  The  Judges  of  the  Admiralty  have 
received  orders  of  the  6th  inst.  from  the  Minister  at 
Paris,  ordering  them  not  to  suffer  me  to  take  any  cannon, 
powder,  or  other  military  stores  on  board,  or  to  depart 
from  this  port  on  any  consideration  whatever  without 
further  orders  from  Paris.  In  consequence  of  these  orders 
they  came  on  board  on  Saturday  to  take  all  my  cannon 
out  and  to  unhang  my  rudder.  I  have  prevented  this  for 
the  present  by  refusing  to  let  them  take  rudder  or  cannon 
without  producing  an  order  from  the  minister  for  so 
doing.  As  I  told  them,  my  orders  corresponded  with 
theirs  in  regard  to  continuing  in  port,  but  I  had  no  order 
to  deliver  anything  belonging  to  the  ship  to  them,  which 
I  could  not  do  without  orders,  and  if  the  ministers 
insisted  on  it,  made  no  doubt  but  you  would  give  your 
orders  accordingly,  which  would  be  readily  complied  with 
on  my  part  when  such  orders  were  received.  My  powder 
is  stopped,  and  they  have  been  contented  by  taking  my 
written  parole  not  to  depart  until  I  receive  their  permis 
sion.  I  am  told  they  have  wrote  to  the  minister  inform 
ing  of  my  having  taken  my  cannon  on  board  clandestinely 
at  the  night.  If  so,  you  may  safely  deny  the  charge,  as  I 
took  them  on  board  at  noonday,  publickly,  and  did  not 
think  I  was  to  be  called  to  an  account  for  it,  as  I  was 
told  that  I  might  go  on  and  get  my  ship  fitted  for  sea  as 
fast  as  possible,  in  order  to  be  ready  to  proceed  on  the 
arrival  of  my  orders  and  permission  from  Paris,  which  it 
was  supposed  would  come  together.  Please  give  me  your 
sentiments  on  these  subjects  as  soon  as  possible,  that  I 


READY   TO   RETURN.  127 

may  act  conformably  to  them.  This  will  be  delivered 
you  by  Mr.  Et  De  Landrais  Lebire,  a  partner  of  the  house 
of  Messrs.  Le  Breton,  De  Blisson,  Et  De  Landrais  Lebire, 
a  very  reputable  house  in  this  place,  who  will  enter  into 
contract  for  supplying  you  with  any  quantity  of  large 
cannon,  anchors,  sailcloth,  and  cordage  you  want.  As 
these  gentlemen  have  now  got  at  the  port  of  L'Orient  two 
64  gun  ships,  4  or  5  of  40  guns,  which  they  propose 
to  employ  in  exporting  those  articles  to  America,  I  think 
a  contract  with  them  will  be  more  advantageous  than 
with  anybody  else  in  this  country,  but  submit  it  to  your 
superior  judgement.  They  tell  me  they  can  get  these 
goods  shipped  and  ready  to  export  by  the  Month  of  Octo 
ber.  These  ships  well  manned  will  be  able  to  fight  their 
way  through  any  of  the  enemies  squadrons  in  America. 
As  my  situation  in  France  is  more  disagreeable  than  ever, 
I  hope  you'll  get  permission  as  soon  as  possible  for  me 
to  depart,  as  I  am  now  ready  for  sea,  and  have  nothing  to 
take  on  board  but  my  powder.  I  received  yours  of  the 
5th  instant,  and  am  sorry  you  have  not  yet  got  any  par 
ticular  accts  from  America,  tho'  in  hopes  all  is  well 
there.  Shall  be  much  obliged  for  any  news  from  that 
quarter.  You  may  put  the  utmost  confidence  in  the  above 
gentlemen,  as  it  is  one  of  the  first  houses  in  St.  Malo,  and 
I  make  no  doubt  but  they  will  be  very  punctual  in  com 
plying  with  their  contracts.  As  my  ship  is  now  fitted 
and  ready  for  sea,  I  employ  my  time  in  exciting  a  uni 
versal  spirit  of  American  commerce,  which  I  am  in  hopes 
will  prove  useful  both  to  my  country  and  countrymen ;  if 
so  shall  be  overpaid  for  any  trouble  I  may  have  in 
accomplishing  these  desireable  ends  of  furnishing  them 
with  the  necessaries  they  at  present  stand  so  much  in 
need  of.  If  I  can  be  of  any  use  to  the  United  States  here 
shall  cheerfully  content  myself  to  stay,  but  if  not,  hope 


128  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

you  will  obtain  leave  for  my  immediate  departure,  as  I 
am  heartily  tired  of  France,  tlio'  treated  with  the 
greatest  respect  by  all  the  people  of  this  port,  except  the 
Admiralty  officers,  who  seem  rather  to  adopt  the  line  of 
Mr.  Gonnet's  conduct  towards  me,  carrying  it  with  a  very 
high  hand.  I  can  only  say  I  am  sorry  our  situation  is 
such  as  puts  us  under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  sub 
mitting  to  such  indignities  as  are  exercised  over  us  in  the 
Ports  of  France.  I  remain, 

Gentlemen,  etc. 

ST.  MALO,  31st  Aug.  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  this  day  received  orders  from  the  Min 
ister  of  Marine  at  Paris,  notified  me  by  the  Commissary 
and  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  to  depart  the  port  immedi 
ately,  and  not  to  enter  again  on  any  consideration.  I  was 
much  surprised  to  receive  those  orders  without  a  line 
from  you.  I  told  them  I  would  sail  the  first  fair  wind 
and  am  now  preparing  for  sea  as  fast  as  possible,  but  shall 
endeavour  to  gain  time  to  receive  your  orders.  As  I  appre 
hend  these  orders  will  be  very  strictly  executed  here, 
think  it  will  be  necessary  to  send  yours  by  the  first  oppor 
tunity,  unless  you  can  prevail  on  the  minister  to  let  us 
wait  your  time,  as  I  have  now  promised  to  sail  the  first 
fair  wind.  I  hope  you  will  order  me  immediately  to 
America.  We  purpose  sending  the  Sloop  Dolphin  round 
with  a  French  captain  and  crew,  as  I  don't  think  it  ad- 
viseable  to  send  Capt  Nicholson's  officers  and  men 
round  in  her,  as  I  am  creditably  informed  that  there  is  10 
or  12  sail  of  British  ships  of  war  and  privateers  cruis 
ing  off  Nantes.  If  your  orders  are  not  already  despatch'd, 
hope  you  will  despatch  them  as  soon  as  possible.  Please 
give  me  all  the  news  you  have,  both  from  England  and 
America.  I  remain,  gentlemen,  etc. 


FRENCH  NEUTRALITY.  129 

Wickes  sailed  for  America  from  St.  Malo  the  14th  of 
September,  with  a  fair  easterly  wind,  in  company  with  the 
"Dolphin"  (the  French  authorities  would  not  allow  the 
ingenious  scheme  proposed  by  Wickes  whereby  she  was 
to  be  sent  to  Nantes),  as  we  learn  from  a  later  letter  of 
Captain  Nicholson's.  But  he  never  reached  the.  United 
States.  His  ship  foundered  off  Newfoundland  with  all  on 
board  save  the  cook.  "  He  was  a  gallant  officer,"  says 
Franklin,  "and  a  very  worthy  man." 

There  is  little  question  as  to  whether  America,  through 
her  commissioners  and  captains,  from  this  time  onward, 
did  or  did  not  violate  French  neutrality.  According  to 
the  principles  of  international  law  as  held  to-day,  here  is 
one  of  the  simplest  cases  of  breach  of  neutrality  im 
aginable.  A  modern  writer  sums  up  the  obligations  of 
neutral  powers  in  the  following  words : l  "  It  is  a  violation 
of  strict  neutrality  for  a  neutral  State  (1)  to  lend  money, 
or  (2)  to  supply  troops,  or  (3)  to  open  harbors  for  hostile 
enterprises,  or  (4)  to  allow  the  presence  of  any  individual 
or  vessel  pertaining  to  a  belligerent  State  within  his  ter 
ritory,  when  believed  to  be  stationed  there  for  the  purpose 
of  carrying  out  a  hostile  undertaking;  or  (5)  to  knowingly 
suffer  its  subjects  to  prepare  or  to  aid  in  preparing  or  aug 
menting  any  hostile  expedition  against  a  friendly  power, 
as,  for  instance,  to  build,  arm,  or  man  ships-of-war  with 
such  purpose  in  view."  Instance  of  violation  of  every  one 
of  these  five  articles  may  be  found  in  the  conduct  of 

1  This  statement  agrees  on  the  whole  with  the  general  course  of  opinion 
on  the  duty  of  neutral  nations  among  recent  publicists.  Many,  however, 
would  not  go  so  far  as  this,  —  some  holding  a  continuance  of  amicable 
relations  to  be  sufficient  for  neutrality  ;  others  adding  to  this  impartial 
behavior  toward  each.  See  CALVO,  Droit  International,  ii.  314.  The 
word  impartial  used  in  this  way  is  liable  to  misconception.  Would 
France  have  acted  impartially,  for  instance,  had  she  allowed  both  Ameri 
can  and  English  the  privilege  of  fitting  out  privateers  in  her  ports  ? 

9 


130  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

France.  France  (1)  loaned  3,000,000  livres  to  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  States  for  the  use  of  that  nation ;  (2) 
she  allowed  large  numbers  of  officers  of  her  army,  some  of 
them  of  great  experience,  to  serve  in  the  armies  of  the 
United  States ;  (3)  her  harbors  were  open  to  Paul  Jones, 
Wickes,  Johnson,  and  Nicholson,  to  refit  in  and  thence  to 
pounce  upon  British  commerce ;  (4)  it  was  notorious  that 
the  American  commissioners  were  at  all  times  busy  with 
warlike  schemes  against  Great  Britain ;  and  (5)  Beaumar- 
chais  was  permitted  to  send  stores  from  the  royal  arsenals 
to  be  used  against  Burgoyne. 

But  it  goes  without  saying,  of  course,  that  the  opinions 
of  publicists  to-day  in  the  matter  of  international  law, 
are  more  advanced  than  was  the  practice  of  nations  in  the 
last  century.  In  that  century  the  rights  of  neutral  States 
were  constantly  ignored  by  England,  who,  with  her  pre 
ponderating  naval  supremacy,  was  enabled  to  carry  out  her 
own  code  in  time  of  war.  It  was  the  time  of  the  Armed 
Neutralities,  —  steps  in  the  right  direction,  even  though 
dictated  to  a  gtfeat  degree  by  court  intrigue  and  the 
schemes  of  diplomatists.  And  if  England  were  firm  in 
opposing  any  extension  of  neutral  rights,  it  is  natural  that 
neutral  States  should  find  it  easy  that  their  views  on  neu 
tral  duties  should  be  obscured.  On  the  general  princi 
ples  of  that  time,  France  would  not  probably  have  felt 
bound  to  proceed  (in  appearance  at  least)  with  such  se 
verity  towards  the  American  cruisers.  But  beyond  the 
general  principles  of  public  law,  France  was  at  that 
time  particularly  bound  by  treaty  with  Great  Britain  in 
regard  to  these  very  points.  The  matters  are  stated  with 
perfect  clearness  in  the  treaty  of  commerce  between  the 
two  powers,  signed  at  Utrecht  in  1713  and  afterwards  fre 
quently  reaffirmed.  "  It  shall  not  be  lawful,"  says  Article 
XV.,  "  for  any  foreign  Privateers,  who  have  Commissions 


TREATY  OF  UTRECHT.  131 

from  any  other  Prince  or  State  in  enmity  with  either 
Nation  to  fit  their  ships  in  the  Ports  of  one  or  the  other 
of  the  aforesaid  Partys,  to  sell  what  they  have  taken,  or 
in  any  manner  whatever  to  exchange  either  Ships,  Mer 
chandizes  or  any  other  Ladings ;  neither  shall  they  be  al 
lowed  even  to  purchase  victuals,  except  such  as  shall  be 
necessary  for  their  going  to  the  next  Port  of  that  Prince 
from  whom  they  have  Commissions."  And  Article 
XXXVI.  declares  that  "  no  Shelter  or  Eefuge  shall  be 
given  in  their  Ports  to  such  as  have  made  a  Prize  upon 
the  subjects  of  either  of  their  Eoyal  Majestys,  and  if  per 
chance  such  Ships  shall  come  in,  being  forced  by  stress 
of  weather,  or  the  damage  (as  far  as  it  is  not  repugnant 
to  other  Treatys  made  with  other  Kings  or  States)  that 
they  go  from  thence  and  retire  elsewhere  as  soon  as 
possible." 

A  clear  view  of  these  facts  would  of  course  have  shown 
Captain  Wickes  that  the  French  government  was  not  so 
unjustifiable  as  he  considered,  when  it  ordered  him  out  of 
one  port  after  another  on  twenty-four  hours'  notice.  It 
could  not  have  done  less  without  precipitating  an  imme 
diate  breach  with  Great  Britain.  It  probably  did  not  do 
everything  that  it  could.  This  has  been  the  general  im 
pression,  and  such  a  line  of  conduct  would  be  just  what 
we  should  expect  of  a  power  in  the  position  of  France  at 
that  moment.  The  truth  is  that  Wickes  and  his  brother 
captains  were  treated  with  the  utmost  leniency.  The 
great  wonder  is  that  Great  Britain  endured  these  flagrant 
breaches  of  neutrality  without  a  declaration  of  war.  But 
Vergennes  was  famous  for  his  smooth  tongue.  An  old 
diplomat,  familiar  with  the  courtesies  of  almost  every 
court  in  Europe,  he  was  probably  as  complete  a  master 
of  the  soft  answer  as  was  needed  by  the  circumstances. 
But  even  he  found  it  necessary  to  complain  to  the 


132  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

American    Commissioners.      An    extract    from    a    letter 
which  he  wrote  them  will  render  his  position  clear:  — 

"  You  cannot  forget  that  at  the  first  conversation  I  had 
with  both  of  you  I  assured  you  that  you  should  enjoy 
in  France,  with  respect  to  your  persons,  every  security 
and  comfort  which  we  showed  to  foreigners;  and  as  to 
your  commerce  and  navigation,  we  should  grant  every 
facility  compatible  with  the  exact  observation  of  our  trea 
ties  with  England,  which  the  Kings  principles  would  in 
duce  him  religiously  to  fulfil.  In  order  to  prevent  every 
doubt  with  respect  to  the  vessels  that  may  participate  in 
the  favors  which  we  grant  in  our  ports  to  nations  in 
amity,  I  pointed  out  to  you  the  article  of  the  treaty 
which  forbids  the  power  of  allowing  privateers  free  access 
into  our  ports,  unless  through  pressing  necessity,  as  also 
with  respect  to  the  deposit  and  sale  of  their  prizes.  You 
promised,  gentlemen,  to  conform  thereto. 

"  After  so  particular  an  explanation  we  did  not  press 
the  departure  of  the  ship  Eeprisal,  which  brought  Mr. 
Franklin  to  France,  because  we  were  assured  it  was  des 
tined  to  return  with  merchandise.  We  had  quite  lost 
sight  of  this  vessel,  and  imagined  she  was  in  the  Ameri 
can  seas,  when,  with  great  surprise,  we  understood  that 
she  had  entered  L'Orient,  after  taking  several  prizes. 
Orders  were  immediately  given  that  she  depart  in  twenty- 
four  hours,  and  conduct  her  prizes  to  the  only  admiralties 
that  were  authorized  to  judge  of  their  validity.  Captain 
Wickes  complained  of  a  leak.  Being  visited  by  proper 
officers,  his  allegation  was  found  to  be  legal  and  admissi 
ble,  the  necessary  repairs  were  permitted,  and  he  was 
enjoined  to  put  to  sea  again. 

"After  such  repeated  advertisements,  the  motives  of 
which  you  have  been  informed  of,  we  had  no  reason  to 


VERGENNES  TO   THE   COMMISSIONERS.  133 

expect,  gentlemen,  that  the  said  Mr.  Wickes  would  prose 
cute  his  cruising  in  the  European  seas ;  and  we  could  not 
be  otherwise  than  greatly  surprised  that,  after  having 
associated  with  the  privateers,  the  Lexington  and  the 
Dolphin,  to  infest  the  English  coasts,  they  should  all  three 
of  them  come  for  refuge  into  our  ports.  You  are  too  well 
informed,  gentlemen,  and  too  penetrating,  not  to  see  how 
this  conduct  affects  the  dignity  of  the  King,  my  master, 
at  the  same  time  it  offends  the  neutrality  which  His  Maj 
esty  professes.  I  expect,  therefore,  from  your  equity,  that 
you  will  be  the  first  to  condemn  a  conduct  so  opposite  to 
the  duties  of  hospitality  and  decency.  The  King  cannot 
dissemble  it,  and  it  is  by  his  express  order,  gentlemen, 
that  I  acquaint  you  that  orders  have  been  sent  to  the 
ports  in  which  the  said  privateers  have  entered,  to  se 
quester  and  detain  them,  until  sufficient  security  can  be 
obtained  that  they  shall  return  directly  to  their  country, 
and  not  expose  themselves,  by  new  acts  of  hostility,  to 
the  necessity  of  seeking  an  asylum  in  our  ports. 

"  As  to  the  prizes  they  may  have  taken,  if  they  have 
brought  them  into  our  ports,  they  have  orders  to  go  out 
immediately,  and  the  same  conduct  shall  be  observed 
towards  any  capture  of  any  nation  whatever.  Such  are 
the  obligations  of  our  treaties,  which  the  King  cannot  by 
any  means  evade.  It  will  be  highly  proper  for  you  to 
make  these  intentions  known,  wherever  you  may  think 
it  most  expedient,  so  that  new  privateers,  from  the  exam 
ple  of  the  misconduct  of  those  against  whom  we  are 
obliged  to  be  vigorous,  may  not  expose  themselves  to  the 
like  embarrassments." 

To  this  letter  the  commissioners  returned  an  answer 
excusing  Captain  Wickes  ancT  his  fellows  for  returning  to 
L'Orient  after  their  cruise,  on  the  ground  that  he  had 


134  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

been  chased  by  English  men-of-war.  They  added  that 
orders  had  already  been  sent  that  they  should  return  to 
America.  It  was  only  a  month  before,  that  Franklin  had 
written  to  some  merchant  at  Nantes,  — 

"  The  prize  cannot,  as  you  observe,  be  sold  and  deliv 
ered  in  your  port,  —  it  being  contrary  to  treaties,  and  to 
ordinances  made  in  conformity  to  those  treaties.  But  I 
suppose  it  may  be  done  in  the  road  without  the  port  or 
in  some  convenient  place  on  the  coast,  where  the  business 
may  be  transacted  and  conducted  with  discretion,  so 
as  to  occasion  no  trouble  to  the  ministers  by  applications 
from  the  English  Ambassador.  I  say  I  suppose  this  may 
be  done  because  I  understand  it  has  been  practised  in 
many  places  on  the  coast  of  Brittany.  But  a  formal  or 
der  from  the  Minister  to  permit  such  a  sale  and  delivery 
in  any  port  of  France  is  not  to  be  expected  while  the 
peace  continues  and  the  treaties  consequently  in  force." 

To  tell  the  truth,  the  commissioners  pressed  these  mat 
ters  about  as  far  as  they  could  go  without  endangering 
their  favor  with  the  Court.  Stormont  was  in  no  way 
wrong  in  complaining  of  the  American  cruisers,  nor  was 
Vergennes  severe  when  he  endeavored  to  keep  Wickes 
from  perpetually  refitting  his  ship  for  new  cruises.  It  is 
only  the  fact  that  the  French  government  was  practically 
in  a  hostile  position  toward  Great  Britain  that  explains 
these  proceedings.1  Had  they  been  really  neutral,  Wickes 

1  The  Earl  of  Shelburne  in  the  House  of  Lords  "denied  in  the  most 
positive  terms  [France]  being  ingenuous  in  her  professions  of  friendship. 
Have  you  insisted  (said  he)  on  Dr.  Franklin  and  the  other  American 
deputies  being  sent  from  France  ?  What  answer  have  you  received  ?  Have 
you  required  the  French  Ministers  to  shut  their  ports  against  the  Ameri 
cans  as  Portugal  has  done  ?  Have  you  explicitly  demanded  that  all 
American  privateers  should  be  removed  from  the  French  ports,  and 
should  not  be  permitted  to  revisit  them  either  with  or  without  their 
prizes?"  HANSARD,  xix.  345. 


GUSTAVUS  CONYNGHAM.  135 

and  the  rest  would  have  been  put  under  arrest  and  their 
ships  confiscated. 

On  one  occasion  the  Americans  pushed  Vergennes  too 
far.  Flagrant  as  were  the  breaches  of  neutrality  perpe 
trated  by  Wickes,  they  were  almost  as  nothing  when  com 
pared  with  those  of  another  of  the  famous  figures  in  the 
early  naval  history  of  the  United  States,  —  a  man  whose 
reputation  at  this  time  was  second  to  that  of  no  one  of 
the  American  captains.  Though  his  renown  was  more 
ephemeral  than  that  of  John  Paul  Jones,  for  the  short 
time  that  he  did  sail  the  narrow  seas  there  was  no 
name  more  famous  in  its  way  than  that  of  Gustavus 
Conyngham. 

About  the  beginning  of  March,  in  1777,  before  the  at 
tention  and  vigilance  of  the  Court  at  Versailles  had  been 
aroused  to  the  full  extent,  a  merchant  from  Philadelphia, 
William  Hodge  by  name,  came  to  France  and  entered  into 
relations  with  the  Commissioners,  and  with  Silas  Deane 
especially.  Arthur  Lee  was  away  in  Spain.  It  had  al 
ways  been  one  of  Deane's  favorite  projects  to  fit  out  pri 
vateers  in  the  ports  of  France  which  should  annoy  the 
British  shipping.  As  we  have  seen,  Vergennes,  in  his  first 
interview  with  the  Commissioners,  pointed  out  that  this 
sort  of  proceeding  was  inconsistent  with  the  dignity  of 
the  King  of  France,  and  could  not  be  allowed.  It  is 
probable  that  the  Commissioners  thought  that  the  pro 
ceedings  of  Wickes,  Jones,  Nicholson,  Johnson,  and  other 
privateer  captains  would  be  winked  at,  or  at  any  rate  that 
proceedings  would  not  be  pressed  against  them  with  re 
lentless  vigor.  It  is  not  so  probable  that  it  was  the 
combined  wisdom  of  Franklin,  Deane,  and  Lee  which  con 
ceived  the  idea  of  fitting  out  in  the  port  of  Dunkirk  an 
American  privateer  which  should  make  prize  of  the  Har 
wich  packet.  How  much  Franklin  had  to  do  with  the 


136  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

affair  is  doubtful.  Deane  is  the  only  one  of  the  three 
who  appears  in  the  documents,  and  it  was  evidently  he 
who  saw  to  carrying  through  the  details.  It  was  a  bold 
scheme  and  a  successful  one.  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Hodge 
purchased  a  lugger  at  Dover,  through  a  certain  Captain 
Cruise,  who  went  over  there  for  that  purpose.  The  boat 
was  brought  to  Dunkirk,  and  thither  Mr.  Hodge  repaired, 
taking  with  him  a  credit  on  Morel  &  Fils,  the  bankers, 
from  M.  Grand,  the  banker  of  the  Commissioners.  The 
lugger  was  equipped  with  the  utmost  secrecy,  especial 
pains  being  taken  to  conceal  her  existence,  or  at  least  her 
purpose,  from  the  French  ministry,  which  had,  at  almost 
this  very  date,  enforced  its  statements  to  the  Commis 
sioners  in  regard  to  their  neutrality,  by  ordering  Wickes 
to  leave  the  port  of  L'Orient  within  twenty-four  hours. 
It  was  then  that  that  gallant  officer,  as  has  been  seen,  had 
appeared  there  after  a  successful  cruise,  with  several 
prizes.  When  the  lugger  at  Dunkirk  was  ready  to  sail, 
William  Carmichael  was  sent  from  Paris  with  instruc 
tions  for  a  cruise  in  the  Channel  and  to  the  northward, 
to  pick  up  prizes,  and  particularly  the  Harwich  packet 
plying  between  England  and  Holland;  and  the  lugger 
went  to  sea  under  command  of  G-ustavus  Conyngham, 
who  had  in  his  pocket  a  Continental  commission  as 
captain. 

Conyngham  succeeded  well.  He  came  across  the  mail- 
packet  after  a  day  or  two,  and  captured  her  with  the 
utmost  ease.  She  was  a  valuable  prize,  —  as  valuable 
on  account  of  the  excitement  that  her  capture  caused 
throughout  the  English  seaports  as  for  any  other  reason. 
On  the  capture  of  the  packet,  Conyngham  turned  back  to 
Dunkirk.  In  this  he  was  wrong,  as  it  turned  out,  but  he 
thought  himself  justified  in  so  doing,  on  account  of  the 
very  great  number  of  letters  which  he  intercepted.  On 


EXCITEMENT  IN  ENGLAND.  137 

his  way  back  he  captured  a  brig  of  some  value,  and 
brought  her  also  with  his  first  prize  to  Dunkirk. 

The  affair  stirred  up  at  once  a  great  excitement.  The 
English  complained  to  the  French  Court,  —  and  with 
much  reason,  —  and  Conyngham  was  at  once  arrested  and 
his  prizes  confiscated.  The  English  were  at  once  promised 
that  everything  should  be  done,  —  Conyngham  should  be 
given  up,  the  prizes  should  be  restored,  nothing  of  like 
nature  should  be  allowed  again. 

These  assurances  gave  very  great  pleasure  in  London. 
"  The  Post  Office  have  received  notice,"  writes  George  III. 
to  Lord  North,  "  from  the  agent  at  Dover,  that  news  is 
come  by  a  letter  from  Captain  Erazer  at  Dunkirk,  that 
Cunningham,  the  commander  of  the  pyratical  vessel  that 
seized  the  Prince  of  Orange  packet-boat  is  thrown  into 
prison,  and  the  said  packet-boat  and  the  other  prizes 
ordered  by  the  Court  of  France  to  be  restored.  This  is  so 
strong  a  proof  that  the  Court  of  Versailles  mean  to  keep 
appearance,  that  I  think  the  news  deserves  a  place  in  the 
speech  you  will  make."  Lord  North  accordingly  gave  it  a 
place.  In  speaking  of  the  state  of  the  country  in  regard 
to  the  war  in  America,  and  the  attitude  of  the  French  and 
Spanish  Courts,  he  informed  the  house  that  friendly  assur 
ances  were  received  from  the  Court  of  France,  and  that 
the  war  preparations  which  had  been  noted  in  Spain  were 
not  of  such  a  nature  as  to  be  alarming.  He  noted  the 
sailing  of  the  Newfoundland  fleet  from  France  without  a 
convoy,  as  a  proof  of  the  sincerity  of  the  peaceful  assevera 
tions  of  France,  and  he  went  on  to  say  that  a  recent  proof 
he  had  received  that  morning  of  the  very  friendly  and 
pacific  disposition  of  the  Court  of  Versailles  put  it  beyond 
doubt;  which  was,  that  the  pirate  who  had  made  prize 
of  the  Harwich  packet  was  in  confinement  at  Dunkirk 
by  order  of  that  court,  —  "a  circumstance  too  strong  to 


138  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

require  any  collateral  information  to  support  his  former 
assertion,  that  we  had  nothing  to  apprehend  from  that 
quarter  which  was  likely  to  interrupt  us  from  prosecuting 
our  rebellious  colonies  to  a  state  of  constitutional  obedi 
ence."  This  statement  was  received  by  Shelburne  and 
the  Whigs  with  much  incredulity. 

They  were  in  this  quite  right;  and  apparently  Lord 
North's  pleasing  trust  in  the  French  Court  was  not  so 
widely  spread  through  the  commercial  world  as  to  render 
it  certain  that  the  same  incident  would  not  occur  again, 
as  in  fact  it  did.  Insurance  rose ;  French  ships  were  used 
to  transport  British  goods,  and  the  name  of  Conyngham 
became  a  terror  to  the  underwriters  and  merchants. 

The  packet-boat  and  the  brig  were  given  up  to  the  Eng 
lish,  which  as  Mr.  Deane  remarks,  "  gave  them  a  tempo 
rary  triumph."  But  Mr.  Hodge  and  Mr.  Deane  took 
counsel  together  once  more,  and  purchased  another  vessel 
for  Conyngham,  a  cutter  this  time,  a  swift-sailing  vessel, 
which  they  equipped  with  fourteen  six-pounders  and 
twenty- two  swivels.  The  next  step  was  to  obtain  the 
release  of  Conyngham  and  his  crew  from  prison,  wThich, 
strange  to  say,  they  obtained  with  but  little  trouble,  upon 
representations  that  he  was  to  sail  direct  for  America  and 
would  not  cause  the  Court  of  Versailles  more  annoyance. 
Mr.  Hodge  gave  bonds  for  his  so  doing.  But  that  Court 
would  have  preferred  that  he  should  not  sail ;  and  when 
it  was  represented  to  them  that  the  owners  of  the  new 
cutter  would  lose  greatly  if  they  were  not  permitted  to 
make  use  of  the  vessel,  which  they  had  with  great  expense 
purchased  and  fitted  out,  the  Court  proposed  to  purchase 
the  vessel.  But  this  offer  was  not  accepted,  and  so  Con 
yngham  was  allowed  to  sail  from  Dunkirk  again,  as 
though  on  some  trading  voyage,  as  the  Commissioners 
subsequently  remarked.  But  it  was  no  trading  voyage 


CONYNGHAM'S  CHARACTER.  139 

which  Conyngham  and  his  crew  had  in  mind.  They  110 
sooner  got  to  sea  than  they  proceeded  to  make  prize  of 
everything  that  they  met ;  they  even  threatened  to  burn 
the  town  of  Lynn,  which  they  wished  to  ransom.  Con 
yngham  did  not,  however,  return  to  Dunkirk,  nor  to  any 
other  French  port,  so  that  he  caused  no  fresh  embarrass 
ments.  Mr.  Hodge,  his  surety,  was,  indeed,  arrested  and 
sent  to  the  Bastille,  and  Vergennes  wrote  a  most  severe 
letter  for  Grand  to  show  the  Commissioners.  But  Mr. 
Hodge  was  discharged  on  the  representation  of  the  Com 
missioners  that  he  was  a  person  of  character,  and  that 
they  could  not  "  conceive  him  capable  of  any  willful 
offence  against  the  laws  of  this  nation  ;  "  and  on  the  whole 
nothing  more  seems  to  have  come  of  the  matter. 

We  shall  meet  with  Conyngham  again,  and  may  there 
fore  leave  him  here.  If  some  degree  of  suspicion  may 
attach  itself  to  his  cruises1  there  is  none  in  regard  to 
matters  with  which  his  character  is  concerned.  Con 
tinued  research  only  confirms  the  first  idea  of  him  with 
which  the  reader  of  his  letters  is  impressed,  —  of  a  true 
sailor,  brave  in  battle,  enduring  in  hardship,  fond  of  his 
wife,  and  devoted  to  his  duty  and  his  country. 

1  It  was  hinted  later  that  his  cruises  were  conceived  by  Deane  and 
Hodge  as  private  ventures  to  be  paid  for  out  of  the  public  funds,  whose 
profits  were  to  accrue  wholly  or  in  part  to  private  persons.  There  are  not 
enough  data  to  prove  or  disprove  charges  like  these,  nor  have  we  even 
seen  them  stated ;  there  is,  however,  the  suspicion  of  them. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 
1777. 

TT  WHENEVER  the  erratic  Arthur  Lee  was  well  in 
VV  Paris,  the  little  American  colony,  if  we  may  be 
gin  to  call  it  so  thus  early,  was  torn  with  jealousies, 
of  which  the  origin  is  always  to  be  sought  in  his  crazy, 
jealous,  suspicious,  furtive  temper.  While  Congress  and 
its  committees  had  seemed  to  act  with  a  certain  languor 
about  foreign  alliances,  —  so  that  poor  Silas  Deane,  after 
he  had  been  sent  to  Paris,  wrote,  once  and  again,  that 
he  was  distracted  because  nobody  sent  him  any  instruc 
tions  or  even  news,  —  there  were,  on  the  other  hand, 
nearly  twenty  agents  of  America  in  Europe  making  con 
tracts,  or  trying  to  make  them,  or  in  some  other  fashion 
to  advance  the  rebel  cause.  There  were  American  trav 
ellers  and  adventurers,  glad  to  ally  themselves  to  these 
people  who  held  some  sort  of  commission.  And  there 
were  the  officers  of  merchant-vessels  and  privateers  in  all 
the  seaports,  who  made  occasion  to  visit  Paris  and  join 
in  the  consultations  of  the  agents  of  the  new  nation. 
Among  all  these  Arthur  Lee  went  and  came,  whispering 
whatever  suspicion  occurred  to  him  at  the  moment.  The 
cat  in  the  old  fable  was  not  more  successful  in  making 
mischief  than  w^as  Arthur  Lee.  Franklin,  as  has  been 
said,  formed  the  opinion  that  Lee  was  crazy,  —  an  opin 
ion  which  was  probably  true ;  and  as  Lee,  once  at  least, 
expressed  the  same  opinion  of  Franklin,  there  can  be  no 
harm  in  keeping  Franklin's  opinion  upon  the  record.  But 
Lee  was  hardly  able  to  do  much  mischief  in  the  way 


THE   MEDALLION. 
(From  a  Medallion  by  J.  B.  NINI.) 


FRANKLIN'S   HABITS.  141 

of  setting  the  Americans  against  each  other,  before  the 
autumn  of  1777.  He  arrived  in  Paris  from  England  the 
day  after  Dr.  Franklin  did.  He  was  present  with  Frank 
lin  and  Deane  when  Vergeimes  received  them,  and  early 
in  February  left  for  Spain.  On  his  return  from  Spain,  he 
arrived  in  Paris  in  May,  but  was  sent  by  his  colleagues 
to  Berlin  early  in  June.  It  was  while  he  was  at  that 
court  that  his  papers  were  stolen.  He  was  not  in  Paris 
again  till  the  end  of  the  summer,  and  then  it  is  that  his 
proper  mischief-making  begins.  Before  that  time  it  would 
seem  that  the  American  agents  and  those  who  were  inter 
ested  in  the  country's  cause  lived  together  in  tolerable 
harmony,  —  their  headquarters  being  naturally  at  Passy, 
at  the  residence  of  their  great  chief. 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  while  most  American 
travellers  and  letter- writers  of  that  time,  accustomed  to 
the  simplicity  of  affairs  at  home,  speak  of  Franklin  as  if 
he  were  in  the  thick  of  the  pressure  of  a  crowded  life, 
several  of  the  French  writers  who  had  occasion  to  be  well- 
informed  speak  of  his  residence  at  Passy  as  if  it  were  a 
sort  of  diplomatic  retirement.  Condorcet,  in  his  eulogy 
on  Franklin,  delivered  after  his  death,  says  he  knew  that 
he  was  really  an  envoy,  not  to  the  ministers  of  France 
but  to  her  people.  As  a  negotiator,  he  says,  he  "  observed 
much  and  acted  little." 

We  have  already  cited  the  unkind  language  of  Capefigue, 
always  a  bitter  and  censorious  critic  when  anything  is 
involved  which  is  not  colored  with  the  Bourbon  proclivi 
ties.  Capefigue  says,  again,  of  Franklin  :  "  He  showed 
himself  little,  like  all  men  who  choose  to  exercise  a  myste 
rious  influence.  But  he  made  people  talk  about  him  a 
great  deal.  When  he  left  his  residence  at  Passy,  it  was 
to  go  to  the  Academy  of  Sciences,  of  which  he  wras  an 
assiduous  correspondent.  There,  in  the  midst  of  a  pro- 


142  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

gramme  on  electricity  or  a  theory  of  physical  experiment, 
he  dropped  some  words  about  his  dear  country  —  solemn 
arid  sad  —  which  would  waken  the  sympathies  of  those 
men  of  science  and  literature  who  were  the  leaders  of  the 
eighteenth  century." 

The  silence,  almost  complete,  of  the  Grimm  and  Dide 
rot  letters  with  regard  to  Franklin  in  the  year  1777  may 
be  accounted  for  by  the  delicacy  of  their  position  as  the 
correspondents  of  crowned  heads.  Still,  there  can  be  no 
doubt  that  Franklin  was  regarded  as  being  "  in  retreat " 
at  Passy,  and  that  Louis  XVI.  alluded  to  this  reserve  of 
his,  when,  on  his  presentation  at  Court  the  next  year,  he 
said  that  he  had  been  greatly  gratified  by  Franklin's  con 
duct  ever  since  he  had  been  in  his  dominions. 

The  letter  with  which  Franklin  announced  to  Ver- 
gennes,  on  the  23d  of  January,  that  they  wished  for  an 
audience,  was  drawn  by  Franklin  himself,  and  exists  in 
an  elegant  manuscript  in  his  careful  handwriting,  as  if  he 
had  preserved  it  with  a  full  sense  of  the  importance  of 
the  occasion. 

Arthur  Lee  joined  Deane  and  Franklin  on  the  22d  of 
December.  On  the  28th,  without  any  secrecy,  the  Count 
de  Vergennes,  minister  of  foreign  affairs,  received  them 
at  Versailles.  He  told  them  that  they  should  personally 
enjoy  protection  in  France,  and  should  receive  all  the  hos 
pitalities  which  France  could  bestow  on  strangers.  He 
asked  them  to  prepare  a  memoir  on  the  situation  of  affairs 
in  the  United  States, — which  they  did,1 —  and  by  his  advice 
they  had  an  interview  with  the  Count  d'Aranda,  the  Span 
ish  ambassador,  who  promised  to  send  their  papers  to  his 
Court.  Soon  after,  they  despatched  Arthur  Lee  to  Spain 

1  The  memoir  is  printed  in  the  "  Life  of  Arthur  Lee,"  vol.  i.  page  63. 
It  was  dated  on  the  5th  of  January.  It  does  not  seem  to  have  been  any 
where  printed  officially. 


LETTER  FROM  MORRIS.  143 

in  person ;  and  thus  Franklin  and  Deane  were  freed  in  a 
measure,  for  some  months,  from  his  annoying  intrigues. 
Although  the  reception  Franklin  met  was  cordial,  the 
news  from  America  was  bad  at  the  period  of  his  arrival. 
General  Howe  had  driven  the  American  army  from  New 
York,  and  had  reduced  Fort  Lee  and  Fort  Washington. 
General  Washington  was  retiring,  as  if  with  the  purpose 
of  covering  Philadelphia,  where  the  Congress  had  been  sit 
ting.  But  in  the  middle  of  March,  the  commissioners 
received  from  Baltimore,  to  which  place  the  Congress  had 
removed,  more  encouraging  news. 

Some  illustrations  of  the  hopeful  correspondence  which 
followed  after  the  successes  at  Trenton  and  Princeton  have 
been  printed  in  a  former  chapter.  The  following  letter 
from  Eobert  Morris  proved  to  anticipate  plans  on  which 
they  had  themselves  entered,  and  it  was  so  far  satisfactory 
to  them.  Thomas  Morris,  who  is  referred  to  in  it,  was  the 
dissipated  and  unfaithful  agent  at  Nantes  whom  the  com 
missioners  so  early  found  it  necessary  to  remove. 

PHILADELPHIA,  Jany.  14th,  1777. 

HONORABLE  GENTLEMEN,  —  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose 
herein  a  copy  of  two  resolves  of  Congress,  passed  the 
19th  and  29th  Novr,  by  which  the  Secret  Committee  are 
directed  to  import  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  brass 
cannon,  and  arms  and  equipage  complete  for  three  thou 
sand  horse.  You  '11  observe  they  are  also  directed  to  con 
fer  with  the  Canon  Committee  as  to  how  many  they  can 
provide  here  of  the  field-pieces ;  but  we  pay  little  regard 
to  that  part,  well  knowing  they  will  not  be  able  to  pro 
cure  proper  metal  for  many  of  them. 

Therefore  I  must  request,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of 
the  Secret  Committee,  that  you  will  contract  immediately 
for  these  necessary  supplies,  and  send  them  out  to  these 


144  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

States  by  various  conveyances  as  quick  as  possible ;  in 
deed,  I  hope  you  may  procure  some  line-of-battle  ships  to 
come  out  with  them,  and  then  there  will  be  little  danger 
of  their  coming  safe.  I  most  sincerely  hope  the  Court  of 
France  may  be  disposed  to  favor  all  our  views,  that  they 
will  accomodate  you  with  sufficient  loans  to  pay  for 
them  and  all  other  stores  we  want  from  Europe ;  for,  al 
though  we  have  plenty  of  valuable  produce,  that  would 
soon  provide  you  with  funds  if  we  could  get  it  exported 
safely,  yet  the  difficulties  and  impediments  we  meet  with 
render  it  impossible  to  get  it  away  half  fast  enough. 
Nothing  in  our  power  shall  be  left  undone,  and  Mr.  Thos. 
Morris  will  be  ordered  to  supply  you  with  money  fast  as 
he  receives  it  from  the  proceeds  of  our  consignments. 

EOBT  MORRIS, 
Chairman  of  the  Secret  Committee. 

P.  S.  —  These  resolves  would  have  been  sent  long  since, 
but  our  port  has  been  long  blocked  up  by  British  men-of- 
war,  and  the  confusion  we  were  put  in  on  the  rapid  march 
through  the  Jerseys  and  near  approach  to  this  city  by 
the  enemy  put  it  totally  out  of  our  power  to  forward  any 
dispatches  for  some  time  past.  E.  M. 

Vergennes  entrusted  his  personal  communication  with 
•the  ministers  to  Gerard,  one  of  the  chief  clerks  in  his 
office.  Gerard  spoke  English  well  and  was  a  fast  friend 
of  the  Colonies,  and  took  a  prominent  part  in  their  subse 
quent  relations  with  France.  He  was  appointed  the.  first 
Minister  to  America  after  the  recognition  of  independence, 
and  left  Paris  on  the  first  of  April,  1778.  In  the  archives 
of  the  French  foreign  office,  at  the  date  of  April  5,  there 
is  a  letter  from  Mr.  Gerard,  giving  an  account  of  a  private 
interview  between  Mr.  Carmichael  and  an  English  agent, 


"JENNY   FRANKLIN."  145 

respecting  the  terms  of  accommodation  between  England 
and  the  Colonies. 

On  matters  of  a  more  private  character,  there  are  some 
letters  preserved  from  Franklin's  correspondence,  which 
will  illustrate  different  points  in  the  history,  and  in  some 
instances  explain  matters  which  have  been  obscure  in  let 
ters  of  his  which  have  been  published  long  ago.  The  first 
of  these,  which  is  somewhat  mysterious,  is  probably  writ 
ten  under  a  mask,  and  is  the  overture  of  some  person  who 
wished  to  be  engaged  as  a  secret  agent  for  information. 

Jenny  Franklin  to  Dr.  Franklin. 

SAINT  MALO  IN  BRITTANY,  Jany  26th,  1777. 

NOBLE  SIR,  —  Notwithstanding  our  reciprocal  unac- 
quaintance  I  make  bold  in  the  interim  to  presume  the 
liberty  of  doing  myself  the  honr  of  troubling  you  wth  the 
subsequent  lines.  Sir :  the  case  is  this :  the  first  of  Feb 
ruary,  1762,  your  brother  Eobin  Franklin  (eldest  son  to 
Mr.  Luck  Franclin  and  madam  Mary  Lamb,  residenter  of 
the  Parish  of  Doone  in  the  Diocese  of  Limerick  in  Ireland) 
was  canonically  married  to  Mademoiselle  Geene  (alias 
Jeanne)  Sedente  of  the  parish  of  St.  Oppertune  in  low 
Painbeuf,  in  the  Diocess  of  Nantes.  Yr  Br  died  in  Nantes, 
the  Gentlewoman  continuing  still  in  the  state  of  widowship 
and  actually  lives  in  the  city.  She  got  one  son  by  Mr. 
Franklin,  born  November  ye  12th,  (1752).  His  name  is 
Lewis,  a  promising,  good,  well  behaved  young  man,  I 
do  assure  you.  The  Gentlewoman,  his  mother  (as  finding 
herself  low  in  the  circumstances  of  honest  and  decent  live- 
lyhood  for  herself  and  the  son)  humbly  and  sincerely  en 
treats  your  honour  to  consider  the  State  of  the  young  man 
(your  cousin)  and  consequently  the  poor  mothers.  She 
still  strongly  confides  in  your  human  and  generous  succor 

10 


146  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

and  relief  in  their  present  distress  and  indigency,  Where 
fore  never  'ill  fail,  nor  I  neither,  to  pray  the  Almighty  God 
for  your  honours  conservation,  success,  felicity,  and  pros 
perity  in  both  spiritual  and  temporal.  Dr  Countryman,  I 
need  not  enlarge  any  farther  upon  the  virtue  of  Charity  to 
you,  for  Im  morally  convinced  you  are  well  acquainted 
and  conversed  in  it,  therefore  act  as  a  gentleman,  and  espec 
ially  towards  your  flesh  and  blood.  Worthy  Sr ;  you  11 
be  pleased  to  address  the  answer  to  me,  for  it  will  not  cost 
me  but  to  pray  for  his  Majesty,  therefore  you  'ill  address 
thus  :  (Au  Reverend  Pere  Pierre  Duffy  Recollet  Irlandois, 
demeurant  chez  les  tres  Eeverend  Peres  Eecollets  de  St. 
Malo,  a  St.  Malo  en  Bretagne.)  (For  if  you  'ill  address  it 
to  ye  Madam  yr  cousin,  she  '11  be  obliged  to  pay  postage  and 
we  are  not,  as  before  mentioned  but  with  this  advertise 
ment,  that  you  'ill  not  forget  to  cross  the  superscription  of 
your  letter  from  angle  to  angle  thus  beneath.  Worthy 
Honble  Sr,  no  more  offers  worthy  of  your  attention, 
therefore  [I]  do  desist  and  conclude  in  wishing  your  honour 
a  happy  new  year.  So  be  it. 

Noble  Sir.     Your  most  obedent,  humble  servant. 

Geene  Genny  (alias  Jeanne)  FRANKLIN. 
ST.  MALO,  JANUARY  the  26th,  1777. 

Jenny  Franklin  was  not  the  only  relative,  real  or  imag 
inary,  who  sought  the  honor  of  correspondence  with  a  per 
son  so  distinguished.  A  Frenchman  who  signs  himself 
"  Avocat  au  Parlement  de  Berry*'  also  inquires  as  to  their 
relationship. 

APRIL  16th,  1777. 

SIR,  —  The  fear  of  disturbing  you  in  your  important 
works  has  prevented  me  until  now  from  presenting  myself 
to  you,  but  urged  by  my  family  I  dare  to  beg  you  to  per 
mit  me  to  have  the  honor  to  see  you,  that  I  may  learn 


ROCHEFOUCAULD.  147 

whether  we  are  both  really  descended  from  the  same  origin, 
as  many  of  my  relatives  assure  me.  Perhaps  this  impres 
sion  springs  from  the  desire  which  they  have,  as  well  as  I, 
to  appertain  to  a  great  man.  I  have  the  honor  to  he, 
while  waiting  your  convenience,  with  very  profound 
respect,  etc.,  etc., 

FKANQUELIN. 

And  among  these  very  early  letters  is  one,  in  itself  alone 
of  no  importance,  but  which  derives  an  interest  from  the 
name  of  the  author.  It  is  a  note  from  the  Due  de  la 
Rochefoucauld,  with  reference  to  Du  Coudray  and  the  other 
officers  who  were  on  board  the  "  Amphitrite." 

I  received  this  morning  the  enclosed  letter,  which  I 
thought  it  would  be  well,  sir,  for  you  to  see,  although  you 
were  able  to  learn  part  of  its  contents  at  Versailles.  If  I 
had  known  your  address  at  Versailles,  I  would  have  sent 
it  to  you  at  once.  I  send  it  with  mine  to  a  gentleman 
who  has  just  promised  me  to  give  it  to  you  if  you  return 
this  evening,  or  to  have  it  taken  to  you  if  you  do  not 
return.  I  beg  you  to  show  it  to  no  one,  and  to  send  it  to 
me  when  you  come  back.  If  I  learn  any  news  of  M.  du 
Coudray,  M.  le  Blond,  1  shall  have  the  honor  of  sending  to 
you  immediately.  I  pray  you  receive  my  best  wishes  for 
America,  and  the  respect,  estimation,  and  attachment  with 
which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  very  humble  and 
obedient  servant, 

The  Duke  DE  LA  ROCHEFOUCAULD. 

Monday  morning. 

From  this  time  until  his  death  Franklin  was  in  intimate 
correspondence  with  the  Due  de  la  Rochefoucauld. 

Franklin's  English  friends  continued  their  correspon 
dence  with  him  more  and  more  closely.  David  Barclay, 


148  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

who  was  a  party  in  the  interesting  and  almost  celebrated 
effort  for  reconciliation  made  in  December,  1774,  on  the 
occasion  when  Dr.  Franklin  played  chess  with  Lord 
Howe's  sister,  renewed  his  correspondence.  On  the  2d 
of  May  he  wrote  Franklin  the  following  letter :  — 

LONDON,  May  2,  1777. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  We  have  striven  to  the  utmost  of  our  lim 
ited  powers  for  reconciliation  between  Great  Britain  and 
America.  If  that  has  become  impossible,  let  us,  at  least, 
not  relax  our  endeavors  to  obtain  peace.  Upon  what 
ground  would  it  be  possible  to  establish  peace  ?  By  your 
letter  to  Lord  Howe,  which  has  been  lately  published  here, 
as  well  as  from  all  other  accounts,  and  from  the  nature 
of  things,  the  admission  of  American  independence  seems 
an  absolutely  necessary  preliminary.  You  know  my  prin 
ciples  well  enough  not  to  be  ignorant  that  such  a  ground 
work  would  be  perfectly  consonant  to  them.  I  never  have 
wished  even  for  reconciliation  upon  any  of  the  terms  for 
merly  proposed  of  compromise,  which  might  seem  to  leave 
the  question  of  legislation  undetermined,  but  with  a  view 
to  avoid  the  decision  of  that  question  in  blood,  leaving 
even  the  pretensions  to  die  away  of  themselves  by  lapse  of 
time,  just  as  parental  authority  does  in  private  life.  The 
thought  of  conquest  has  always  seemed  to  me  to  be  folly 
in  the  extreme,  and  the  lust  of  dominion  I  have  ever  held 
to  be  a  vice,  in  any  nation,  of  the  deepest  die.  I  fear  that 
no  interposition  of  private  persons  can  now  put  a  stop  to 
the  fatal  progress  of  things ;  but,  if  it  were  possible  to  de 
clare  a  suspension  of  arms,  and  to  admit  the  independence 
of  America,  might  not  the  two  countries  be  reclaimed  to 
peace,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  advantages,  mutually 
subsisting,  as  they  did  not  many  months  ago,  still  rescued 
from  ruin  ?  Convinced  as  I  am  of  your  sincere  desire  to 


DAVID  BARCLAY.  149 

restore  peace,  as  it  was  formerly  to  prevent  the  rupture,  I 
should  be  happy  to  concur  to  that  blessed  end.  I  send 
you  a  letter1  that  was  intended  for  you  a  year  ago  or 
more.  I  don't  know  whether  any  duplicate  has  reached 
you.  It  has  been  returned.  I  send  it  now  only  as  a  tes 
timony  that  I  have  always  wished  to  restore  harmony, 
and  to  prevent  this  fatal  war.  I  write  in  a  great  hurry  for 
an  occasion  of  sending  this  to  you,  of  which  I  have  but  a 
few  minutes'  notice. 

I  am,  with  the  greatest  regard, 

very  affectionately  yours, 

D.  B. 

William  Strahan,  his  London  publisher,  had  written 
him  a  friendly  letter  as  early  as  January  23.  Whether 
Franklin's  well-known  letter  to  Strahan,  "  You  are  now  my 
enemy  and  I  am  yours,"  were  ever  more  than  a  joke,  it  is 
difficult  to  say.  It  is  certain  that  Strahan  entertains  no 
hard  feelings.  Writing  on  the  27th  of  May,  he  says  :  — 

Your  excellent  friend  in  Pall  Mall  is  in  perfect  health, 
and  as  much  yours  as  ever.  So  are  Mr.  (now  Sir  Grey) 
Cooper,  his  lady  and  family.  From  honest  Small  I  had  a 
letter  dated  exactly  the  same  day  yours  was,  viz.,  Feb.  4. 
He  appears  to  be  in  good  health,  but  low-spirited,  occa 
sioned,  doubtless,  by  his  exclusion  from  that  agreeable 
society  which  he  had  so  long  enjoyed,  and  to  which  he 
was  so  great  an  ornament.  One  paragraph  I  will  tran 
scribe  :  — 

"A  few  months  will  now,  I  suppose,  determine  the  fate 
of  America.  I  think  Dr.  Franklin  has  gone  to  Paris  to 
pave  the  way  for  a  reconciliation,  through  the  mediation 

1  Probably  from  David  Hartley.  See  SPARKS'S  "  Franklin,"  viii.  222, 
where  Franklin  replies  to  Hartley. 


150  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

of  some  men  in  power  there,  who  may  make  proposals  to 
Lord  Stormont." 

I  hope  he  is  well  informed,  or  will  prove  to  be  a  true 
prophet. 

As  most  of  the  London  newspapers  are  to  be  had  at 
Paris,  I  wonder  that  you  have  lately  seen  so  few  of  them. 
Those  you  mention  I  could  easily  supply  you  with,  did  I 
know  how  to  convey  them  to  you. 

I  do  wish  for  peace,  not  on  my  own  terms,  but  on  reason 
able  terms.  We  have  ALL  reason  to  wish  for  peace.  For, 
happy  were  the  times,  —  times  that  I  hope  will  yet  quickly 
return,  —  when  Englishmen  and  Americans  (brethren  in 
every  sense  of  the  word)  could  with  great  truth  and  sin 
cerity,  as  I  now  do,  thus  conclude  their  letter. 
I  am  ever,  my  Dear  Sir, 

Affectionately  yours, 

WILLIAM  STRAHAN. 

Such  leisure  as  the  summer  afforded  must  have  been 
largely  occupied  in  sitting  to  portrait  painters,  and  other 
artists  who  were  modelling  his  likeness.  No  one  under 
takes  to  say  how  many  likenesses  of  Franklin  were  made 
while  he  was  in  Paris.  But  they  are  to  be  numbered  by 
hundreds.  The  Boston  collection  of  engravings  contains 
at  least  six  which  may  be  called  original  studies,  besides  a 
great  number  of  repetitions.  The  great  Huntington  col 
lection  in  the  Metropolitan  Museum  in  New  York  con 
tains  the  same  number. 

The  first  of  these  pictures  to  gain  great  celebrity  is  one 
which  has  always  been  well  known.  It  is  by  C.  N.  Cochin,1 
and  is  that  which  represents  Franklin  very  much  as  he 

1  Sir  Nicholas  Cochin  was  a  draughtsman  and  engraver,  born  1715 
died  1790.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Academy  of  Painting,  as  was  his 
father,  who  was  also  an  engraver. 


GLUCK    AND  PICCINI.  151 

describes  himself  in  his  letter  to  Mrs.  Thompson.  Beneath 
this  picture,  which  has  been  so  often  repeated,  which  was 
then  engraved  by  Saint  Aubin,  the  publishers  intended  to 
place  the  following  verses :  — 

C'est  1'honneur  et  1'appui  du  nouvel  hemisphere, 
Les  flots  de  1'Ocean  s'abaissent  h  sa  voix  ; 
II  reprirae  ou  dirige  a  son  gre  le  tonnerre. 
Qui  desarme  les  dieux  peut-il  craindre  les  rois  ? 

The  French  censorship  suppressed  these  lines  as  blas 
phemous.  But  it  may  be  doubted  whether  the  blasphemy 
would  not  have  been  overlooked,  like  a  good  deal  of  other 
blasphemy  of  those  times,  but  for  the  disrespectful  allu 
sion  to  kings.  The  reader  should  remember  that  Frank 
lin,  only  three  years  before,  had  communicated  to  the 
Royal  Society  in  England  his  paper  on  the  stilling  of 
waves  by  the  means  of  oil.1  And  the  theory  that  the  sea 
waves  may  be  thus  controlled  was  closely  associated  with 
his  name.  The  prohibition  of  the  censorship  was  absolute. 
The  clever  epigram  is  not  to  be  found  on  any  of  the  prints, 
and  though  the  picture  has  been  repeated  by  many  en 
gravers,  the  verses  have  never  been  added  to  it,  to  this 
day. 

It  is  rather  a  pathetic  thing  to  say,  of  a  year  so  near  the 
outbreak  of  the  French  Revolution,  that  the  great  interest 
at  Court  during  the  first  months  after  Franklin's  arrival 
was  the  renewal  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  schools 
of  music,  led  on  the  one  side  by  Gliick,  and  on  the  other 
by  Piccini.  Strange  to  say,  Marie  Antoinette,  with  her 
usual  facility  at  taking  the  wrong  side,  appeared  as  the 
patroness  of  Piccini.  It  might  have  been  supposed  that 
the  German  music  would  have  won  the  suffrage  of  a 
German  princess.  "  A  new  revolution  is  prepared  for  us. 
What  tyranny  to  wish  to  be  constantly  changing  our 
1  This  paper  was  read  at  the  Royal  Society,  June  2,  1774. 


152  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

pleasures.  Must  we  change  our  musical  system  like  our 
political  system."  This  refers  to  the  recall  of  Turgot  to 
the  cabinet.  "  We  were  hardly  accustomed  to  the  new 
music  before  we  are  forced  to  give  it  up.  Let  us  be  united, 
gentlemen,  and  use  all  our  efforts  to  turn  away  the  plague 
which  threatens  at  once  the  Chevalier  Gliick  and  the  re 
public  of  music." 

Such  is  Diderot's  abridgment  of  the  protest  on  one  side, 
with  which  all  the  journals  were  filled.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  queen  wished  to  establish  Piccini  in  France. 
The  Opera  had  offered  him  a  considerable  salary,  and  Mar- 
montel,  then  a  high  authority,  had  lent  himself  to  Piccini's 
party.  The  squibs,  epigrams,  pamphlets,  and  other  pieces 
published  in  this  controversy  are  not  to  be  counted. 

In  the  midst  of  such  a  convulsion  in  Court,  the  Queen's 
brother  Joseph,  the  Emperor  Joseph  II.,  visited  Paris. 
It  is  interesting  in  this  connection  to  observe  that  the 
correspondence  of  Grimm,  Diderot,  and  others  —  volumi 
nous  though  it  is  —  does  not  mention  Franklin's  arrival, 
nor  allude  to  him  in  any  way  for  nine  months  after  his 
arrival  in  Paris.  It  must  be  conjectured  that  this  silence 
is  due  to  the  relation  of  the  writers  to  the  crowned  heads 
to  whom  they  wrote,  and  to  the  prohibition  at  Court  of 
such  allusions.  We  have  already  cited  the  expressions 
in  which,  nine  years  before,  these  writers  showed  their 
aversion  to  the  Economists,  who  were  Franklin's  especial 
friends.  The  Emperor  Joseph,  when  in  Paris,  expressed 
a  desire  to  see  Franklin,  although,  as  has  been  said,  "his 
trade  was  that  of  a  royalist."  The  Abbe  ISTiccoli,  who 
represented  the  grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  was  requested  to 
bring  them  together.  He  wrote  to  Franklin,  and  asked 
him  to  take  a  cup  of  chocolate  with  him,  at  nine  o'clock 
Wednesday,  the  28th  of  May.  To  this  note  Franklin 
adds  the  memorandum  that  the  intention  was  to  give  the 


BURGOYNE'S  SUCCESS.  153 

Emperor  an  opportunity  of  an  interview  which  should  ap 
pear  accidental.  Turgot  was  present,  and  the  Abbd  "The 
Emperor  did  not  appear,  and  the  Abbe*  since  tells  me  that 
the  number  of  other  persons  who  occasionally  visited  him 
that  morning,  of  which  the  Emperor  was  informed,  pre 
vented  his  coming;  that  at  twelve,  understanding  they 
were  gone,  he  came,  —  but  I  was  gone  also!' 

It  is  in  this  visit  that  the  Count  de  Falkenstein  made 
the  joke  which  we  have  quoted  in  another  chapter  about 
his  royalist  proclivities.  When  his  subjects  proved  so 
loyal  to  the  empire  at  the  time  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion,  it  was  said  of  him  that  he  had  inoculated  Austria 
with  liberal  institutions,  so  that  she  did  not  have  to  take 
the  revolutionary  fever  in  the  natural  way. 

The  accounts  received  from  America  during  the  sum 
mer  were  anything  but  encouraging.  Indeed,  there  were 
depressing  circumstances  in  the  affairs  of  the  new  nation, 
such  as  never  existed  again.  Burgoyne's  plan  had  un 
folded  itself,  —  a  plan  which,  according  to  all  human 
probability,  would  have  succeeded  but  for  Howe's  fail 
ure  to  co-operate  with  him.1 

The  preparations  made  to  receive  Burgoyne  had  been 
so  tardy  that  Schuyler,  who  was  entrusted  with  the  de 
fence,  had  been  obliged  to  retire  from  every  post  almost 
without  a  skirmish.  This  retreat  aroused  to  the  utmost 
the  indignation  of  the  people  behind  it,  and  he  was  bit 
terly  and  unjustly  condemned.  The  Massachusetts  Coun 
cil  of  War,  on  whom  principally  he  had  to  rely  for 

1  After  Lord  Shelburne  came  into  office,  he  found  the  instructions  to 
Howe  in  a  pigeon-hole,  where  they  had  been  placed  because  Germain  did 
not  like  the  handwriting.  Shelburne  says  that  Howe  never  received  these 
instructions,  and  had  this  good  excuse  for  his  failure.  Germain  is  the 
Lord  George  Sackville  who  had  been  disgraced  in  the  former  reign  for 
cowardice  at  Minden.  By  such  men  was  poor  England  served. 


154  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

re-inforcements,  sent  him  sharp  reproaches  instead  of 
regiments.  There  are  some  very  hard  letters  —  written 
probably  by  Gen.  Artemas  Ward  —  from  this  board, 
and  replies  from  Schuyler,  equally  sharp.  Ward  tells 
Schuyler  squarely  that  the  militia  will  not  turn  out  to 
serve  under  him.  This  difficulty  was  removed  by  the 
appointment  of  General  Gates  to  the  command.  Then 
the  Massachusetts  Council  began  to  implore  their  militia 
officers  to  make  new  exertions.  "  The  enemy  will  soon 
enter  the  New  England  States,  .  .  .  unless  our  army  in 
those  parts  are,  without  a  moment's  delay,  re-inforced 
with  such  a  number  of  men  as  will  be  sufficient  to  repel 
them.  We  exhort  you,  as  you  have  any  regard  for  your 
country,  to  use  your  utmost  and  unceasing  exertions  that 
the  one-sixth  part  of  your  militia,  ordered  to  be  drafted 
from  your  brigade  be  immediately  and  with  the  utmost 
despatch  marched  off  to  join  our  army  in  the  Northern 
Department." 

Under  such  repeated  appeals  the  towns  of  Western 
Massachusetts  were  stripped  to  their  last  man.  In  the 
next  generation,  women  told  stories  of  their  harvesting 
such  crops  as  had  been  planted,  and  the  last  veterans  of 
the  Eevolution,  who  are  personally  remembered  by  the 
New  Englanders  of  to-day,  were  most  probably  the  boys 
of  fifteen  of  the  Hampshire  settlements,  who  went  out  in 
the  last  call  "  agin  Burgine." 

Such  efforts  were  successful.  The  battles  of  Saratoga 
were  fought  which  Colonel  Creasy  rightly  counts  among 
the  ten  great  decisive  battles  of  history.  The  Massachu 
setts  Council  was  able  to  turn  from  fear  to  congratulation 
and  forwarded  to  Franklin  the  following  all-important 
letter.  This  they  entrusted  to  the  secretary  of  their  own 
Board  of  War,  a  young  gentleman  of  Boston  named  Jona 
than  Loring  Austin. 


BURGOYNE'S  SURRENDER.          155 


STATE  OF  MASSACHUSETTS  BAY, 

COUNCIL  CHAMBER,  Oct.  24,  1777. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  The    Brigantine    Perch,    John    Harris, 
Commander,  by   whom  you  will  receive  this  letter,  has 
been   taken  up  and  fitted  out  for  a   voyage  to  France, 
solely  with  a  view  of  conveying  to  you  authentic  intelli 
gence  of  the  success  of  the  American  Arms  in  the  Northern 
Department.     We  sincerely  congratulate  you   upon  this 
occasion,  and  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  by  Ex 
press  we  have  just  been  favored  with  the  most  interesting 
and  agreeable  intelligence  from  Major  General  Gates.    We 
now  inclose  you  a  Copy  of  his  letters,  as  also  a  Copy  of 
a  convention  by  which  Lieut :  General  Burgoyne  surren 
dered  himself  and  his  army,  on  the  17  Instant,  into  Gen 
eral  Gates  Hands.      The  Prisoners,  the  Express  informs, 
amount  to  all  Six  Thousand,  one  thousand  of  which  are  to 
return  to  Canada,  —  and  the  English  are  upon  their  march 
towards  this  town.    It  seems  our  Army,  since  the  last  Ac 
tion  of  the  7th,  had  entirely  surrounded  the  enemy,  taken 
their  Boats  with  much  provision,  and  entirely  cut  off  their 
retreat,  that  Burgoyne  had  no  way  to  escape  but  by  one 
violent  effort  to  force  his  way  through  our  troops  or  sur 
render  Prisoners  of  war :  it  seems  he  chose  the  latter.    This 
is  a  very  important  acquisition,  and  will  doubtless  be  at 
tended  with  the  happiest  Consequences.    It  will  naturally 
tend  to  inspirit  our  Troops  through  the  Continent  and 
to  intimidate  and  dispirit  those   of   the    Enemy.      Gen. 
Vaughan,  with  about  4000  troops,  is  pushing  up  North 
Eun.      Fort   Montgomery   is  taken  by    the   enemy,   but 
we  hope  will   soon   be   retaken,  and    a   thorough  check 
given  Gen.  Vaughan   by  the   troops    Gen.  Gates   is   for 
warding   for  that   purpose.     We   have   little  doubt  that 
Ticonderoga  and  Fort  Independence  will  be  in  our  hands 


156  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

as  we  learn  a  body  of  Troops  has  been  dispatched  by  Gen. 
Gates  to  summon  them  to  surrender. 

We  also  forward  you  a  Copy  of  a  Letter  from  Gen. 
Washington,  of  the  8th  Instant  to  Congress,  which  we 
have  just  received  from  the  Honorable  the  President.  A 
copy  of  whose  letter  covering  the  same,  we  also  transmit 
to  you.  By  these  letters  you  will  learn  the  situate  of 
the  two  Armies  at  the  Southward.  Our  people,  it  seems, 
remain  in  High  Spirits,  notwithstanding  their  late  disap 
pointment  at  Germantown,  —  and  we  hope  soon  to  hear 
that  How's  army  will  be  Cutt  off  from  any  retreat,  and  are 
in  the  same  situation  as  that  Burgoyne's  is  at  present  in. 

The  Newspapers  accompanying  this  will  furnish  you 
with  further  particulars  as  to  the  respective  movements 
of  our  Troops  previous  to  Genl.  Burgoyne's  Surrender. 

With  these  important  despatches,  young  Austin  pre 
pared  to  sail.  But  the  winds  would  not  change  at  the 
demand  of  his  eagerness  or  theirs,  and  the  little  vessel 
lay  for  a  week  ready  for  critical  voyage  before  they  had 
a  favoring  breeze.  Finally,  as  his  journal  tells  us,  on  the 
morning  of  a  Friday,  which  does  not  seem  to  have  been 
unlucky,  he  started.  His  journal  gives  this  account  of 
the  voyage :  — 

"Friday  morning  October  31,  1777.  Went  on  Board 
the  Brigt :  Perch  Capt.  John  Harris  Commander  with  De 
spatches  from  the  Government  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay 
to  the  Hon.able  Comm.srs  of  the  United  States  residing  at 
Paris  to  acquaint  them  with  the  important  news  of  the  Sur 
render  of  Gen1.  Burgoyne  and  his  whole  Army  to  the  Con 
tinental  Forces  under  Gen.  Gates,  and  set  sail  from  the 
Long  Wharf  in  Boston  at  10  o'clock  A.  M.  with  a  fine 
wind  at  north,  north  west.  With  moderate  breezes  and 


MR.  AUSTIN'S  ARRIVAL.  157 

remarkably  fine  weather   for   the  season,  we   made   the 
French  coast  in  thirty  days  without  anything  remarkable 


They  arrived  without  detention  in  the  river  Loire  on 
the  thirtieth  day  of  November.  The  journal  proceeds,  — 

"  From  Punbeuf  we  proceeded  up  the  Eiver  to not 

more  than  ten  feet  from  the  Edge  of  the  Bank,  and  were 
saluted  from  an  American  privateer  commanded  by  Capt. 
Young  on  his  hailing  us  and  our  acquainting  him  from 
whence  we  came  and  the  news  we  had  brought.  Finding 
I  should  not  be  able  to  get  to  Nantes  in  the  vessel  till 
next  morning,  I  accepted  Captain  Young's  invitation  to 
go  up  in  his  boat  and  landed  at  Nantes  about  8  o'clock  on 
Sunday  evening  the  30th,  where  I  had  the  pleasure  of 
first  publishing  the  news  of  our  success  in  America,  and 
had  the  satisfaction  of  observing  with  what  manifest  joy 
it  was  received,  not  only  by  the  Americans  there  but  by 
the  French  in  general.  I  went  with  Capt.  Young,  first  to 
Mr.  Jon :  Williams's  apartments  who  received  me  very 
kindly,  and  shewed  me  every  civility,  he  acts  at  Nantes 
as  agent  for  the  Continent,  and  is  very  highly  respected 
by  the  French,  as  well  as  by  the  Comm.rs  who  can  place 
the  utmost  confidence  in  him,  arid  is  in  every  respect  a 
very  amiable  character.  From  hence  I  went  and  paid 
my  respects  to  Mr.  Morris  and  delivered  him  as  well  as 
Mr.  Williams  the  letters  I  brought  for  them  from 
America,  with  the  account  of  our  situation  there  which 
gave  them  particular  pleasure. 

"  Pleased  with  being  the  bearer  of  such  important  news, 
I  was  solicitous  to  communicate  the  same  to  our  worthy 
Comm."  especially  as  they  had  received  no  authentic  ad 
vices  for  several  months  and  accordingly  set  out  from 


158  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Nantes  before  day  the  next  morning,  with  a  French  guide 
procured  for  me  by  Mr.  Williams  in  a  post  chaise  drawn 
by  three  horses  abreast,  (which  is  the  method  of  travel 
ling  here)  and  breakfasted  with  Mr.  Williams'  brother 
John  at  Ancenis  about  30  miles  from  Nantes.  As  I 
passed  each  town  in  the  greatest  haste  being  desirous  of 
delivering  my  letters  to  the  Commrs.,  I  could  not  observe 
the  buildings  in  the  several  places  or  even  receive  the 
least  necessary  information  I  wanted,  as  my  guide  could 
not  speak  a  word  of  English  and  though  I  tasked  my 
imagination  to  convey  to  him  my  sentiments,  yet  I  was 
more  perplexed  to  understand  his  answers. 

"  On  Thursday  morning  arrived  at  Versailles  a  large  fair 
City  in  which  is  the  pallace  where  the  King  chiefly  resides. 
I  prevailed  upon  my  guide  to  tarry  here  an  hour  and 
accordingly  improved  that  time  in  visiting  several  apart 
ments  of  the  pallace.  From  Versailles  I  set  out  at  10 
o'clock  and  arrived  at  Passy  at  the  seat  of  the  Comm.rs  at 
half  after  11  oclock  and  delivered  into  their  hands  the 
letters  from  America,  which  afforded  them  great  pleasure, 
tarryed  there  four  days  and  in  that  time  received  every 
civility  from  Dr.  Franklin,  Mr.  Deane  and  Mr.  Lee,  that  I 
could  expect  and  was  much  pleased  during  my  residence 
there  with  the  frequent  congratulations  of  French  gentle 
men  in  the  vicinity  on  the  success  of  the  American  arms. 
The  account  was  soon  forwarded  to  Court,  and  was  re 
ceived  with  every  testimony  of  joy  which  were  mentioned 
in  these  remarkable  words  by  the  greatest  personage 
'  Our  Friends  the  Americans '  —  as  I  understood. 

"  On  Monday,  the  8th  December,  went  to  Paris  to  reside 
for  a  short  time  and  took  lodgings  at  the  Hotel  de  Vauban, 
Rue  Eiclielieu.  My  chief  inducement  herein  was  to  have 
the  pleasure  of  two  American  gentlemen  who  lodged  in 
the  same  Hotel,  viz.,  Capt.  Saml.  Nicholson  of  Maryland, 


THE   GREAT  NEWS.  159 

who  then  commanded  a  Continental  Frigate  built  at 
Nantes,  and  Wm.  Carmichael  Esq.  of  the  same  place,  a 
gentleman  of  an  independent  fortune,  who  had  resided  in 
Europe  several  years  and  from  his  knowledge  of  the 
different  Courts  had  rendered  America  signal  services.  1 
understood  from  him  that  it  was  what  he  offered  to  the 
King  of  Prussia  that  induced  that  monarch  to  ask  if 
America  had  thrown  sixes. 

"  Tuesday  the  9th  Went  with  Mr.  C.  to  the  Duchess  of 

mother  to  the  amiable  Marquis  of  Fayette  who  is 

in  the  American  Army,  who,  with  his  lady,  a  very  hand 
some  young  lady  interrogated  me  concerning  the  Mar 
quis.  I  related  to  them  through  Mr.  C.  the  esteem  in 
which  he  was  held  by  G.  W.  and  every  American,  the 
bravery  he  had  shown  and  the  honor  he  had  acquired, 
which  afforded  them  particular  satisfaction." 

Although  Austin,  in  his  journal,  gives  so  little  detail  of 
the  critical  moment  of  his  arrival,  he  left  a  more  minute 
and  interesting  account  behind  him  in  conversation.  It 
was  really  as  dramatic  as  the  most  eager  reader  could 
wish  it  should  be.  His  carriage  dashed  into  the  court 
yard  of  the  Hotel  Valentinois,  and  Franklin  and  all  the 
commissioners  came  down  to  meet  him.  "  Sir,  is  Phila 
delphia  taken  ? "  cried  Dr.  Franklin  to  the  messenger. 
0  It  is,  sir,"  said  Austin,  and  the  old  man  turned  away. 

"  But,  sir,  I  have  greater  news  than  that.  General  Bur- 
goyne  and  his  whole  army  are  prisoners  of  war  ! " 

No  man  has  ever  carried  more  important  news.  That 
happens,  alas !  which  always  happens  at  periods  of  great 
crisis,  —  that  the  persons  most  interested  are  far  too  much 
engaged  either  to  record  their  own  impressions,  or  indeed 
to  state  the  details  for  which  after-history  is  eager.  Lee's 
journal,  generally  diffuse  to  tediousness,  does  not  express 


160  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

emotion  in  one  syllable.  He  does  say  that  the  Commis 
sioners  sent  immediately  an  express  to  Versailles,  and  that 
he  himself  wrote  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  and  the  Prus 
sian  secretary.  Beaurnarchais  and  Sir  George  Grand,  the 
banker,  drove  immediately  to  Paris  in  a  cabriolet  a  glaces, 
one  can  guess  with  what  object.  They  drove  so  fast  that 
the  cab  was  overturned,  and  they  both  were  wounded ; 
Grand  broke  his  collar-bone.1  Besides  the  despatch  from 
Massachusetts,  which  the  reader  has  seen,  the  Commis 
sioners  had  received  a  copy  of  Gates's  original  letter,  which 
is,  for  him,  singularly  modest. 

ALBANY,  19  October,  1777. 

SIR,  —  I  have  the  pleasure  to  send  your  Honourable 
Council  the  Inclosed  Copy  of  a  Convention  By  which 
Lieut.  General  Burgoyne  surrendered  Himself  and  his 
whole  Army  on  the  17th  Instant  into  my  Hands.  They 
are  now  upon  their  March  towards  Boston.  General 
Glover,  General  Whipple  with  a  proper  guard  of  Militia 
escort  them,  and  are  to  provide  all  such  Necessary  arti 
cles  as  may  be  wanted  upon  the  March,  I  am  so  extreamly 
busy  in  pushing  the  Army  forward  to  stop  the  Cruel  Ca 
reer  of  General  Vaughan  up  Hudson's  River  that  I  have 
only  Time  to  acquaint  you  that  my  Friend  General  Lin 
coln's  teg  is  in  a  fair  way  of  doing  well,  and  to  testify 
with  what  respect  I  am,  Sir,  &c., 

HORATIO  GATES.2 

Austin  also  brought  Washington's  last  despatch  to  Con 
gress,  which  Hancock,  then  President,  had  forwarded  for 
the  information  of  the  Massachusetts  Council.  This  was 
after  the  battle  of  Germantown,  and  expresses  Washing- 

1  BACHATJMONT. 

2  The  original,  which  is  all  in  Gates's  own  handwriting,  is  in  the  Mas 
sachusetts  archives. 


JOY   IN  FRANCE.  161 

ton's  chagrin  at  his  failure  on  that  occasion.  "  Every  ac 
count  confirms  the  opinion  I  at  first  entertained,  that  our 
troops  retreated  at  the  instant  when  victory  was  declaring 
herself  in  our  favor."  "We  did  not  know  till  after  the 
affair  was  over  how  near  we  were  to  gaining  a  complete 
victory,  but  we  have  since  learned  that  preparations  were 
making  to  retreat  to  Chester."  The  impression  which  the 
Massachusetts  Council  had,  that 
there  was  a  good  probability  of 
expecting  Howe's  surrender  also, 
was  not  the  mere  ebullition  of  suc 
cess.  Washington  himself  writes 
to  Putnam,  who  was  in  command 
on  the  North  Eiver,  "  Should  Provi 
dence  be  pleased  to  crown  our  arms 
in  the  course  of  the  campaign  with 
one  more  fortunate  stroke,  I  think 

HORATIO   GATES.  WQ    ghall    }mve     nQ    ^^    cauge    for 

anxiety  respecting  the  future  de 
signs  of  Britain."  In  fact,  after  the  battle  of  German- 
town,  and  after  the  defeat  of  the  English  in  their  attack 
on  Eedbank,  General  Howe  withdrew  within  his  lines 
around  Philadelphia.  Here  they  strengthened  themselves 
as  much  as  possible,  "  while  we  hover  around  to  cut  off 
their  supplies."  It  was  to  this  state  of  things  that 
Franklin  alluded  when  he  said,  in  Paris,  that  General 
Howe  had  not  taken  Philadelphia,  but  that  Philadelphia 
had  taken  him. 

Austin's  news  was  received  in  France  with  the  same 
public  joy  which  would  have  welcomed  a  victory  of  the 
French  armies.  On  the  12th  a  meeting  of  the  French  min 
isters  was  held,  and  on  the  17th  Gerard  informed  Franklin 
and  the  others  that  the  King  was  determined  to  acknowl 
edge  American  independence  and  make  a  treaty.  He  would 

11 


162  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

take  no  advantage  of  the  present  situation  to  obtain  terms 
which  otherwise  would  not  be  convenient,  for  the  King 
hoped  that  the  treaty  would  be  durable,  and  the  friend 
ship  of  the  nations  last  forever.  This  could  not  be  ex 
pected  if  each  nation  was  not  interested  in  continuing  it 
as  well  as  making  it.  The  concurrence  of  Spain  would 
be  necessary,  and  was  expected.  As  soon  as  the  courier 
arrived  from  Spain  the  whole  affair  would  be  concluded. 
But  all  this  must  be  a  dead  secret  till  the  Spanish  money 
fleet  arrived, — "the  Brazil  army  and  fleet'"'  of  Spain, — and 
until  she  could  make  peace  with  Portugal.  The  Commis 
sioners  replied,  and  expressed  their  hope  that  the  friend 
ship  might  be  eternal.  They  said  that  republics  were 
usually  steady  in  their  engagements ;  to  which  the  Secre 
tary  replied  that  France  had  been  as  steady  to  them. 

In  the  same  despatch  the  Commissioners  were  able  to 
announce  to  Congress  the  promise  of  an  additional  aid 
of  three  million  livres,  with  the  expectation  of  the  same 
sum  from  Spain.  The  French  ministry  had  also  granted 
a  frigate  to  carry  their  despatches. 

The  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  had  been  received  by 
the  English  government  by  way  of  Canada  the  day  before 
Franklin  received  it  in  Paris.  The  news  was  known  in 
the  city,  and  in  answer  to  questions  in  the  House  of  Com 
mons,  the  American  Secretary  was  obliged  to  announce  it 
there.  Col.  Barre  moved  for  full  papers  and  accounts,  but 
the  government  refused  to  grant  them,  and  the  House 
sustained  it.  David  Hartley,  Franklin's  friend,  asked 
leave  to  introduce  resolutions  "  that  it  is  unbecoming  to 
proceed  any  farther  in  the  support  of  this  fruitless,  ex 
pensive,  and  destructive  war ;  "  but  these  resolutions  were 
rejected. 

The  news  of  the  Treaty  of  Alliance  with  France  was 
announced  in  London  on  Saturday  the  fourteenth  day  of 


AUSTIN  IN  LONDON.  163 

March.      Mr.  Austin's  journal  gives  this   notice  of  the 
impression  made  there,  for  he  was  then  in  London  i1 — 

"  On  Saturday  it  was  reported  that  France  had  acknowl 
edged  the  independance  of  America ;  on  Monday  the  same 
was  announced  in  the  papers;  on  Tuesday  Lord  Wey- 
mouth  and  Lord  North  acquaint  the  two  houses  that  they 
should  the  next  day  lay  before  them  a  message  from  his 
Majesty.  Stocks  fell  two  pr.  cent  to-day.  N.  B.  —  Re 
ceived  a  message  from  the  French  Embassador  that  if  I 
intended  to  leave  England  the  sooner  I  did  it,  the  better. 

"  Seventeenth.  Went  to  the  House  of  Lords  with  Mr. 
Vaughan  and  Dr.  Priestly,  to  hear  the  debates  in  conse 
quence  of  the  message  from  the  King,  but  no  persons  were 
admitted.  Dined  with  Mr.  V.,  and  in  the  evening  went 
to  Drury  Lane  to  see  Hamlet.  Entertainment,  Bel- 
phegor,  or  The  Three  Wishes.  Mr.  Henderson  in  the 
character  of  Hamlet. 

"Eighteenth.  Dined  this  day  with  the  Earl  of  Shel- 
burne,2  in  company  with  the  Marquiss  of  Granby,  now 
Duke  of  Rutland,  Lord  Granby,  Lord  Ferrers,  Colonel 
Barre*,  Lord  Mahon,  son-in-law  to  the  Earl  of  Chatham, 
Viscount  Pitt,  Mr.  Dunning,  &c.  &c.  Was  very  kindly 
received  by  the  Earl,  and  treated  with  every  civility  by 
him  and  the  other  Lords.  They  were  very  inquisitive  re 
specting  our  real  situation  in  America,  the  disposition  of 
the  people  in  general,  and  in  what  manner  we  were  pro 
vided.  I  endeavored  to  answer  all  their  Lordships'  ques 
tions  by  setting  forth  the  many  difficulties  and  distresses 
Americans  had  undergone,  the  great  affection  that  coun 
try  ever  had  for  England,  which  was  always  considered 
and  mentioned  as  its  home,  the  great  exertions  it  had 

1  Mr.  Austin  travelled  in  England  as  George  Brown. 

2  To  whom  Dr.  Franklin  had  introduced  him. 


164  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

made  in  its  own  defence  during  this  unnatural  war,  and 
the  amazing  supplies  it  had  acquired  during  this  contest ; 
that  I  was  satisfied  they  were  now  in  a  much  better  situa 
tion  to  carry  on  a  war  with  any  enemy  for  six  years  than 
they  were  eighteen  months  past,  for  six  months ;  and  if 
their  Lordships  would  permit  me  to  speak  my  real  senti 
ments,  I  should  not  hesitate  to  say  that  they  would  never 
relinquish  their  Independance  but  with  their  lives.  Their 
Lordships  might  possibly  think  I  exaggerated  the  answer, 
but  I  endeavored  to  set  America  in  as  exalted  and  true  a 
light  as  possible.  The  general  and  most  prevailing  dispo 
sition  in  all  ranks  is  to  conclude  a  peace  with  America 
rather  than  use  any  coercive  means.  The  importance  of 
that  country  is  now  too  well  known.  The  resentment 
of  England  is  now  turned  towards  France,  but  they  have 
so  far  exhausted  their  strength  in  endeavoring  to  enslave 
America,  that  they  cannot  avenge  the  insult  offered."  1 

1  It  is  interesting  to  compare  with  the  young  Whig's  journal,  the 
graver  and  sadder  entries  which  Governor  Hutchinson  made  in  his.  He 
was  at  this  time  living  in  London,  in  what  was  to  him  exile  :  — 

"  16«». —  The  papers  to-day  announce  a  French  war,  and  say  the  F. 
Ambassador  has  acquainted  Lord  Weymouth  the  F.  King  had  entered 
into  a  Treaty  with  the  Colonies  as  Independent  States.  It  is  said  Lord 
Stormont  has  given  the  same  intelligence.  Mr.  Morris,  of  the  Customs, 
called,  and  says  Adm.  Hill  informed  him  L.  Sandwich  had  ordered  all  the 
Captains  in  the  navy  to  their  ships  immediately. 

"17th. — Everybody  is  struck  dumb!  The  declarations  from  France, 
that  they  have  entered  into  a  Treaty  with  the  Colonies  as  Independent 
States,  seems  to  make  a  war  inevitable.  I  met  Gen.  Monkton.  He  is 
in  pain  for  Howe's  fleet  in  the  Delaware  ;  thinks  the  French  force  gone 
out  may  be  too  strong  for  them.  The  message  from  the  King  is  to  be 
communicated  to-day.  An  address  must  follow,  —  whether  for  an  imme 
diate  declaration  of  war  is  doubtful. 

"  The  sudden  agreement  of  France  seems  to  be  the  effect  of  the  new  meas 
ures  here.  Franklin's  act  [or  art]  probably  carried  him  to  require  an  imme 
diate  answer,  —  otherwise  the  Colonies  would  close  wth  England  ;  but  this 
is  conjecture." 


CHAPTEK  IX. 
1778. 

VOLTAIRE   AND   FRANKLIN. 

new  year  opened  upon  the  Commissioners  with 
JL     prospects  far  more  hopeful  than  had  welcomed  them 
the  year  before.     On  the  other  hand,  there  were  jealousies 
and  doubts  in  the  American  Company  which  made  their 
life  less  agreeable  than  could  have  been  wished. 

The  event  which  most  engaged  the  attention  of  Paris  in 
the  beginning  of  the  year  was  the  arrival  of  Voltaire.  He 
was  in  the  eighty-fourth  year  of  his  life,  and  it  proved  in 
deed  to  be  the  last.1  His  proposed  arrival  had  been  much 
discussed,  had  been  announced,  contradicted,  and  announced 
again.  A  letter  from  Geneva,  written  in  December,  said, 
"  Voltaire  will  not  go  to  Paris,  but  he  is  greatly  pleased  to 
be  urged  to  go.  He  would  be  glad  to  give  this  dclat  to 
his  glory,  but  he  also  wishes  to  prolong  his  life,  which  is 
but  the  continual  thought  of  his  glory,  and  he  knows  that 
at  his  age  a  journey  to  Paris  would  put  his  health  in  some 
danger."  But,  as  it  proved,  on  the  10th  of  February,  to 
every  one's  surprise,  Voltaire  appeared  in  Paris.  "  The  ap 
pearance  of  a  ghost,  or  that  of  a  prophet,  or  of  an  apostle, 
would  not  have  caused  more  surprise  and  admiration  than 
that  of  the  arrival  of  Mons.  de  Voltaire.  This  new  prodigy 
suspended  for  some  moments  every  other  interest,  the 

1  He  was  born,  or  thought  he  was,  February  20,  1694.     The  register 
of  his  birth  does  not  agree  with  his  own  statement,  however. 


166  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

noise  of  war,  the  intrigues  of  lawyers,  the  tracasseries  of 
the  Court,  even  the  great  quarrel  between  the  Gliickists 
and  the  Piccinists.  Encyclopaedic  pride  humbled  itself. 
The  Sorbonrie  raved,  all  literature  was  moved,  the  Parlia 
ment  kept  silence,  and  all  Paris  rushed  to  throw  itself  at 
the  feet  of  its  idol.  Never  would  the  hero  of  our  time 
have  enjoyed  his  glory  with  more  e*clat  if  only  the  Court 
had  honored  him  with  more  favorable,  or  less  indifferent 
regard."1  The  King  asked  coolly  if  the  order  which  for 
bade  his  return  to  Paris  had  been  rescinded.  Some  kind 
friend  immediately  told  Voltaire  of  this ;  but  the  King 
meant  no  harm,  and  the  visit  passed  on  smoothly. 

Our  little  colony  of  Americans  all  noticed  Voltaire  in 
their  way,  and  the  presentation  of  Franklin  to  the  older 
philosopher  was  dramatic.  Austin's  diary  gives  a  most 
tantalizing  account  of  Voltaire's  personal  appearance : 2 
"Walking  the  gardens  of  the  pallais  Eoyale,  saw  the  famous 
Mons.  Voltaire,  so  famed  for  his  writings.  He  has  been 
lately  recalled  from  exile  by  the  King,  with  leave  to  tarry 
at  Paris  for  twenty-five  years.  He  is  at  .present  the  Idol 
of  the  people,  and  though  near  eighty  years  of  age,  his 
Faculties  are  very  bright.  His  person  is  a  mere  skeleton. 
Several  of  his  comedies  have  been  lately  revived  at  the 
Comedie  Francais,  at  some  of  which  he  has  been  present 
and  received  the  greatest  applauses." 

Austin  was  wrong  in  supposing  that  the  King  recalled 
Voltaire;  but  the  remark  shows  the  drift  of  opinion  in 
Paris,  outside  the  Court,  at  that  time.  The  Grimm-Diderot 
correspondence  shows  distinctly  that  the  Queen  would 
have  been  glad  to  do  something  gracious,  in  the  drift  of 
public  sentiment.  It  also  gives  a  single  instance  where 
the  King  was  almost  compelled  to  give  his  orders  or  his 

1  The  Grimm -Diderot  correspondence  for  February,  1778. 

2  April  11,  1778. 


ENTHUSIASM  OF   PARIS.  167 

permission  for  a  bust  of  Voltaire.  But  the  precise  atti 
tude  of  the  Court  is  distinctly  explained  in  the  following 
report  from  Mercy,  the  Austrian  ambassador,  to  Maria 
Theresa,  at  the  date  of  March  20,  1778  :  — 

"  The  arrival  of  the  poet  Voltaire  brought  about  the 
greatest  extravagance  in  the  homage  which  people  here 
wished  to  show  to  this  dangerous  bel  esprit.  They  would 
have  wished  to  see  him  called  to  Versailles,  and  that  the 
King  should  give  him  a  distinguished  reception.  The 
queen  was  very  anxious  for  this  ;  but  His  Majesty  refused 
very  squarely,  and  declared  that  she  should  not  honor  in 
any  way  a  man  whose  ethics  had  occasioned  so  much 
trouble  and  inconvenience."  To  this  statement  Arneth, 
the  editor,  adds:  "  Every  one  knows  the  enthusiasm  which 
seized  Paris  on  the  arrival  of  Voltaire ;  the  Court,  com 
pletely  divided  in  opinion,  no  longer  took  any  part.  .  The 
queen,  if  one  may  believe  the  various  accounts  of  the 
times,  wished  to  show  him  some  attention ;  the  king  for 
mally  opposed." 

Mr.  Adams's  first  sight  of  Voltaire  was  at  the  theatre, 
on  the  27th  of  April.  "  In  the  evening  went  to  the  French 
Comedy,  and  happened  to  be  placed  in  the  first  box,  very 
near  to  the  celebrated  Voltaire,  who  attended  the  perform 
ance  of  his  own  'Alzire.'  Between  the  acts  the  audience 
called  out  Voltaire,  and  clapped  and  applauded  him  the 
whole  time.  The  old  poet  arose,  and  bowed  respectfully 
to  the  audience.  He  has  yet  much  fire  to  his  eyes  and 
vigor  to  his  countenance,  though  now  very  old." 

Lee's  journal  fails  us  at  this  date,  but  in  after  life  he 
used  to  say  that  the  Commissioners  asked  to  be  presented 
to  Voltaire,  and  that  he  granted  their  request.  "  As  they 
entered  the  room  he  raised  himself  feebly  up  in  his  bed, 


168  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

and  in  a  momentary  glow  of  enthusiasm,  repeated  some 
beautiful  lines  from  Thompson's  '  Ode  to  Liberty,'  com 
mencing  '  Oh  liberty,  thou  goddess  ever  bright,'  etc." 

The  lines  are  not  Thomson's  but  Addison's.  They  are 
to  be  found  in  the  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Halifax. 

"  0  Liberty,  thou  goddess  heavenly  bright, 
Profuse  of  bliss,  and  pregnant  with  delight  ! 
Eternal  pleasures  in  thy  presence  reign, 
And  smiling  Plenty  leads  thy  wanton  train  ; 
Eas'd  of  her  load,  Subjection  grows  more  light, 
And  Poverty  looks  cheerful  in  thy  sight; 
Thou  mak'st  the  gloomy  face  of  Nature  gay 
Giv'st  beauty  to  the  Sun,  and  pleasure  to  the  day." 

All  the  "  dclat "  and  "  glory,"  of  which  the  memoirs  are 
so  full,  were  crowded  between  the  29th  of  February  and  the 
30th  of  May,  on  which  day  poor  Voltaire  died.  One  says, 
"  Poor  Voltaire ! "  because  so  much  was  pressed  upon  an 
old  man  of  eighty-four  by  the  enthusiasm  and  audacity  of 
Paris,  that  the  wonder  is  that  he  lived  through  the  four 
months,  rather  than  that  he  died  at  the  end  of  them.  It 
was  not  strange  that  the  public  sentiment  of  Paris  liked 
to  associate  him  and  Franklin.  Condorcet,1  the  biog 
rapher  of  Voltaire,  says  well  enough,  "In  Paris  at  this 
time  was  the  celebrated  Franklin,  who,  in  another  hemi 
sphere,  had  been,  like  Voltaire,  the  apostle  of  philosophy 
and  toleration.  Like  him,  he  had  often  used  the  weapon 
of  pleasantry  for  the  correction  of  human  folly,  and  had 
learned  to  regard  human  perversity  as  a  folly,  more  ter 
rible  indeed,  but  still  to  be  pitied.  He  had  honored  phi 
losophy  in  the  realm  of  physics,  as  had  Voltaire  in  that  of 
poetry.  Franklin  had  delivered  the  immense  regions  of 
America  from  the  yoke  of  Europe,  and  Voltaire  had  deliv- 

1  John  Adams  describes  Condorcet  thus:  "A  philosopher  with  a  face 
as  pale,  or  rather  as  white,  as  a  sheet  of  paper,  —  I  suppose  from  hard 
study." 


FRANKLIN  AND  VOLTAIRE.  169 

ered  Europe  from  the  yoke  of  the  ancient  theocracies  of 
Asia,  Franklin  was  desirous  to  see  a  man  whose  glory 
had  for  so  long  a  time  filled  both  worlds,  and  fortunately, 
Voltaire  expressed  a  wish  to  see  him.  Voltaire,  although 
he  had  lost  the  habit  of  speaking  English,  tried  to  main 
tain  the  conversation  in  that  language,  but  soon  re 
suming  his  own,  said,  'I  could  not  resist  the  desire  of 
speaking  for  a  moment  in  Mr.  Franklin's  language.' 1  The 
American  philosopher  presented  his  grandson,  and  asked 
his  benediction  for  him.  '  God  and  Liberty,'  said  Voltaire, 
1  this  is  the  only  benediction  which  is  fit  for  a  grandson  of 
Mr.  Franklin.' " 

Voltaire  himself  fixes  a  date  for  this  anecdote  in  a  letter 
to  the  Abbd  Gaultier,  of  Feb.  21,  which  became  cele 
brated  in  a  discussion  regarding  Voltaire's  receiving  the 
sacraments. 2  He  wrote  to  the  Abbe*,  "  I  will  say  to  you 
the  same  thing  which  I  said  when  I  gave  the  benediction 
to  the  grandson  of  the  illustrious  and  wise  Franklin,  the 
man  of  all  America  most  to  be  respected.  I  only  pro 
nounced  the  words  '  God  and  Liberty.'  All  who  were 
present  shed  tears  of  tenderness.  I  flatter  myself  that 
you  will  share  these  principles." 

The  dates  are  thus  fixed  in  the  few  months  of  the  close 
of  Voltaire's  life,  in  which  we  may  place  the  few  inter 
views  between  him  and  Franklin.  The  most  interesting 
of  these,  and  that  most  frequently  referred  to,  is  their 
meeting  at  the  Academy  of  Sciences.  Franklin  had  been 
chosen  a  member  of  the  Academy  in  1772.  There  are  one 
or  two  notices  of  his  works  in  the  enormous  collection  of 

1  Another  version  is  perhaps  prettier  :  "Excuse  me,  my  dear  ;  I  have 
the  vanity  to  shew  that  I  am  not  unacquainted  with  the  language  of  a 
Franklin." 

2  The  Abbe  Gaultier  was  the  priest  who,  in  fact,  confessed  Voltaire,  and 
received  from  him  the  celebrated  Confession  of  Faith,  which  declared  that 
he  died  in  the  Catholic  religion  in  which  he  was  born. 


170  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

their  memoirs.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  took  part 
in  the  informal  conversations  at  their  meetings,  and  that 
he  attended  them  quite  regularly  when  in  Paris.  The 
sneer  of  Capefigue,  quoted  in  a  former  chapter,  shows  that 
he  joined  freely  in  the  discussions.  But  we  cannot  find 
that  he  presented  any  formal  paper  there  of  sufficient 
importance  to  be  recognized  as  a  contribution  to  their 
memoirs,  or  of  such  a  character  as  he  himself  presented 
once  and  again  to  the  Royal  Society  in  London.  At  that 
time  the  Academy  did  not  issue,  as  it  now  does,  comptes 
rendus  giving  an  account  of  these  more  informal  conver 
sations. 

It  seems  that  Voltaire  attended  the  meetings,  as  well 
as  Franklin.  His  first  appearance  at  the  Academy  of 
Letters,  which  is  generally  called  "the  Academy,"  as  if 
par  excellence,  was  deferred,  on  account  of  the  failure  of  his 
health,  until  the  30th  of  March.  He  was  then  received  at 
the  Academy  with  every  possible  display  of  enthusiasm. 
As  we  have  occupied  ourselves  somewhat  with  the  details 
of  the  costume  of  the  period,  we  will  venture  to  say  that 
Voltaire  wore  his  great  periwig,  nceuds  grisdtrcs,  "  which 
he  dresses  every  day  himself,  and  which  is  exactly  like 
what  he  wore  forty  years  ago,  long  lace  ruffles  and  the 
superb  fur  robe  of  zibcline  martre,  presented  to  him  by  the 
Empress  of  Eussia,  covered  by  a  beautiful  crimson  velvet, 
but  without  any  gold  embroidery." 

The  Academy  was  at  this  moment  without  a  President  for 
the  next  three  months,  and  instead  of  drawing  lots,  as  was 
the  custom,  the  members  by  acclamation  appointed  Vol 
taire.  Every  one  who  had  any  right  was  present,  except 
ing  the  Bishops,  who  stayed  away,  a  little  ostentatiously. 
Voltaire  took  the  charge  imposed  upon  him  with  spirit, 
and  at  the  April  meeting,  laid  out  the  plan  of  the  new 


THE  PHILOSOPHERS  EMBRACE.  171 

dictionary.  He  took  the  letter  A  for  himself,  because  he 
said  it  would  be  the  longest  sub-department,  and  insisted 
upon  dividing  the  other  letters  among  the  other  members 
at  once.  After  this  difficult  task  was  done,  he  said,  "  I 
thank  you,  gentlemen,  in  the  name  of  the  alphabet." 
"  And  we  thank  you,"  said  the  bright  Chastellux,  who  was 
afterwards  half  an  American,  "  in  the  name  of  letters." 

It  was  at  a  meeting  of  the  Academy  of  Science,  however, 
and  not  at  one  of  the  Academy  of  Letters,  that  Voltaire 
and  Franklin  met  in  public.  The  reader  sees  that  they 
had  met  in  private  before.  Condorcet  gives  an  account 
of  the  scene,  but  that  of  Mr.  Adams,  in  his  diary  at  the 
27th  of  April,  shows  how  it  appeared  to  an  American :  — 

"  Voltaire  and  Franklin  were  both  present,  and  there 
presently  arose  a  general  cry  that  M.  Voltaire  and  M. 
Franklin  should  be  introduced  to  each  other.  This  was 
done,  and  they  bowed  and  spoke  to  each  other.  This 
was  no  satisfaction ;  there  must  be  something  more. 
Neither  of  our  philosophers  seemed  to  divine  what  was 
wished  or  expected;  they,  however,  took  each  other  by 
the  hand.  But  this  was  not  enough ;  the  clamor  contin 
ued,  until  the  explanation  came  out.  '  II  faut  s'embras- 
ser,  a  la  Franchise.'  The  two  aged  actors  upon  this  great 
theatre  of  philosophy  and  frivolity  then  embraced  each 
other,  by  hugging  one  another  in  their  arms,  and  kissing 
each  other's  cheeks ;  and  then  the  tumult  subsided,  and 
the  cry  immediately  spread  through  the  whole  kingdom, 
and  I  suppose,  all  over  Europe,  'Qu'il  e'tait  charmant 
de  voir  embrasser  Solon  et  Sophocle  ! ' ' 

The  last  public  association  of  Franklin  and  Voltaire 
was  on  the  28th  of  November  of  the  same  year.  Of  the 
curious  ceremonial  which  then  took  place,  at  a  Free 
mason's  Lodge  in  Paris,  —  the  Lodge  of  Nine  Sisters, —  its 


172  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

officers  afterwards  published  an  account  in  detail. 
Greuze,  then  one  of  the  Court  painters,  was  initiated  at 
the  beginning  of  the  meeting,  and  the  Lodge  then 
marched  to  its  hall,  to  assist  in  the  eulogy  of  Voltaire. 
Madame  Denis,  the  niece  of  Voltaire,  accompanied  by 
the  Marchioness  of  Villette,  whom  he  called  his  "Belle 
et  Bonne,"  and  at  whose  house  he  died,  were  then  intro 
duced.  Brother  Lalande,  the  astronomer,  addressed  Mme. 
Denis.  Brother  Coron  delivered  an  address,  and  Brother 
de  La  Dixmerie  read  a  circumstantial  and  complete  eu 
logy.  After  the  exordium  of  this  address,  the  orchestra, 
led  by  Brother  Piccini,  played  a  touching  morceau  from 
the  opera  of  "  Castor,"  set  to  appropriate  words,  and  after 
the  first  part  of  the  address,  played  a  similar  passage 
from  "Koland." 

This  method  of  lighting  up  a  discourse  which  might 
else  prove  a  little  heavy,  has  fallen  out  of  use,  but  might 
be  tried  to  advantage  in  another  century. 

When  the  address  was  ended  a  clap  of  thunder  was 
heard,  "  the  sepulchral  pyramid  disappeared,  great  light 
succeeded  the  gloom  which  had  prevailed  till  now,  an 
agreeable  symphony  sounded  in  the  place  of  the  mourn 
ful  music,  and  an  immense  picture  of  the  apotheosis  of 
Voltaire  was  disclosed.  The  picture  represented  Cor- 
neille,  Eacine,  and  Moliere  above  Voltaire  as  he  leaves  his 
tomb.  Truth  and  Beneficence  present  him  to  them. 
Envy  pulls  at  his  shroud,  in  the  wish  to  hold  him  back, 
but  is  driven  away  by  Minerva.  Higher  up  may  be  seen 
Fame,  publishing  the  triumph  of  Voltaire." 

Before  this  extraordinary  picture,  Lalande,  Greuze, 
Mme.  de  Villette  produced  crowns,  with  which  they 
crowned  La  Dixmerie  the  orator,  Gauget  the  painter,  and 
Franklin.  These  three  then  laid  their  crowns  at  the  feet 
of  the  image  of  Voltaire. 


ROUSSEAU'S  DEATH.  173 

After  more  verses,  a  contribution,  and  a  subscription- 
paper,  the  brethren  passed  into  the  banqueting  hall, 
where  covers  were  laid  for  two  hundred  guests.  The 
ordinary  healths  wrere  drunk ;  and  to  the  first  was 
joined  the  health  of  "the  thirteen  United  States,  repre 
sented  at  this  banquet  by  Brother  Franklin." 

Jean  Jacques  Eousseau,  whose  work  in  literature  had 
impressed  France  and  Europe  as  no  other  author  but 
Voltaire  had  done,  died  on  the  second  of  June  the  same 
year ;  but  the  last  years  of  his  life  had  been  spent  in  com 
parative  obscurity,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  he  and 
Franklin  ever  met  in  person. 


CHAPTEE  X. 

THE   TREATY   OF  ALLIANCE. 

nTHROUGHOUT  the  spring  and  summer  of  1777,  it 
J-  had  seemed  as  though  France  could  not  remain 
neutral.  The  situation  between  the  Courts  of  Versailles 
and  St.  James  was  a  most  delicate  one.  The  English 
ambassador,  voicing  the  sentiment  of  England,  complained 
bitterly  of  the  open  breaches  of  neutrality.  The  aid  sent 
by  Beaumarchais,  and  the  reception  of  the  Commissioners, 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  grounds  of  well-founded  complaint. 
The  perpetual  remissness  in  regard  to  Captain  Wickes  and 
the  different  privateers  men,  who  were  in  reality  hardly 
checked  at  all  in  their  proceedings,  the  open  boldness 
shown  in  the  fitting  out  of  Conyngham's  expeditions,  the 
constant  scheming  of  the  Commissioners  at  Paris  (witness 
the  case  of  the  attempted  burning  of  Portsmouth  navy- 
yard  in  England  by  a  man  who  said  he  was  hired  by 
Silas  Deane),  —  all  these  contributed  toward  straining  the 
relations  between  the  two  Courts.  But  as  the  summer 
passed  and  the  autumn  began,  there  was,  for  a  time,  a 
breathing  space.  Wickes  was  no  longer  in  European  seas, 
Johnson,  Hammond,  and  Nicholson  were  in  English  pris 
ons,  Conyngham  had  made  the  English  waters  too  hot  for 
him,  while  English  men-of-war,  blocking  the  French  and 
Dutch  ports,  were  ready  to  nip  in  the  bud  any  attempt  to 
imitate  his  startling  career.  The  Commissioners  at  Paris 
were  as  active  as  ever,  but  seemed  to  bring  nothing  to 


THE  EFFECT  OF   THE  NEWS.  175 

pass.  Neither  Spain  nor  Prussia  would  do  anything  to 
encourage  the  Americans.  The  news  received  from  Amer 
ica,  after  the  affairs  of  Trenton  and  Princeton,  was  on 
the  whole  of  a  dark  character,  and  in  no  direction  was 
there  much  that  should  make  England  jealous  of  the 
assistance  given  by  France  to  the  Colonists ;  for  even 
the  friends  of  America  in  the  French  ministry  were  dis 
couraged,  and  the  disposition  for  an  alliance  was  less, 
almost,  than  it  had  ever  been.  So,  as  the  autumn 
passed,  the  situation  at  Paris  grew  quieter  at  the  ex 
pense  of  American  hopes.  France  was  more  strictly 
neutral,  for  there  was  no  one  to  infringe  upon  her  neu 
trality.  Lord  Stormont's  occupation  was  almost  gone ; l 
Vergennes  was  able  to  direct  his  attention  to  European 
complications ;  the  Commissioners  at  Paris,  their  plans  all 
coming  to  naught,  were  in  a  most  despairing  condition,  — 
when  the  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  changed  the 
aspect  of  everything. 

The  news  had  the  effect  of  almost  immediately  bringing 
the  King's  advisers  to  a  decision  in  regard  to  the  Ameri 
can  alliance.  The  United  States,  according  to  their  views, 

1  Not  wholly,  however ;  witness  this  note  from  him,  quoted  by  Cape- 
figue  at  the  date  Nov.  3,  1777:  — 

"At  Rochefort  there  is  a  vessel  with  sixty  guns,  at  L'Orient  an  India- 
man  pierced  for  sixty.  Both  these  vessels  are  intended  for  the  rebels. 
They  will  be  laden  with  various  cargoes,  and  freighted  by  MM.  Chaumont, 
Holten,  and  Sabatier.  The  '  Heureux '  sailed  from  Marsailles,  under  an 
other  name,  Sept.  26.  She  goes  straight  to  New  Hampshire,  although 
she  pretends  to  go  to  the  [West  India]  Islands.  She  has  been  permitted 
to  take  3,000  muskets  and  2,500  pounds  of  sulphur, — merchandise  as 
necessary  for  the  Americans  as  it  is  useless  in  the  islands.  This  vessel  is 
commanded  by  M.  Lundi,  a  French  officer  of  distinction,  once  a  lieutenant 
of  M.  de  Bougainville.  The  'Hippopotamus,'  belonging  to  M.  Beaumar- 
chais,  had  on  board  40,000  muskets  and  many  munitions  of  war  for  the 
rebels.  There  are  about  fifty  French  vessels  laden  with  munitions  of  war 
and  various  merchandise  for  the  rebels." 


176  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

had  by  this  brilliant  victory  made  good  their  claim  to  de 
facto  independency;  there  was  no  probable  prospect  of 
their  being  brought  again  under  the  domination  of  Great 
Britain.  If  the  United  States  was  a  nation,  it  was  for 
the  best  interests  of  France  that  as  close  a  commercial  con 
nection  as  possible  should  exist  between  the  two  powers ; 
for  American  commerce  was  regarded,  even  at  that  time, 
as  of  exceeding  value,  and  to  obtain  it,  it  was  necessary 
that  a  commercial  treaty  should  be  entered  into.  To  that 
end  overtures  were  at  once  made  to  the  Commissioners. 
The  news  of  Burgoyne's  surrender  came  on  the  4th  of 
December,  and  was  immediately  communicated  to  the 
French  Court.  A  day  or  two  afterwards,  Gerard,  the 
secretary  of  the  Council  of  State,  called  upon  the  Com 
missioners  to  congratulate  them  upon  the  event,  and  to 
hint  that  the  present  would  be  a  favorable  time  to  bring 
forward  again  the  proposition  for  a  treaty.  On  the  12th 
an  informal  conversation  took  place  between  Vergennes 
and  Ge'rard  and  the  Commissioners,  and  on  the  16th  Ge*- 
rard  again  called  at  Passy  and  informed  the  Commissioners 
that  the  King,  "  after  long  and  careful  deliberation  on  their 
affairs  and  their  propositions,  had  determined  to  recognize 
their  independence,  and  to  make  with  them  a  treaty  of 
commerce,  and  a  second  treaty  for  an  eventual  treaty  of 
alliance." 

For  the  treaty  of  commerce  the  Commissioners,  as  we 
know,  had  been  furnished  with  instructions,  and  with  a 
draft  which  was  accepted  as  a  basis  for  negotiations.  For 
the  treaty  of  alliance  Vergennes  proposed  a  draft.  The 
negotiations  were  carried  through  with  the  utmost  good 
faith  and  despatch ;  for  Vergennes  and  Franklin  had  for 
each  other  the  most  profound  respect  and  confidence,  and 
found  it  by  no  means  difficult  to  come  to  an  understand 
ing.  Each  party  endeavored  to  make  the  treaties  upon 


THE  COMMERCIAL  TREATY.  177 

grounds  of  the  utmost  reciprocal  advantage,  that  by  this 
means  they  might  be  the  more  lasting. 

The  treaties  were  signed  the  6th  of  February,  and  were 
at  once  sent  to  America  for  ratification  by  Congress. 
Pending  this  ratification  they  were  kept  secret,  or  rather 
were  supposed  to  be  kept  secret,  for  the  news  leaked  out 
very  soon,1  although  no  official  notification  was  made  of 
them  until  the  13th  of  March. 

The  treaty  between  France  and  America  was  a  treaty 
of  amity  and  commerce.  It  made  no  reference  to  Great 
Britain  nor  to  an  alliance  against  her.  It  mentioned  the 
United  States  as  an  independent  nation,  and  agreed  that 
there  should  be  peace  and  amity  between  the  contracting 
parties.  It  conceded  to  America  the  same  rights  in  France 
as  the  most  favored  nation  in  the  matter  of  imposts  and 
duties ;  it  enunciated  the  doctrine  that  free  ships  made 
free  goods,  suspended  the  droit  d'aulaine  in  France  as  far 
as  Americans  were  concerned,  defined  contraband,  made 
arrangements  for  consuls  and  so  forth.  This  was  the 
treaty  which  was  afterwards  acknowledged  to  England. 
On  the  same  day  on  which  this  treaty  was  signed,  a  second 
treaty,  for  eventual  and  defensive  alliance,  was  concluded. 
In  the  preamble  of  this  treaty  it  was  set  forth  that  "  His 
Most  Christian  Majesty  and  the  United  States,  having  to 
day  concluded  a  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce,  .  .  .  have 
thought  it  necessary  to  consider  the  means  of  affirming 
those  relations  and  of  rendering  them  useful  to  the  safety 
and  tranquillity  of  the  two  parties,  more  especially  in  case 

1  Lord  Stormont,  when  this  rumor  got  about,  went  to  Maurepas  to 
complain  of  such  a  thing  being  possible,  adcfrtig,  "that  the  news  was 
admitted  in  the  carriages  of  the  King."  Maurepas,  according  to  the  anec 
dote,  gave  the  minister  no  further  satisfaction  than  the  assurance  "that 
the  news  was  denied  in  the  carriages  of  the  Queen,"  —  a  remark  which 
seems  a  step  beyond  that  flippant  minister's  usual  levity.  —  FLASSAN, 
vii.  296.  x» 

12 


178  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

England,  on  account  of-  the  relations  and  correspondence 
following  the  Treaty  of  Amity  and  Commerce,  should  break 
the  peace  with  France,  whether  by  direct  hostility  or  by 
hindering  her  commerce  and  navigation,  in  a  manner  con 
trary  to  the  Law  of  Nations  and  to  the  Treaties  existing 
between  the  two  crowns."  In  such  a  case  His  Most  Chris 
tian  Majesty  and  the  United  States  resolved  to  join  their 
plans  and  efforts  against  the  enterprises  of  their  common 
foe.  Of  course,  it  was  perfectly  well  understood  by  every 
one  that  England  would  break  the  peace,  both  by  direct 
hostilities  and  by  troubling  navigation,  as  soon  as  the  first 
treaty  became  public.  However,  this  treaty  of  alliance  — 
by  far  the  most  important  of  the  two  —  was  modestly  put 
forth  as  an  arrangement  for  a  possible  contingency.  The 
treaty  of  commerce  remained  a  secret.  Had  England  re 
mained  at  peace  with  France,  it  would  have  had  no  effect. 
It  was  for  an  eventual  alliance.  The  contracting  powers 
agreed,  in  case  of  war,  to  make  common  cause,  with  the 
object  of  sustaining  the  liberty,  sovereignty,  and  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States  ;  and  the  King  of  France  agreed 
not  to  lay  down  his  arms  until  that  independence  was  ac 
knowledged  by  England.  He  also  agreed  to  make  no 
conquests  on  the  continent  of  America  (Louisiana  and 
Florida  excepted).  The  American  possessions  of  the  con 
tracting  parties  were  respectively  guaranteed  to  each  other, 
and  provision  was  made  for  the  admission  of  other  parties 
to  the  alliance. 

Such  was  the  alliance  between  France  and  America. 
The  two  parties  entered  into  commercial  and  friendly  con 
nection,  and  agreed  to  defend  that  connection  by  joint  force 
of  arms  if  needful.  Such  an  alliance  had  not  at  first  been 
thought  of.  John  Adams  had  desired  a  mere  commercial 
connection,  —  "that  is,  make  a  treaty  to  receive  her  ships 
into  our  ports;  furnish  us  with  arms,  cannon,  saltpetre, 


PRINCIPLES  OF   THE   ALLIANCE.  179 

duck,  steel."  l  He  wanted  no  political  nor  military  con 
nection.  In  the  same  way  the  treaty  which  the  original 
instructions  to  the  Commissioners  directed  them  to  propose 
to  the  Court  of  France  contemplated  no  military  aid,  no 
joint  undertakings,  no  political  connection.  It  agreed  that 
in  case  of  war  the  United  States  would  not  aid  England 
against  France ;  it  would  have  exacted  a  declaration  that 
France  would  not  acquire  by  conquest  any  of  the  remain 
ing  British  Colonies  on  the  Continent.  The  Treaty  of 
Commerce  signed  February  6  was  substantially  the  one 
meditated  by  Congress.  The  Treaty  of  Alliance  was 
essentially  different. 

"  Thus,"  remarks  an  old-line  writer  on  diplomacy,  "  did 
the  policy  of  the  Minister  who  directed  the  French  Cabinet 
prevail  over  the  good  sence  and  the  desire  for  justice  of 
Louis  XVI.,  to  make  him  sanction  that  dangerous  maxim 
which  proclaims  the- lawfulness  of  insurrection  against  the 
abuse  of  power."  2  We  quote  the  remark  as  opening  a  new 
point  of  view  from  which  to  consider  the  alliance  between 
France  and  the  United  States.  But  did  Louis  XVI.,  in 
allying  himself  to  the  rebellious  colonies  of  Great  Britain, 
thereby  set  the  seal  of  his  approval  upon  the  principles 
whereby  the  Colonies  conceived  themselves  States  ?  Not 
at  all.  The  United  States  in  1778  had  become  a  new 
nation,  by  right  say  we,  but  not  only  de  jure,  —  a  new 
nation  de  facto.3  It  was  out  of  the  power  of  any  nation  of 

1  Quoted  from  Adams's  Works  by  TRESCOTT,  "  Diplomacy  of  the  Rev 
olution,"  p.  21,  where  the  best  statement  of  the  whole  matter  may  be 
found. 

2  CITCELL,  iii.  373. 

8  The  French  Court,  in  a  Memoire  subsequently  put  forth,  states  that 
the  King  considered  that  "  the  law-  of  nations,  the  traditions  of  diplomacy 
and  the  example  even  of  England  itself,  authorized  him  to  regard  the 
Americans  as  independent  de  facto  from  the  date  of  July  4th,  1776,  and 
that  he  had  more  reason  so  to  regard  them  Feb.  6,  1778."  FLASSAN, 
Diplomatic  Fran9aise,  vii.  176. 


180  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Europe  to  deny  that  the  Colonies,  which  had  made  good 
their  independence  for  two  years,  and  had  brought  affairs 
to  such  a  point  that  there  was  no  probability  that  they 
would  again  come  under  the  domination  of  Great  Britain, 
—  that  the  United  States  had  entered  the  company  of 
nations.  This  was  a  fact,  though  the  nations  did  not  at 
once  feel  called  upon  to  recognize  it  as  such.  Louis  XVI. 
did  recognize  it.  Allowing  the  United  States  to  be  a 
nation,  it  followed  that  it  was  to  be  treated  as  other  na 
tions,  —  that  is,  that  its  internal  affairs  should  be  matters 
of  concern  to  itself  alone.  Louis  XVI.,  in  this  alliance, 
no  more  recognized  the  truth  of  the  principles  whereon 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  was  based,  than 
did  the  United  States  recognize  the  justice  and  propriety 
of  his  own  political  system.  The  new  nation  by  no  means 
conditioned  her  friendship  upon  a  recognition  of  the  prin 
ciples  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  Louis  XVI. 
in  his  alliance  by  no  means  gave  in  his  adhesion  to  them. 
He  recognized  the  fact  that  the  United  States  were  a  na 
tion  in  fact.  It  mattered  not  to  him  whether  they  ought 
to  be  so  or  not. 

The  treaties  were  signed  on  the  6th  of  February,  but 
were  not  immediately  acknowledged.  England  was  slow 
to  get  the  news.  They  were  not  prepared  for  the  alliance. 
Three  days  before  the  treaty  was  signed,  Hartley  was  so 
far  from  believing  it  possible  that  he  wrote:  "Let  nothing 
ever  persuade  America  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms 
of  France.  Times  may  mend.  I  hope  they  will.  An 
American  must  always  be  a  stranger  in  France.  Great 
Britain  may  for  ages  to  come  be  their  home."  Three  days 
afterward  George  III.,  in  writing  to  Lord  North,  speaks  of 
a  war  as  nothing  more  than  one  of  the  chances  of  the 
future;  "should  a  French  war  be  our  fate  "  is  his  expression. 
On  the  18th  he  thinks  that  "most  probably  the  two  nations 


GEORGE   III.   ON  THE   SITUATION.  181 

will  be  involved."  A  week  later  he  notices  that  the  French 
have  stopped  the  Iceland  and  Newfoundland  fishermen, 
"  which,"  he  goes  on,  "  carries  the  appearance  of  immediate 
war."  But  there  were  rumors  of  a  treaty ;  Lord  North's 
agents  in  Paris  kept  him  well  informed  of  everything  that 
went  on  which  was  in  any  way  known  to  the  public. 
"The  papers  communicated  by  Mr.  Thornton  are  very 
curious,"  writes  the  King ;  "  those  from  Edwards  and 
Forth  convince  me  that  France  will  inevitably  go  to  war ; 
it  therefore  becomes  highly  necessary  to  consider  whether 
Lord  Stormont  should  not  soon  complain  of  the  open  as 
sistance  now  given  by  France  to  the  rebels,  ...  and  demand 
a  categorical  answer  whether  they  have  signed  a  treaty 
with  the  rebels."  For  some  time  there  was  nothing  more 
than  rumor.  On  the  13th  of  March  the  Vicornte  de  Noailles 
transmitted  to  Lord  Weymouth  the  information  that  his 
master  had  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  United  States. 
On  the  27th  Lord  Stormont  arrived  in  London. 

On  the  17th  the  King's  ministers  gave  the  information  to 
Parliament.  Lord  North  in  the  Commons  and  Lord  Wey 
mouth  in  the  Lords  at  once  moved  a  most  loyal  address, 
expressing  to  the  King  their  resentment  at  the  behavior 
of  the  King  of  France,  and  assuring  him  of  their  utmost 
devotion  and  support.  In  each  House  an  amendment  was 
offered,  advising  that  the  incapable  ministers,  who  had 
brought  the  King's  business  into  such  an  unfortunate  state 
of  things,  should  be  dismissed.  In  each  House  the  govern 
ment  was  silent  under  the  most  vigorous  attacks  of  the 
opposition,  and  in  both  the  address  was  voted  without  any 
such  qualification. 

The  various  protestations  of  loyalty  and  devotion  having 
been  gone  through,  the  ministry  proceeded  at  once  to  push 
work  upon  the  army  and  navy,  but  more  especially  on 
the  latter.  For  it  seemed  on  the  whole  generally  under- 


182  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

stood  that  the  war  between  France  and  England  was 
to  be  in  great  measure  naval.  We  believe  that  at  this 
time  there  was  no  plan  to  send  a  French  army  into 
America.  But  it  was  well  known  that  D'Estaing  had 
proceeded  to  Toulon,  and  that  the  resources  of  France 
were  being  taxed  to  their  utmost  to  despatch  a  power 
ful-  fleet  under  that  gallant  commander  to  the  aid  of 
the  new  allies.  Therefore  the  British  navy  must  be  put 
in  better  condition. 

"  A  war  with  France,"  remarks  an  English  author,  "  can 
never  be  unpopular  in  this  country ; "  and  into  this  war, 
which  was  presented  to  them  as  a  causeless  and  shameful 
aggression  on  the  part  of  France,  the  people  of  England 
threw  themselves  with  spirit.  Eecruiting  was  carried  on 
with  vigor  for  both  branches  of  the  service ;  it  was  "  the 
warmest  impress  almost  ever  known,"  says  the  same 
authority ;  operations  were  at  once  begun  in  all  the  dock 
yards,  and  the  King  himself  made  a  special  journey  to 
Chatham,  Sheerness,  and  Portsmouth  to  encourage  and 
quicken  the  preparations  for  the  navy.  In  a  short  time 
there  were  two  hundred  and  twenty-eight  vessels l  in  com 
mission.  Of  these,  fifty  were  to  guard  the  English  seas, 
while  no  less  than  a  hundred  and  thirty  were  assembled 
on  the  coast  of  America ;  and  in  addition  to  these,  Admiral 
Byron  was  busily  at  work  preparing  to  sail  in  pursuit  of 
D'Estaing  and  the  French. 

Meanwhile  D'Estaing  at  Toulon  was  busy  in  fitting 
out  the  fleet  which  should  bring  to  America  the  first 
avowed  and  open  aid.  He  sailed  from  Toulon  on  the 
12th  of  April,  two  months  before  Admiral  Byron  could 
get  to  sea  in  pursuit,  with  twelve  ships  of  the  line  beside 
frigates. 

1  85  ships  of  the  line,  88  frigates,  and  55  sloops.  CAMPBELL'S  "  Lives  of 
the  Admirals,"  v.  400. 


COOPER'S  ACCOUNT  OF   D'ESTAING.  183 

Dr.  Cooper  of  Boston  wrote  to  Franklin  a  full  and 
curious  account  of  his  movements  in  the  form  of 

A  Letter  from  a  Gentleman  in  America  to  his  friend 
in  France. 

Aug.  1778. 

SIR,  —  According  to  my  promise,  I  now  set  down  to 
give  you  a  particular  and  faithful  account  of  the  arma 
ment  of  his  Most  Christian  Majesty,  under  the  orders  of 
the  Count  de  Estaing,  during  his  continuancy  on  the  coasts 
of  the  United  States  of  America.  You  know,  sir,  with 
what  exultation  I  received  the  news  of  the  completion  of 
our  happy  alliance  with  France,  regarding  it  at  once  as  an 
illustrious  mark  of  the  wisdom  and  magnanimity  of  her 
monarch,  and  a  precious  pledge  of  the  safety,  the  liberty, 
and  glory  of  my  country.  The  immediate  fruit  of  this 
alliance  was  the  powerful  aid  sent  us  by  that  great  and 
amiable  prince,  in  the  squadron  of  the  Count  D 'Estaing, 
consisting  of  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  six  frigates,  and  a 
number  of  land  forces. 

We  were  not  more  happy  in  this  powerful  aid  than  in 
the  choice  of  the  commander,  and  the  distinguished  confi 
dence  placed  in  him  by  his  sovereign,  —  a  leader  who  with 
uncommon  ardor  and  intrepidity,  and  great  military 
knowledge,  unites  a  vigilance  and  circumspection,  a  quick 
decision,  and  a  perfect  command  of  himself  in  the  most 
trying  moments,  that  mark  the  great  man,  and  are  of  the 
utmost  importance  in  such  a  command  as  he  was  en 
trusted  with.  I  assure  you,  my  friend,  were  you  as  well 
acquainted  as  I  am  with  the  delicacy  and  hazard  of  many 
circumstances  in  which  the  Count  was  called  to  act,  it 
would  increase  your  high  estimation  of  his  talents,  and 
you  would  be  sensible,  even  more  than  you  now  are, 
how  much  the  common  cause  of  France  and  America  is 


184  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

indebted  to  them :  the  inestimable  fruits  of  the  alliance 
might  at  least  have  been  greatly  injured,  had  the  service 
to  which  he  was  appointed  been  committed  to  a  common 
hand.  Hence  arose  the  asperity  with  which  the  Count 
D'Estaing  has  been  treated  in  some  British  publications. 
Such  a  protection  of  the  new  alliance  could  not  hope  to 
escape  the  virulence  of  its  mortal  enemies :  and  he  who 
draws  upon  himself  marks  of  particular  hatred,  from  those 
who  most  hate  an  honourable  cause  in  which  he  is  engaged, 
may  wear  them  in  triumph  as  a  sanction  to  his  peculiar 
merits  in  that  cause.  But  the  merits  of  the  Count  are 
not  known  even  among  ourselves  in  their  fullest  extent ; 
because  many  are  ignorant,  as  it  is  proper  they  should  be, 
of  some  circumstances  in  which  they  appeared  to  the 
greatest  advantage.  Everybody  is  indeed  sensible  that 
under  the  auspices  of  his  prince  he  has  rendered  the  most 
important  service,  and  given  new  life  to  the  great  cause 
of  America;  but  every  one  is  not  a  sufficient  judge  of 
those  critical  moments,  and  adverse  accidents,  which  hu 
man  wisdom  cannot  foresee,  nor  human  power  control,  by 
which  great  talents  are  often  tried,  and  rendered  more 
illustrious  to  a  discerning  eye. 

The  Count  took  his  departure  from  Toulon  on  the  13th 
of  April  1778.  In  the  Mediterranean  he  was  encoun 
tered  with  such  contrary  winds  that  it  was  not  in  his 
power  to  pass  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar  till  the  17th  of 
May.  The  calms  and  light  winds  that  afterwards  attended 
him  on  the  ocean  prevented  the  arrival  of  his  fleet  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Eiver  Delaware  before  the  7th  of  July. 
After  having  chased  on  shore  the  "  Mermaid,"  an  English 
frigate  of  32  guns,  the  squadron  of  France  entered  that 
river,  which  is  full  of  shoals,  without  a  pilot ;  the  naviga 
tion  of  which  is  very  difficult,  even  to  the  people  of  this 
country.  The  Admiral  seized  the  first  moment  that  offered, 


D'ESTAING  ON  THE  COAST.  185 

to  acquaint  the  Congress  and  General  Washington  of  his 
arrival,  and  the  orders  he  had  received  from  the  king  his 
master  to  act  in  concert  with  the  force  of  the  United 
States  against  the  power  of  Britain.  Before  his  letter 
could  reach  that  respectable  body,  they  had  sent  an  ex 
press  to  him,  acquainting  him  with  the  advice  they  had 
received  from  Dr.  Franklin  and  Mr.  John  Adams,  depu 
ties  of  the  United  States  in  France,  that  an  English  squa 
dron  consisting  of  eleven  ships  of  the  line  had  sailed  from 
England  destined  for  these  coasts ;  and  at  the  same  time 
to  lay  before  him  a  list  of  the  British  naval  force  then 
assembled  at  New  York;  which  was  composed  of  five 
ships  of  64  guns :  one  of  70,  six  of  50,  two  of  44,  with  a 
number  of  frigates,  and  other  armed  vessels.  Advices  so 
important  and  so  well  authenticated,  must  have  greatly 
embarrassed  and  shook  an  ordinary  commander,  and  led 
him,  in  the  room  of  offensive  plans,  to  consult  for  his  own 
safety.  The  Count  paid  a  serious  attention  to  them,  and 
acted  his  part  with  prudence,  but  with  great  firmness. 
Before  he  received  these  advices  he  was  informed  that  the 
British  forces  had  evacuated  Philadelphia,  and  after  their 
defeat  at  Monmouth,  retired  to  New  York  where  their  fleet 
lay.  The  Count  determined  to  follow  them  there,  without 
waiting  even  for  a  fresh  supply  of  water,  —  much  wanted 
after  so  long  a  voyage,  —  or  for  those  refreshments  that 
were  become  necessary  to  the  health  of  his  men.  Having 
anchored  in  the  evening,  after  being  eighty-seven  days  at 
sea,  he  set  sail  again  the  next  morning,  despatching  at  the 
same  time  the  best  frigate  he  had  in  his  squadron  to 
convey  Monsieur  Gerard,  the  King's  Minister  Plenipoten 
tiary,  and  Mr.  Silas  Deane  to  Congress ;  who  might  other 
wise  have  been  in  danger  from  the  British  cruisers  then 
in  the  river.  A  pilot  taken  from  the  Delaware  had  prom 
ised  the  Admiral  that  he  would  convoy  his  squadron  into 


186  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

the  middle  of  the  Harbour  of  Sandy  Hook,  where  he  might 
easily  obtain  a  supply  of  fresh  water.  The  Count  in 
dulged  the  pleasing  hope  of  this ;  tho  he  knew  it 
would  bring  him  before  New  York,  and  the  whole  force 
of  Admiral  Howe,  already  collected  there.  But  the 
doubts,  the  fears,  the  mistakes  of  the  pilot,  before  he  had 
reached  Sandy  Hook,  and  finally  his  absolute  refusal  to 
perform  what  he  had  undertaken,  threw  the  Count  into 
an  embarrassment  more  easily  conceived  than  expressed. 
Not  a  person  had  come  to  him  from  the  shore,  —  that  part 
of  the  Jerseys  had  not  then  the  reputation  of  the  greatest 
zeal  for  the  common  cause;  nothing  presented  itself  to 
the  squadron  of  our  allies,  unacquainted  with  our  coasts, 
but  an  inaccessible  shore.  They  were  ignorant  how  far  the 
British  posts  which  they  saw  extended ;  these  posts  were 
supported  by  the  fleet  ranged  within  Sandy  Hook.  The 
Count,  too  humane  to  command  what  could  not  be  executed, 
perceived  it  necessary  to  reconnoitre  the  coast  in  his  own 
person.  For  this  purpose  he  threw  himself  into  a  small 
boat,  and  found  the  communication  of  the  river  of  Shrews 
bury  ;  the  navigation  of  which  was  so  extremely  difficult 
as  to  cost  him  an  officer,  many  sailors,  and  a  number  of 
boats,  and  to  bring  Col.  Laurens  into  the  most  imminent 
danger  of  being  drowned ;  who  was  charged  with  letters 
from  General  Washington,  and  who  proved  upon  this 
occasion  that  his  patriotism  and  his  courage  could  face 
the  dangers  of  the  sea  with  the  same  firmness  that  he  had 
met  the  enemies  of  his  country  in  the  field. 

The  quantity  of  water  and  other  refreshments  that  the 
fleet  of  France  could  obtain  in  so  difficult  and  hazardous 
a  situation  afforded  a  very  small  relief ;  but  while  there 
were  any  hopes  of  penetrating  to  the  ships  of  the  enemy 
the  general  officers  and  captains  of  the  squadron  bravely 
disregarded  the  dangers  of  their  stations,  —  a  station  where 


D'ESTAING  OFF  SANDY  HOOK.  187 

the  English  fleet  never  dared  to  remain ;  where  the  strong 
gales  constantly  blew  upon  the  shore,  and  by  burying  the 
isthmus  of  the  Hook  in  the  waves  would  almost  change 
it  into  an  island.  Both  officers  and  men  were  supported 
under  all  their  wants  and  all  the  fatigues  of  the  service 
by  the  hopes  of  delivering  America  from  the  tyranny  of 
the  British  flag.  The  pilots,  which  the  care  of  Cols. 
Laurens  and  Hamilton  had  at  length  procured  for  the 
Count,  being  called  together,  left  no  room  for  delusion. 
These  experienced  men  unanimously  declared  that  it  was 
impossible  for  the  squadron  to  enter.  In  vain  did  the 
Admiral  offer  them  an  uncommonly  large  and  generous 
reward;  they  gave  back  the  money  after  it  had  been 
counted  out  to  them,  and  convinced  him  that  the  condi 
tion  upon  which  it  was  offered  was  out  of  their  power. 

The  difficult  navagation  in  the  Eiver  Shrewsbury 
greatly  endangered  the  detachment  from  the  squadron 
that  was  on  shore.  The  communication  between  that  de 
tachment  and  the  fleet  was  sometimes  cut  off  for  whole 
days  together.  The  biscuits  for  four  months,  which  the 
ships  brought  from  France  was  now  consumed ;  their 
water  was  almost  spent ;  they  had  blocked  up  New  York 
and  the  British  squadron  there  eleven  days,  —  when  Gen 
eral  Washington,  authorized  by  Congress  to  concert  mili 
tary  measures  with  the  Count  D'Estaing,  between  whose 
sentiments  there  was  a  perfect  agreement,  pressed  the 
Count  to  repair  to  Newport,  the  garrison  of  which  was 
augmented  at  the  very  moment  when  many  conjectured 
it  would  have  left  the  place. 

Strong  signs  of  an  approaching  storm  obliged  the  Count 
to  weigh  anchor ;  so  that  he  must  have  left  this  hazardous 
station  had  not  the  expedition  against  Newport  engaged 
him  to  do  it.  The  fleet  experienced  all  that  anxiety  which 
must  be  supposed  to  possess  the  bosoms  of  men  who  find 


188  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

themselves  at  sea  with  a  very  insufficient  quantity  of 
water.  When  it  appeared  off  Point  Judith,  then  was  the 
favourable  moment  to  have  entered  Newport.  Accord 
ingly,  the  ships  were  in  order  for  this,  and  expecting  the 
pilots,  when  Genl  Sullivan  acquainted  the  Admiral  that  he 
was  not  prepared  to  act,  and  desired  the  attack  might  be 
suspended.  The  Count  did  not  hesitate  in  complying  with 
this  request,  —  tho  he  knew  that  it  is  a  capital  advantage 
in  naval  operations  to  surprise  an  enemy  by  the  celerity  of 
their  execution ;  that  a  delay  might  increase  the  obstacles 
to  their  design  and  afford  the  British  commanders  an  op- 
pertunity  of  burning  the  men-of-war  and  other  vessels, 
when  it  should  be  evident  they  were  become  useless  to 
themselves.  I  do  not,  however,  blame  Genl  Sullivan 
for  not  having  made  more  early  preparations ;  he  had 
done  all  on  his  part  that  time  and  circumstances  would 
permit,  and  is  allowed  to  be  an  active  as  well  as  a  brave 
officer.  The  Count  did  everything  that  could  indicate  his 
extreme  desire  to  accomplish  the  views  of  the  American 
general.  He  stood  upon  no  ceremonies ;  he  gave  him  a 
faithful  account  of  the  embarrassments  of  the  squadron, 
from  the  want  of  water  and  provisions,  and  acted  upon 
all  occasions  with  a  most  engaging  frankness  and  conde 
scension. 

The  attack  being  suspended,  the  Count  D'Estaing  took 
measures  to  make  himself  master  of  the  East  and  West 
passages  of  Conanicut  and  Rhode  Island.  The  "  Fan- 
tasque  "  and  the  "  Sagittaire  "  entered  the  latter,  and  obliged 
the  enemy  to  burn  the  "  Orpheus,"  the  "  Juno,"  and  the 
"  Lark,"  of  32  guns ;  the  "  Cerberus,"  of  28  ;  the  Brigan- 
tine  the  "  Pigot,"  and  two  transports.  At  the  same  time, 
the  frigates  "  L'Alcmene  "  and  "  L'Arniable,"  having  entered 
the  East  passage,  the  "  Kingfisher,"  of  20  guns,  the  "  Spit 
fire,"  of  10,  and  the  "  Lamb,"  of  6,  were  also  burnt. 


THE   FRENCH  FLEET  AT  NEWPORT.  189 

On  the  8th  of  August  the  French  squadron  entered 
Newport,  through  the  fire  of  all  its  batteries,  and  made 
preparations  for  landing  4000  men  to  act  in  conjunction 
with  the  troops  of  Genl  Sullivan,  when  the  enemy  set  fire 
to  the  "  Grand  Duke,"  a  ship  of  two  tier  and  sunk  before 
the  town,  the  "Flora,"  of  32  guns,  with  about  15  trans-' 
ports.  The  Britons  had  reason  to  regret  so  large  a  de 
struction  of  their  vessels.  On  the  9th,  Genl  Sullivan 
acquainted  the  Count  D'Estaing  that  the  enemy,  aston 
ished  by  his  entrance  into  Newport,  had  abandoned  their 
posts  on  the  north  part  of  Ehode  Island,  and  had  given 
him  an  opportunity  of  easily  landing  his  army  from  the 
Continent  in  that  quarter ;  and  that,  without  waiting  for 
the  day  that  had  been  agreed  upon,  he  had  already  made 
his  descent  upon  the  Island,  tho,  having  at  that  time  but 
2000  men  with  him,  he  should  want  immediate  aid. 

The  Count,  tho'  again  disappointed,  and  not  in  the 
most  favourable  situation  for  a  sudden  and  unexpected 
operation,  knowing  that  even  moments  are  to  be  improved 
in  war,  took  every  measure  instantly  for  the  service  of 
the  common  cause,  and  ordered  the  seamen  and  soldiers 
he  had  landed  on  Conanicut  to  follow  him  to  Eh :  Island. 
In  that  moment,  and  without  any  previous  intimation,  the 
fleet  of  Admiral  Howe  was  discovered  approaching  the 
harbour  of  Newport.  It  consisted  of  36  sail,  14  of 
which  were  of  2  tier  of  guns,  and  came  to  anchor  before 
R  Island.  This  arrival  answered  the  hopes  of  the 
enemy,  and  frustrated  the  enterprise  of  the  allies  against 
Newport.  The  zeal  of  the  Count  D'Estaing  to  accommo 
date  himself  to  the  disadvantageous  circumstances  of  this 
expedition,  which  he  could  not  avoid,  rendered  him  less 
prepared  for  such  an  event.  His  squadron  was  divided 
for  the  service  of  different  stations :  two  ships  of  the  line 
were  without ;  two  others  in  the  west  channel ;  three 


190  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

frigates,  which  were  all  he  then  had,  and  a  brigantine, 
were  at  a  distance  in  the  East  channel.  It  had  not  been 
in  his  power  to  fortify  the  Island  of  Conanicut  without 
disarming  his  ships.  This  island  was  an  advantageous 
post  that  the  British  Admiral  might  have  taken  posses 
sion  of  with  his  troops.  The  Count  must  then  have  found 
himself  between  two  fires  from  the  land,  to  one  or  other  of 
which  his  ships  would  have  been  greatly  exposed  at  a  time 
when  he  might  expect  to  combat  a  squadron  furnished  with 
bomb-vessels,  fireships,  and  everything  necessary  to  render 
it  vastly  superior  in  strength  to  his  own.  In  this  hazard 
ous  situation,  the  Count  and  his  officers,  without  complain 
ing  of  those  events  which  had  brought  them  into  it,  and 
which  certainly  could  not  be  imputed  to  them,  prepared 
with  alacrity  and  ardor  to  encounter  the  difficulties  with 
which  they  were  surrounded.  Fortunately,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  10th  of  August,  a  fresh  wind  from  the  North, 
which  rarely  happens  at  that  season,  gave  them  an  oppor 
tunity  to  go  out  and  meet  the  British  squadron.  Uncertain 
as  they  then  were  of  the  exact  force  of  this  squadron,  which 
had  been  joined  by  a  ship  of  74  guns  from  that  of  Admi 
ral  Byron,  and  which  they  had  reason  to  apprehend  was 
much  superior  to  their  own  ;  uncertain  whether  the  favour 
able  wind  might  not  change  and  leave  their  ships  exposed 
to  the  British  batteries,  which  had  wounded  them  in  their 
entrance,  they  were  determined  to  pursue  their  hopes  of 
coming  up  with  the  enemy.  Accordingly,  they  cut  their 
cables,  and  passed  in  a  single  defile  through  a  much  se 
verer  and  better  served  fire  than  the  former.  Admiral 
Howe  cut  his  own  cables,  also,  but  it  was  to  flee.  Every 
effort  was  made  by  the  French  Admiral  to  overtake  him ; 
and  on  the  llth,  when  the  Count  had  approached  the 
rear  of  the  British  fleet  and  was  preparing  to  attack  it, 
a  wind  arose  that  by  separating  the  two  squadrons  at 


D'ESTAING  SAILS  FOR  BOSTON.  191 

once  deprived  him  of  a  promised  victory,  and  America 
of  the  brightest  prospect  she  had  beheld  during  the  war. 

In  this  storm,  which  lasted  three  days,  the  Admiral's 
ship,  the  "  Languedoc,"  totally  dismasted  and  her  rudder 
broken,  found  herself  alone  upon  the  sea  and  reduced 
almost  to  an  immovable  mass.  The  "  Marseilles,"  of  74 
guns,  suffered  at  the  same  time  greatly,  tho'  not  equally 
with  the  "  Languedoc."  The  "  Cesar,"  of  the  same 
force,  was  also  separated  from  the  fleet,  and  had  a  severe 
and  bloody  engagement  with  a  British  man-of-war,  the 
fruits  of  which  she  was  prevented  from  reaping  by  the 
approach  of  several  ships  of  the  enemy.  Such  events  in 
naval  affairs  human  prudence  indeed  cannot  prevent,  but 
the  firmness  of  the  Count  D'Estaing  knew  how  to  support 
and  repair.  Having  collected  the  greater  part  of  his 
squadron,  the  necessity  of  immediately  making  for  some 
port  where  he  might  obtain  adequate  supplies,  and  his 
shattered  ship  be  repaired  in  the  best  and  most  expedi 
tious  manner,  appeared  indispensable.  This  could  not  be 
expected  at  Newport ;  Boston  was  upon  all  accounts  the 
most  convenient  place  for  such  a  purpose ;  and  to  that 
harbour  the  washes  of  the  whole  fleet  in  their  present  exi 
gencies  were  directed.  But  the  Count  D'Estaing  had  given 
his  word  to  return  to  Eh  ode  Island ;  and  was  desirous  to 
explain  to  our  forces  .there  the  situation  of  the  fleet  and 
the  measures  it  unavoidably  obliged  him  to  take.  He 
hoped  at  the  same  time  that  his  appearance  again  before 
Newport,  tho'  he  could  remain  there  but  a  very  short 
time,  might  disconcert  the  enemy,  and  facilitate  either  an 
immediate  attack  upon  the  place,  if  it  was  practicable,  or 
an  early  retreat  of  our  forces.  In  vain  was  it  suggested 
to  the  Count  that  such  a  step  could  be  of  no  important 
service  to  the  American  army,  and  would  only  increase 
the  difficulty  of  repairing  to  Boston.  In  vain  was  he 


192  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

reminded  that  part,  at  least,  and  probably  the  whole  of 
Byron's  fleet  had  arrived  on  these  coasts.  He  fulfilled 
his  word,  and  in  doing  so  he  performed  the  last  service  it 
was  in  his  power  to  render  to  the  Army  of  the  United 
States  employed  against  Newport.  Had  he  remained 
there,  from  the  vast  superiority  of  the  united  British 
squadron,  the  raising  the  siege  of  that  place  might 
have  been  accompanied  with  the  loss  of  his  whole  fleet. 
Upon  his  arrival  at  Boston,  such  was  his  condescension, 
such  his  zeal  for  the  common  cause,  that  he  offered  to 
go  with  his  handful  of  troops  and  serve  in  person  under 
General  Sullivan. 

The  uncommon  prudence  of  the  Count  D'Estaing  while 
he  remained  upon  these  coasts,  amidst  all  his  well-known 
courage  and  martial  fire,  happily  served  to  establish  and 
cultivate  the  new  alliance  at  a  very  critical  time.  It  em 
ployed  his  ships  in  the  best  manner,  and  for  the  most 
essential  services  that  circumstances  would  allow.  It 
brought  them  all  collected  to  these  shores,  after  a  long 
and  difficult  voyage,  while  those  of  Admiral  Byron  were 
scattered,  and  arrived  one  after  another.  It  conducted 
them  in  safety  through  many  dangers  upon  a  coast  new 
to  the  Count  and  his  officers,  and  on  which  the  Britons 
lost  the  "  St.  Alban  "  and  other  ships  of  importance.  It 
finally  eluded  Admiral  Byron,  who  with  a  superior  force 
watched  the  departure  of  the  French  fleet  to  the  West 
Indies,  and  without  being  able  to  give  it  the  least  disturb 
ance,  lost  the  "  Shrewsbury "  on  the  shore  of  Cape  Cod. 
Thus  did  the  vigilance  and  firmness  of  the  Count  D'Estaing, 
after  he  had  done  so  much  for  the  common  cause  in  this 
quarter,  preserve  his  squadron  for  the  most  important  ser 
vices  in  another.  Upon  these  I  do  not  mean  to  enter, 
confining  myself  to  those  performed  here  in  1778. 

The  very  sound  of  his  coming  to  our  aid  occasioned  the 


SERVICES   OF   D'ESTAING.  193 

evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British  army ;  his  pres 
ence  suspended  the  operation  of  a  vast  British  force  in 
these  States  by  sea  and  land ;  it  animated  our  own  efforts ; 
it  protected  our  coasts  and  navigation,  obliging  the  enemy 
to  keep  their  men-of-war  and  cruisers  collected,  and  facili 
tated  our  necessary  supplies  from  abroad.  By  drawing  the 
powerful  squadron  of  Admiral  Byron  to  these  seas,  it  gave 
security  to  the  Islands  of  France  in  the  West  Indies,  an 
equilibrium  to  her  naval  power  in  the  Channel,  and  a 
decided  superiority  in  the  Mediterranean.  These  services 
of  the  Count  D'Estaing,  however  his  subsequent  ones  may 
be  thought  to  surpass  them  in  brilliancy,  can  never  be 
forgotten  in  France  and  America;  the  annals  of  both 
nations  will  do  justice  to  them,  and  consecrate  to  fame 
the  distinguished  character  and  actions  of  this  great 
commander. 


13 


CHAPTEE  XL 

THE   AMERICAN   PRISONERS. 

THE  first  correspondence  in  regard  to  the  exchange  of 
Prisoners  is  well  known.     We  publish  it  again  that 
it  may  be  read  in   connection  with  papers   not   hitherto 
printed. 

The  Commissioners  to  Lord  Stormont. 

PARIS,  Feb.  23,  1777. 

MY  LORD,  —  Captain  Wickes  of  the  Eeprisal  frigate, 
belonging  to  the  United  States  of  America,  has  now  in  his 
hands  near  100  British  seamen,  prisoners.  He  desires 
to  know  whether  an  exchange  may  be  made  with  him 
for  an  equal  number  of  American  seamen,  now  prisoners 
in  England.  We  take  the  liberty  of  proposing  this  mat 
ter  to  your  lordship  and  of  requesting  your  opinion,  if 
there  is  no  impropriety  in  your  giving  it,  whether  such  an 
exchange  will  probably  be  agreed  to  by  your  court.  If 
your  people  cannot  be  soon  exchanged  here,  they  will  be 
sent  to  America. 

We  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc. 

Stormont  paid  no  attention  to  this  letter.  The  Commis 
sioners  did  not  entirely  give  up  the  hope  of  doing  some 
thing.  They  drafted  another  letter  to  Lord  Stormont,  but 
it  does  not  appear  that  it  was  ever  sent. 


COMMISSIONERS  TO   STORMONT.  195 

April,  1777. 
To  the  right  honourable  Lord  Stormont : 

SIR,  MY  LORD,  —  Our  last  letter,  to  which  we  have  not 
the  honor  of  your  answer,  was  on  the  subject  of  the  ex 
change  of  prisoners ;  we  conceive  it  must  be  the  wish  of 
every  friend  to  humanity  to  alleviate  as  far  as  possible  the 
calamities  of  war,  by  treating  those  who  have  the  misfor 
tune  to  be  made  prisoners,  agreeable  to  the  rules  established, 
and  generally  observed  by  civilized  nations ;  and  it  gives 
us  much  concern  to  find  that  many  of  the  subjects  of  the 
United  States  who  have  been  made  prisoners  of  war  by 
his  Britannic  Majesty's  forces  have  been  treated  in  a  man 
ner  which  is  inconsistent  with  those  rules,  and  unbecoming 
the  character  which  the  British  nation  hath  hitherto 
maintained.  Many  prisoners  taken  at  Quebec  and  on  the 
seas  have  been  cruelly  treated,  loaded  with  irons,  and 
after  suffering  the  severest  indignities  and  insults,  sent  to 
the  coast  of  Africa,  and  to  the  East  Indies,  to  wear  out 
life  in  servitude,  beyond  a  possibility  of  the  least  relief  or 
succor  from  their  families  and  friends.  We  are  far  from 
believing  that  His  Britannic  Majesty  or  his  Ministers  have 
ordered  or  will  countenance  such  a  cruel  mode  of  treating 
prisoners  of  war  as  must  not  only  justify  the  severest  retal 
iation,  but  render  it  necessary.  We  natter  ourselves  there 
fore  that  you  will  represent  this  conduct  to  your  court,  and 
use  your  influence  to  obtain  the  return  and  exchange  of 
those  unhappy  men,  and  to  prevent  such  treatment  of 
prisoners  hereafter  as  cannot  but  produce  the  most  dis 
agreeable  consequences.  We  attend  your  reply,  and 
meantime  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

Another  of  the  same  tenor  was,  however,  sent,  which 
Stormont  acknowledged  in  the  following  well-known 
words  :  "  The  King's  Ambassador  receives  no  applications 
from  rebels,  unless  they  come  to  implore  his  Majesty's 


196  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

mercy."  The  Commissioners,  justly  irate,  closed  the  cor 
respondence  by  returning  this  paper  to  him.  "  In  answer 
to  a  letter,"  they  wrote,  "  which  concerns  some  of  the  most 
material  interests  of  humanity,  and  of  the  two  nations, 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  of  America,  now  at 
war,  we  received  the  enclosed  indecent  paper,  as  coming 
from  your  Lordship,  which  we  return  for  your  Lordship's 
more  mature  consideration." 

It  is  not  surprising  that  the  English  did  not,  for  various 
reasons,  incline  at  this  period  to  treat  with  the  Commission 
ers  for  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  On  theoretical  grounds, 
rather  roughly  hinted  at  by  Lord  Stormont  in  his  concise 
epistle  already  quoted,  it  was  held  that  the  Americans  con 
fined  in  England  were  not  prisoners-of-war.  They  were 
every  one  of  them  confined  upon  a  writ  issued  by  some 
magistrate  for  high  treason,  and  while  they  were  held  as 
such  no  offers  for  a  cartel  could  succeed.  The  ministry 
were  not  at  present  inclined  to  allow  that  the  Americans 
had  a  right  to  be  treated  as  belligerents,  nor  that  prisoners 
made  from  them  could  stand  in  the  character  of  prisoners- 
of-war.  This  position,  it  now  goes  without  saying,  was  un 
tenable,  and  it  was  soon  abandoned.  The  Americans  were 
belligerents,  whether  they  were  recognized  as  a  nation  or 
not ;  and  the  view  that  the  American  prisoners  were  guilty 
of  high  treason  was  dropped.  On  practical  grounds,  too,  we 
may  imagine  that  the  British  did  not  see  the  wisdom  of  an 
exchange  at  this  moment.  They  had  their  prisoners  safe 
under  lock  and  key  at  Eorton  Prison,  Portsmouth,  and 
Mill  Prison  at  Plymouth.  As  their  ships-of-war  and  pri 
vate  armed  vessels  brought  in  captured  sailors,  they  turned 
them  at  once  into  a  safe  place,  where  they  would  do 
no  harm.  The  Americans,  on  the  other  hand,  made  their 
prisoners  at  sea,  and  brought  them  into  French  ports.  As 
long  as  they  kept  them  on  board  ship,  they  were  prisoners- 


THE  AMERICAN  PRISONERS.  197 

of-war ;  when  they  set  them  ashore,  they  were  no  longer 
so.  Now,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  Americans  could  not 
keep  more  than  a  very  small  number  of  prisoners  on  board 
their  ships,  and  the  French  would  by  no  means  permit 
them  to  be  lodged  on  shore.  The  only  thing  for  the 
Americans  to  do  with  them  was  to  exchange  them  or  to 
let  them  go.  Very  naturally,  under  these  conditions,  the 
first  of  these  alternatives  was  refused  them,  and  the  second 
was  accepted.  They  discharged  large  numbers  of  prisoners, 
—  usually  on  a  pledge  that  the  prisoner  discharged  would 
be  responsible  for  the  release  of  an  American  prisoner. 
The  British  Admiralty  naturally  refused  to  take  cognizance 
of  such  pledges,  and  the  British  seamen  were  practically 
set  free  with  no  equivalent.  This  seemed  very  hard  to 
Franklin,  but  it  was  nothing  more  than  the  fortune  of  war. 
But  as  soon  as  an  alliance  with  France  had  rendered  it 
possible  for  the  Americans  to  stow  their  prisoners  some 
where,  or  at  least  to  keep  them  safely,  with  more  ease  than 
when  their  cruisers  were  exposed  to  the  vigorous  surveil 
lance  of  the  neutral  power,  the  English  became  more  ready 
to  treat  on  the  subject.  We  shall  see  the  first  cartel-ship 
did  not  reach  France  till  a  whole  year  after  the  treaty,  but 
it  does  not  appear  that  this  delay  was  owing  to  other 
causes  than  are  usual  in  a  business  of  this  sort. 

There  were  not  very  many  of  these  prisoners,  —  less 
than  a  thousand,1  we  should  say,  —  but  they  made  a  good 
deal  of  stir,  and  form  an  important  element  in  Franklin's 

1  Franklin  states  the  number  to  have  been  410,  in  a  letter  dated  Feb.  13, 
1780.  Jones,  writing  in  Holland  in  November,  1779,  fixed  the  number  as 
about  500. 

To  this  we  must  add  100  exchanged  in  March,  1779,  100  exchanged 
in  August,  1779,  about  60  who  escaped  Sept.  7,  1778,  and  about  60  more 
who  escaped  with  Conyngham,  Nov.  3,  1779,  — which  would  give  730  as  a 
minimum  at  this  time.  Franklin,  in  a  letter  dated  Jan.  25,  1779,  says, 
"  It  seems  they  [the  English]  cannot  give  up  the  pleasure  of  having  at  the 


198  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

achievements  in  France.  "With  real  pity  for  the  sufferings 
of  these  men,  which  were  extreme,1  and  considering  prob 
ably  that  it  was  useless  to  apply  to  persons  in  power,  he 
wrote  to  Hartley  in  the  fall  of  1777,  stating  with  some 
warmth  the  plight  of  the  prisoners  and  asking  if  he  would 
not  take  into  his  hands  the  distribution  among  those  who 
needed  it  most  of  a  sum  of  money,  or  failing  that,  if  he 
would  not  engage  somebody  else  to  do  so ;  and  somewhat 
later  he  writes  :  — 

Having  received  no  answer  to  the  above  nor  to  another 
letter  sent  by  the  same  conveyance  to  another  person,  I 
conclude  they  have  miscarried;  and  we  have  requested 
the  bearer,  Mr.  Thornton,  to  visit  your  gaols,  and  bring 
us  a  true  account  of  the  situation  of  the  American  pris 
oners,  believing  it  too  much  to  request  of  you  during  the 
session  of  Parliament.  When  you  see  his  account,  you 
will  judge  in  what  manner  the  relief  I  requested  you  to 
make  can  best  be  given,  and  whether  you  can  make  any 
use  of  this  account  in  Parliament  favourable  to  these 

end  of  the  war  1000  Americans  to  hang  for  high  treason."  The  number 
was  probably  somewhere  between  the  two  figures. 

1  "As  to  the  prisoners  who  were  kept  in  England,  their  penury  and 
distress  was  undoubtedly  great  and  was  much  increased  by  the  fraud  and 
cruelty  of  those  who  were  entrusted  with  the  government  and  supply  of 
their  prisons.  For  these  persons,  who  indeed  never  had  any  orders  for  ill- 
treatment  of  the  prisoners  or  countenance  in  it,  having,  however,  not  been 
overlooked  with  the  utmost  vigilance,  besides  their  peculiar  prejudices  and 
natural  cruelty,  considered  their  offices  only  as  lucrative  jobs,  which  were 
created  merely  for  their  emolument.  Whether  there  was  not  some  exag 
geration,  as  usually  there  is,  in  these  accounts,  it  is  certain  that,  though 
the  subsistence  allowed  them  by  government  would  indeed  have  been 
sufficient,  if  honestly  administered,  to  have  sustained  human  nature,  in 
respect  to  the  mere  article  of  food,  yet  the  want  of  clothes,  firing,  and 
bedding,  with  all  the  other  various  articles  which  custom  or  nature  render 
conducive  to  health  and  comfort,  became  particularly  insupportable  in 
the  extremity  of  the  winter." — Annual  Register  for  1778,  p.  78. 


HARTLEY   ON  THE  PRISONERS.  199 

unhappy  people.  The  French  officers  among  them  are 
highly  exasperated,  and  are  daily  exasperating  their  coun 
try  by  their  representations  of  your  barbarity.  I  enclose 
you  a  little  specimen  that  has  been  communicated  to  me. 

Hartley,  ever  anxious  to  do  anything  which  might 
lessen  the  breach  between  the  two  countries,  which  he 
fondly  hoped  himself  to  help  heal,  was  willing  and  ready 
to  co-operate.  He  writes  Christmas-day,  1777:  — 

"  A  correspondence  set  on  foot  with  a  view  of  procuring 
relief  to  the  unfortunate  prisoners  on  each  side,  and  of 
setting  a  new  example  of  benevolence  in  the  world,  —  to 
civilize  even  the  laws  of  war  when  the  case  will  admit,  — 
is  not  only  irreproachable,  but  stands  in  the  highest  de 
gree  of  humanity  and  merit.  Such  a  proposition  recom 
mends  itself  to  a  reception  with  a  double  share  of  good 
will  and  alacrity,  not  only  for  the  humanity  of  the  im 
mediate  object,  the  softening  the  rigours  of  captivity,  but 
likewise  for  the  further  and  more  enlarged  view  of  conse 
quences  by  introducing  one  act  of  communication  between 
this  country  and  America  which  shall  not  be  a  matter  of 
exasperation.  Mutual  acts  of  generosity  and  benevolence 
may  soften  animosities,  and  by  disposing  the  respective 
parties  to  a  favourable  opinion  of  each  other,  may  contri 
bute  to  bring  forward  some  reasonable  plan  of  accommo 
dation.  Upon  these  views  and  principles  I  have  made 
application  to  Lord  North  that  the  two  parties  shall 
mutually  send  or  employ  a  commisary  to  take  care  of  the 
unfortunate  prisoners.  I  did  my  endeavour  to  recom 
mend  it  to  Government  as  a  national  act  of  generosity  and 
liberality,  to  be  avowed  as  such,  in  preference  to  any  pri 
vate  subscription  for  their  relief,  however  large  or  munifi 
cent,  from  a  full  conviction  (whatever  may  be  the  fate  of 


200  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

war)  that  acts  of  national  kindness  and  generosity  alone 
can  make  any  impression  upon  the  heart  of  America.  I 
am  now  expecting  with  anxiety  the  event  of  my  applica 
tion,  which  I  will  subjoin  to  this  as  soon  as  I  receive  it. 
Mr.  Thornton's  visit  to  the  prisoners  will  be  very  much 
to  your  satisfaction.  You  will  have  heard  of  a  very  large 
private  subscription  for  the  immediate  relief  of  the  pris 
oners,  which  does  honour  to  the  humanity  of  individuals. 
If  government  will  consent  to  the  proposed  permanent 
establishment  in  their  favour  I  shall  consider  it  as  an 
auspicious  omen." 

Later  in  the  winter  he  writes  again.  There  was  still 
no  talk  of  exchange ;  for  the  French  alliance  now  close  at 
hand  was  still  thought  far  off  by  the  administration,  and 
they  were  in  no  mind  to  give  up  the  advantages  which 
they  had  in  the  matter. 

GOLDEN  SQUARE,  February  3,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, —  The  enclosed  letters  will  explain  them 
selves.  Mr.  Wren  is  a  very  worthy  man  (I  believe  a 
dissenting  minister)  at  Portsmouth,  who  has  devoted  his 
attention  in  the  most  charitable  manner  towards  the  re 
lief  of  the  prisoners  at  Forton.  When  Mr.  Thornton  went 
to  Forton  I  advanced  him  £50,  according  to  your  desire. 
If  you  approve  the  continuance  of  his  plan,  I  can  easily 
transact  it  here  in  concurrence  with  Mr.  Wren.  I  sup 
pose  by  Mr.  Wren's  letters  that  the  whole  of  the  dinners 
may  come  to  4  or  5  guineas  a  week.  If,  therefore,  you 
will  transmit  100£  to  me  by  any  banker  or  merchant,  we 
shall  have  8  or  10  weeks  in  hand,  and  when  that  is  ex 
pended  I  will  transmit  to  you  the  account.  Mr.  Thorn 
ton's  visit  and  donation  to  the  poor  prisoners  was  most 
acceptable;  for  it  was  before  the  subscription  was  very 
popular,  and  gave  them,  I  believe,  about  40  or  50£.  In 


FRANKLIN  TO   HARTLEY.  201 

tobacco,  tea,  sugar,  &c.,  they  are  very  comfortably  appointed 
now.  I  will  write  again  soon ;  I  have  not  time  to  write 
more  by  this  packet,  but  I  cannot  quit  this  paper  without 
subjoining  one  earnest  caution  and  request.  Let  nothing 
ever  persuade  America  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms 
of  France.  Times  may  mend.  I  hope  they  will.  An 
American  must  always  be  a  stranger  in  France;  Great 
Britain  may  for  ages  to  come  be  their  home. 

Yours  most  affectly,  D.  H. 

This  letter  was  written  only  three  days  before  the 
Treaty  of  Alliance  was  signed,  and  some  time  after  the 
Treaty  of  Commerce  had  been  signed.  Neither,  however, 
had  been  acknowledged.  In  March  the  treaties  were 
publicly  acknowledged,  and  war  began  between  France  and 
England.  About  this  time  (April  29)  Hartley  visited 
Paris,  with  the  idea  of  talking  with  Franklin  on  the  topic 
of  Peace.  It  is,  however,  not  improbable  that  he  told 
Franklin  that  the  ministry  had  held  out  to  him  expecta 
tions  of  arranging  an  exchange  of  prisoners.  On  his  return 
the  following  correspondence  began :  — 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  May  25,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  glad  to  learn  by  the  newspapers  that 
you  got  safe  home,  where  I  hope  you  found  all  well. 

I  wish  to  know  whether  your  ministers  have  yet  come 
to  a  resolution  to  exchange  the  prisoners  they  hold  in 
England,  according  to  the  expectations  formerly  given  you. 
We  have  here  above  two  hundred,  who  are  confined  in  the 
"  Drake,"  where  they  must  be  kept,  as  we  have  not  the 
use  of  prisons  on  shore,  and  where  they  cannot  be  so 
conveniently  accommodated  as  we  could  wish.  But  as 
the  liberal  discharge  we  have  given  to  near  500  prisoners 


202  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

taken  on  your  coasts  has  wrought  no  disposition  to  similar 
returns,  we  shall  keep  these  and  all  we  take  hereafter, 
till  your  counsels  become  more  reasonable.  We  have  ac 
counts  from  the  Mill  Prison  at  Plymouth  that  our  people 
are  not  allowed  the  use  of  pen  and  ink,  nor  the  sight  of 
newspapers,  nor  the  conversation  of  friends.  Is  it  true  ? 

Be  so  good  as  to  mention  to  me  whether  the  two  little 
bills  I  gave  you  on  Nesbit  and  Yaughan  are  accepted  and 
paid,  and  the  sums  of  each,  as  I  have  omitted  to  make  a 
note  of  them.  Permit  me  to  repeat  my  thankful  acknowl 
edgements  for  the  very  humane  and  kind  part  you  have 
acted  in  this  affair.  If  I  thought  it  necessary  I  would 
pray  God  to  bless  you  for  it.  But  I  know  he  will  do  so 
without  my  prayers. 

Adieu,  and  believe  me  ever 

B.  F. 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

GOLDEN  SQUARE,  May  29,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, —  Yours  received  this  moment  of  the  25th 
instant  by  Mr.  Parker.  I  will  apply  for  the  exchange  of 
the  prisoners  without  delay  and  will  press  the  point  as 
much  as  I  can ;  which  in  truth  I  have  done  many  times 
since  I  saw  you,  but  official  departments  move  slowly 
here.  A  promise  of  5  months  is  yet  unperformed.  The 
enclosed  letters  came  to  me  but  yesterday,  though  they 
are  dated  April  7th.  Mr.  Wren  writ  me  that  several  of 
the  prisoners  have  similar  requests  to  make.  The  two 
bills  which  you  sent  me  were  upon  Nesbit  15£  15s.  Qd.t 
drawn  by  Win.  Parsons,  which  I  sent  to  my  banker,  and  he 
sent  me  for  answer  that  he  had  offered  the  bill  at  Nesbit's 
and  that  they  returned  for  answer,  "Ignoramus."  The 
other  bill  is  upon  Vaughan,  for  21£,  which  has  not  yet 
been  sent  for  acceptance. 


PROPOSED  EXCHANGE.  203 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

GOLDEN  SQUARE,  June  5,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  hope  we  shall  at  length  get  forward  with 
the  exchange  of  the  poor  prisoners  which  has  been  so 
many  months  in  negociation.  I  am  authorized  by  the  ad 
ministration  and  the  board  of'  Admiralty  to  make  the 
following  proposition :  That  you  should  send  to  me  the 
number  and  rank  of  the  prisoners  which  you  have  on 
your  side  to  deliver,  upon  which  an  equal  number  shall  be 
prepared  on  this  side  for  the  exchange.  It  is  proposed 
that  each  party  shall  send  their  prisoners  to  Calais,  and 
that  the  exchange  be  made  there.  The  port  of  Calais  is 
chosen  as  the  most  unexceptionable  for  the  admission  of 
an  English  ship  upon  such  an  occasion. 

Be  so  good  as  to  send  me  your  answer  upon  this  propo 
sition,  which  I  will  lay  before  the  Board  of  Admiralty,  and 
will  contribute  all  that  is  in  my  power  to  facilitate  the 
exchange. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  June  16th,  1778. 

SIR,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  5th  instant,  acquainting 
us  that  the  ministry  have  at  length  agreed  to  an  exchange 
of  prisoners.  We  shall  write  to  Captain  Jones  for  the 
list  required,  which  will  be  sent  you  as  soon  as  received. 
We  understand  there  are  at  least  two  hundred.  We  desire 
and  expect  that  the  number  of  ours  shall  be  taken  from 
Forton  and  Plymouth,  in  proportion  to  the  number  in  each 
place,  and  to  consist  of  those  who  have  been  longest  in 
confinement, — it  being  not  only  equitable  that  they  should 
be  first,  but  this  method  will  prevent  all  suspicions  that 
you  pick  out  the  worst  and  weakest  of  our  people,  to  give 
iu  exchange  for  your  good  ones.  If  you  think  proper  to 


204  FKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

clear  your  prisoners  at  once,  and  give  us  all  our  people, 
we  give  you  our  solemn  engagement,  which  we  are  sure 
will  be  punctually  executed,  to  deliver  to  Lord  Howe  in 
America,  or  to  his  order,  a  number  of  your  sailors  equal 
to  the  surplus,  as  soon  as  the  agreement  arrives  there. 

There  is  one  thing  more  which  we  desire  may  be  ob 
served.  We  shall  note  in  our  lists  the  names  and  num 
bers  of  those  taken  in  the  service  of  the  King,  distinguish 
ing  them  from  those  taken  in  the  merchant's  service  ;  that 
in  the  exchange  to  be  made  you  may  give  adequate  num 
ber  of  those  taken  in  the  service  of  the  States,  and  of  our 
merchants.  This  will  prevent  any  uneasiness  among  your 
navy  men  and  ours,  if  the  seamen  of  merchantmen  are 
exchanged  before  them.  As  it  will  be  very  troublesome 
and  expensive,  as  well  as  fatiguing  to  them,  to  march  our 
people  from  Brest  to  Calais,  we  may  endeavour  to  get 
leave  for  your  ship  to  come  to  the  road  of  Brest  to  re 
ceive  them  there ;  or,  if  that  cannot  be,  we  must  desire 
from  your  Admiralty  a  passport  for  the  ship  that  is  to 
convey  them  from  Brest  to  Calais.  If  you  have  any  of 
our  people  still  prisoners  on  board  your  ships  of  war,  we 
request  they  may  be  put  into  the  prisons,  to  take  their 
chance  of  exchange  with  the  rest. 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

GOLDEN  SQUARE,  July  10,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  only  write  you  one  line  just  to  tell  you 
that  I  have  received  no  answer  yet  from  the  Admiralty 
relative  to  yours  of  June  the  164?1  I  have  applied  sev 
eral  times,  but  I  suppose  they  are  employed  about  other 
matters.  You  may  be  assured  that  no  reiteration  shall  be 
wanting  on  my  side,  but  I  cannot  command  an  answer. 
The  affair  which  happened  off  Brest  and  its  consequences 
has,  I  presume,  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Admiralty. 


PROPOSALS  FOR  A  CARTEL.          205 

I  shall  do  my  best  to  obtain  all  the  objects  mentioned  in 
yours  of  the  16th.  I  wish  it  may  be  with  success.  I 
shall  write  again  to  you  soon.  Believe  me  always  to  be 
a  friend  to  Peace  and  to  the  rights  of  mankind,  and  most 
affectionately  yours. 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

GOLDEN  SQUARE,  July  11,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  the  following  answers  to  make  to. 
you  from  the  Board  of  Admiralty  in  relation  to  yours  of 
the  16th  June.  The  Prisoners  to  be  exchanged  from  hence 
will  be  taken  from  Forton  and  Plymouth  in  proportion  to 
their  numbers  in  each  place,  and  to  consist  of  those  who 
have  been  the  longest  in  confinement.  As  to  the  distinc 
tion  of  the  seamen  taken  in  the  merchant  service  or  in  the 
service  of  the  States  of  America,  there  is  no  such  distinction 
in  the  prisons  of  Forton  and  Plymouth.  They  are  all  de 
tained  there  under  commitments  from  some  Magistrate  as 
for  High  Treason ;  therefore  no  other  distinction  can  be  fol 
lowed  in  their  exchange  but  seniority  as  to  their  confine 
ment.  As  to  the  passport  for  the  ship  which  is  to  convoy 
the  prisoners  from  Brest  to  Calais,  I  am  authorized  to  say 
that  it  will  be  granted,  if  you  will  give  me  assurance  that 
our  ship  going  to  Calais  shall  have  free  entrance  without 
molestation  and  free  [blank]  with  the  Prisoners  in  ex 
change.  There  is  but  one  point  more  in  yours  which  I 
have  not  yet  proposed  to  the  Board  of  Admiralty,  viz., 
the  general  clearing  of  our  Prisons  at  once,  upon  your 
engagement  to  deliver  an  'equal  number  in  America  to 
the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Navy  or  his  order.  I 
shall  recommend  this  step  very  strongly  to  the  Board, 
and  for  that  reason  I  chose  to  make  it  a  separate  propo 
sition,  and  not  to  embarrass  it  with  other  details.  I  have 
several  times  proposed  such  a  step  to  different  members 


206  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

of  the  administration,  long  before  you  made  it  as  a  request 
to  me.  I  shall  now  make  a  written  proposition  of  it  in 
form. 

To  a  letter  of  14th  July  (a  copy  of  the  above),  is  added : 

I  wish  everything  that  may  tend  to  soften  the  minds 
of  the  parties  to  each  other  to  procure  peace.  You  know 
the  terms  I  would  recommend.  I  am  convinced  that  the 
people  of  the  two  countries  are  not  alienated  from  each 
other,  and  in  my  opinion  nothing  could  be  a  compensation 
to  either  of  them  if  they  should  ever  become  so.  I  will 
never  remit  the  utmost  of  my  poor  endeavours  to  restore 
peace. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  July  13,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Inclosed  is  the  list  of  our  prisoners,  which 
by  an  accident  was  long  in  coming  to  us.  There  are  supposed 
to  be  about  15  more  remaining  in  the  hospital,  whose  names 
we  have  not  yet  obtained,  and  about  as  many  who  being 
recovered  of  their  wounds  have  been  suffered  to  go  home 
to  England.  If  you  continue  in  the  opinion  of  making 
the  exchange  at  Calais,  you  will  send  us  the  papers  neces 
sary  to  secure  the  vessel  that  shall  transport  the  men 
from  the  ports  where  they  are  to  that  place  against  cap 
ture;  as  the  marching  them  thither  would  be  attended 
with  great  inconveniences,  and  many  of  them  might  desert 
on  the  way,  from  an  apprehension  of  being  put  on  board 
men  of  war  on  their  arrival  in  England. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Sept.  14,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  now  send  you  the  passport  required.  I 
postponed  answering  your  last  in  hopes  of  obtaining  it 


ARRANGEMENTS  FOR  A  CARTEL.        207 

sooner,  but  tho'  it  was  long  since  agreed  to,  much  busi 
ness  in  the  Admiralty  Department  here  has,  I  suppose, 
occasioned  its  delay.  The  port  of  Calais  was  not  approved 
of,  and  I  think  the  ports  mentioned  (Nantes  or  L'Orient) 
are  better  for  you  as  well  as  for  us,  not  only  as  being 
nearer  to  Plymouth,  but  as  many  of  your  sailors  would 
probably  have  found  opportunities  of  deserting  in  the 
long  march  from  Brest  to  Calais,  they  being  afraid  of  the 
press.  I  understand  that  upwards  of  80  more  of  your 
people  have  been  brought  by  ours  prisoners  into  France 
since  the  list  I  sent  you,  but  I  cannot  now  send  you  their 
names.  You  have  not  mentioned  whether  the  proposition 
of  sending  us  the  whole  of  those  in  your  prisons  was  agreed 
to.  If  it  is,  you  may  rely  on  our  sending  immediately  all 
that  come  to  our  hands  for  the  future ;  or  we  will  give 
you  your  option,  an  order  for  the  balance  to  be  delivered 
to  your  fleet  in  America.  By  putting  a  little  confidence 
in  one  another,  we  may  thus  dimmish  the  miseries  of  war. 
To  make  the  expense  of  these  exchanges  more  equal,  if 
another  cartel  ship  should  be  hereafter  necessary,  we 
hereby  promise  to  send  to  England  at  our  charge ;  and 
so  it  may  continue  to  be  done  alternately  as  long  as  the 
war  continues. 

The  affair  hung  fire  in  the  most  vexatious  manner. 
Franklin  had  hoped  to  make  a  general  clearance  of  the 
prisons  before  winter.  He  wrote,  as  follows,  to  some  pris 
oners  in  answer  to  a  letter  he  received  from  them :  — 

PASSY,  September  19,  1778. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  Altho'  we  have  not  written  to  you 
directly  for  some  time,  you  may  be  assured  we  have  not 
been  unmindful  of  your  interests,  your  comfort,  or  your 
liberty.  We  have  been  engaged  a  long  time  in  negotiating 


208  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

a  cartel  of  exchange.  This  work  we  found  to  be  attended 
with  many  difficulties,  but  at  last  have  obtained  assurances 
from  England  that  an  exchange  shall  take  place.  We 
have  also  obtained,  from  the  government  of  this  kingdom, 
a  passport  for  a  vessel  to  come  from  England  to  Nantes  or 
L'Orient,  with  American  prisoners,  then  to  take  in  English 
prisoners  in  exchange.  We  now  sincerely  hope  that  you 
will  obtain  your  liberty.  We  cannot  certainly  say,  how 
ever,  that  all  shall  be  immediately  exchanged,  because  we 
fear  we  have  not  an  equal  number  to  send  to  England ; 
those  to  remain,  if  any,  will  be  those  who  have  been  the 
latest  in  captivity  and  consequently  have  suffered  the 
least. 

While  the  British  Government  refused  to  make  agree 
ment  of  exchange,  the  Commissioners  here  never  discour 
aged  their  countrymen  from  escaping  from  the  prisons  in 
England,1  but  on  the  contrary,  have  lent  small  sums  of 
money,  sufficient  with  great  economy  to  bear  their  expenses 
to  some  seaport,  to  such  as  have  made  their  way  hither. 
But  if  the  British  government  should  honourably  keep  to 
their  agreement  to  make  regular  exchanges,  we  shall  not 
think  it  consistent  with  the  honor  of  the  United  States  to 
encourage  such  escapes,  or  to  give  any  assistance  to  such 
as  shall  escape.  Such  escapes  hereafter  would  have  a 
tendency  to  excite  the  British  administration  to  depart 
from  the  cartel,  to  treat  the  prisoners  that  remain  with 
more  rigour,  and  to  punish  those  that  escape,  if  re-taken, 
with  more  severity. 

On  the  other  hand,  we  have  now  obtained  permission  of 
this  government  to  put  all  British  prisoners,  whether 
taken  by  Continental  frigates  or  by  privateers,  into  the 
King's  prisons ;  and  we  are  determined  to  treat  such  pris- 

1  On  the  7th  of  September  fifty-seven  of  the  prisoners  had  escaped 
from  Forton.  — Annual  Register  for  1778,  p.  200. 


THE   AMERICAN  PRISONERS.  209 

oners  precisely  as  our  countrymen  are  treated  in  England, 
to  give  them  the  same  allowance  of  provisions  and  accom 
modations  and  no  other.  We  therefore  request  you  to 
inform  us  with  exactness  what  your  allowance  is  from 
government,  that  we  may  govern  ourselves  accordingly. 

We   have   the   honour   to  be  with  much  respect  and 
affection, 

Your  countrymen  and  very  humble  servants. 

To  the  American  Prisoners  in  Forton,  Plymouth, 
or  elsewhere  in  Great  Britain. 

He  received  the  following  letter  from  Forton :  — 

FORTON  PRISON  (GOSPORT),  Oof  2d,  1778. 

SIR, —  Having  been  buoyed  up  with  the  hopes  of  an 
exchange  for  six  or  seven  months,  we  began  to  surmise 
the  reason  why  it  was  so  long  delayed  was  owing  to 
a  non-conformity  on  the  part  of  the  British  Ministry. 
Yet  they  disclaim  the  charge,  alledging  that  they  have  com- 
plyed  with  every  requisite  on  their  part,  and  that  the  com 
pletion  of  it  rests  wholly  with  you ;  yet,  as  we  put  no 
great  confidence  in  them,  we  wish  to  hear  the  truth  from 
yourself,  which  will  give  us  infinite  satisfaction.  The  re 
membrance  of  our  sufferings  last  winter  not  being  yet 
erased  from  our  minds,  raises  great  anxieties  in  us  as  the 
ensuing  winter  approaches.  We  wish  not  to  be  continued 
another  winter,  if  terms  for  our  relief  can  be  accommo 
dated.  We,  the  subscribers,  are  therefore  commissioned 
by  the  rest  of  our  brother  prisoners  (officers  and  men)  in 
the  name  and  behalf  of  the  whole  to  address  you  on  this 
(to  us)  very  interesting  subject,  humbly  begging  a  speedy 
and  official  answer,  as  also  your  speady  interposition  if  any 
thing  can  be  done  to  relieve  us  from  our  most  disagreeable 
situation. 

14 


210  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

In  the  greatest  confidence  of  your  favour,  we  have  the 
honour  to  subscribe  ourselves  your  most  obed*  hble  servts., 

LT.  COL.  WINBERT. 
JOSEPH  LUNT. 
EDWAKD  MACKELLAR. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Oct.  20,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  9th  instant 
with  a  copy  of  the  letter  from  the  Admiralty  Office,  rela 
tive  to  the  proposed  exchange  of  prisoners,  in  which  the 
precise  number  of  those  we  have  here  is  desired.  I  cannot 
at  present  give  it  you,  they  being  disposed  in  different 
ports ;  and  indeed  it  will  always  be  difficult  to  be  precise 
in  it,  the  number  continually  changing  by  new  prisoners 
brought  in,  and  some  escaping.  I  think  the  list  I  formerly 
sent  you  was  near  200  [N.  B.  (by  Hartley).  In  July  they 
were  about  258  and  some  mast  men],  —  according  to  the 
list  then  sent,  which  I  transmitted  to  the  Admiralty  in  July 
last ;  since  which,  sixty  odd  have  been  brought  into  France 
from  the  North  Seas  by  Capt.  McNeil,  and  some  by 
others  of  our  cruisers ;  and  I  just  now  hear  that  we  have 
near  an  hundred  more  in  Spain,  taken  by  one  of  our  priva 
teers  in  two  New  York  packets,  one  going  thither,  the  other 
returning,  88  of  which  are  officers  of  your  army.  I  wish 
their  Lordships  could  have  seen  it  well  to  exchange  upon 
account;  but  though  they  may  not  think  it  safe  trusting 
to  us,  we  shall  make  no  difficulty  in  trusting  to  them. 
And  to  expedite  the  exchange,  and  save  the  time  that  ob 
taining  a  correct  list  would  require,  w*e  make  this  proposi 
tion,  —  that  if  their  Lordships  will  send  us  over  250  of  our 
people,  we  will  deliver  all  we  have  in  France.  If  the 
number  we  have  falls  short  of  the  250,  the  cartel-ship 


FRANKLIN  AND   HARTLEY.  211 

may  take  back  as  many  of  those  she  brings  as  the  defi 
ciency  amounts  to,  delivering  no  more  than  she  receives. 
If  our  number  exceeds  the  250,  we  will  deliver  them  all 
nevertheless,  their  Lordships  promising  to  send  us  imme 
diately,  a  number  equal  to  the  surplus.  We  would  thus 
wish  to  commence,  by  this  first  advance,  that  mutual  con 
fidence  which  it  would  be  for  the  good  of  mankind  that 
nations  should  maintain  honourably  with  each  other,  tho 
engaged  in  war.  I  hope  this  will  remove  all  obstructions 
to  a  speedy  completion  of  the  business,  as  the  winter  ap 
proaches,  and  the  poor  prisoners  on  both  sides  may  suffer 
in  it  extremely. 

Franldin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Nov.  29,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  heard  nothing  from  you  lately  con 
cerning  the  exchange  of  the  prisoners.  Is  that  affair 
dropt?  Winter  is  corning  on  apace.  I  understand  that 
your  charitable  contribution  is  near  expended,  and  not 
likely  to  be  renewed.  Many  of  those  unfortunate  people 
must  suffer  greatly.  I  wish  to  have  a  line  from  you,  in 
forming  me  what  may  be  depended  on.  I  am  as  ever, 

B.  R 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

LONDON,  Dec.  10,  1778. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND, — I  reed  two  days  ago  notice  of 
the  admiralty  that  the  last  terms  which  I  transmitted 
from  you  were  accepted  and  agreed  to,  and  that  his 
Majesty  had  consented.  I  was  likewise  told  that  I  might 
expect  in  a  few  days  to  receive  special  notice  of  the  place 
and  time  of  the  exchange.  As  soon  as  I  receive  any  such 
notice,  I  will  not  delay  a  moment  in  advertising  you.  I 
hear,  as  you  do,  that  the  subscription  for  the  prisoners  is 


212  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

nearly  exhausted.  I  have  had  several  interviews  with  the 
Gentlemen  who  have  had  the  management  of  that  subscrip 
tion  and  I  have  pressed  very  strongly  upon  the  renewal, 
notwithstanding  the  present  prospect  of  exchanges,  as 
more  prisoners  may  come  or  unexpected  delays  may 
happen. 

Yours  affectly,  D.  H. 

P.  S.     Sometimes  I  write  longer  letters  than  this. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Jan.  25,  1779. 

DEAK  SIR,  —  la  long  time  believed  that  your  govern 
ment  were  in  earnest  in  agreeing  to  an  exchange  of  pris 
oners.  I  begin  now  to  think  I  was  mistaken.  It  seems 
they  cannot  give  up  the  pleasing  idea  of  having  at  the  end 
of  the  war  1000  Americans  to  hang  for  high  treason. 
You  were  also  long  of  opinion  that  the  animosity  against 
America  was  not  national  or  general;  but  having  seen  the 
exterminating  proclamation  of  the  Commissioners  approved 
by  King,  Lords,  and  Commons,  and  that  not  attended 
with  any  marks  of  popular  disapprobation,  perhaps  you 
too  begin  to  think  you  were  mistaken.  I  thank  you  for 
writing  those  excellent  letters  to  your  constituents.  I  like 
all  but  your  reflections  against  the  King  of  France  for 
assisting  us.  In  my  mind,  the  coining  to  the  relief  of  an 
innocent  people  under  the  bloody  oppression  your  minis 
ters  were  exercising  over  them,  and  exposing  himself  and 
nation  to  a  war  on  their  account,  was  not  only  what  any 
prince  had  a  right  to  do  for  the  sake  of  common  humanity, 
but  was  a  magnanimous  and  heroic  action,  that  is  admired 
at  present  by  the  wise  and  good  through  all  Europe/  and 
will  hand  his  name  down  with  glory  to  posterity.  Our 
different  ways  of  thinking  in  this  particular  will  not, 


FRANKLIN   AND   HARTLEY.  213 

however,  diminish  our  private  friendship,  nor  impair  the 
sentiments  of  sincere  esteem  and  respect  with  which  I  am 
ever,  dear  sir, 

Yours,  B.  F. 

Franklin  to  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Feb.  22,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  received  your  favor  of  Jany  23,  con 
taining  the  answer  you  had  received  from  the  board  of 
sick  and  hurt,  in  which  they  say  they  are  taking  measures 
for  the  immediate  sending  to  France  the  number  of 
Americans  first  proposed  to  be  changed,  etc.  I  have 
heard  nothing  since  of  the  measures  taken.  The  prison 
ers  grow  more  and  more  uneasy  with  us.  They  are  told 
that  we  neglect  them.  We  sent  the  passport  required  in 
September  last.  We  were  soon  after  assured  that  a  trans 
port  was  actually  taken  up  and  victualled  for  100  men,  to 
be  sent  to  France  with  so  many  prisoners.  That  vessel 
has  never  appeared.  We  rely'd  on  the  agreement  to  ex 
change,  and  the  promise  of  doing  it  speedily.  And  we 
advised  our  people  thereupon  not  to  attempt  escapes. 
We  seem  to  have  been  deceived  or  trifled  with :  but  per 
haps  it  is  rather  owing  to  the  multiplicity  of  business  the 
board  has  on  its  hands,  and  your  important  occupations 
not  permitting  you  to  follow  it  with  such  frequent  solici 
tations  as  are  necessary  to  keep  up  its  attention  to  this 
particular  affair.  I  have  therefore  thought  of  sending 
over  a  person  for  that  purpose,  impowering  him  to  stipu 
late  in  my  behalf  what  may  be  proper  to  remove  little  ob 
stacles  readily,  without  the  delay  attending  letters.  By 
this  means  I  would  save  you  some  of  that  trouble  which 
your  goodness  and  humanity  might  otherwise  continue 
to  lead  you  into.  I  would  only  desire  you  at  present  to 


214  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

procure  a  safe  conduct  for  the  person ;  his  name  is  Edward 
Bancroft.  He  is  a  gentleman  of  character  and  honour,  who 
will  punctually  observe  such  restrictions  respecting  his 
conduct  when  in  England  as  it  may  be  thought  reasonable 
to  lay  him  under.  If  this  is  or  is  not  obtainable  I  beg 
you  will  signify  it  by  a  line  directed  for  him  at  M.  Le- 
veauxs,  Merchant  in  Calais ;  and  that  as  soon  as  possible, 
that  he  may  not  be  fruitlessly  detained  long  there  in  ex 
pectation  of  it. 

This  proposal  to  send  Dr.  Bancroft  would  have,  without 
doubt,  much  facilitated  matters.  The  method  of  exchange 
by  means  of  commissaries  is,  we  believe,  generally  in  use 
to-day.  But  Hartley  seems  to  'have  entirely  misconceived 
the  object.  As  we  understand  it,  Bancroft  was  to  reside 
at  London  as  commissary  for  the  American  Government, 
who  might  obviate  the  difficulties  naturally  experienced 
in  continually  sending  over  to  Paris  on  every  point.  But 
Hartley  imagined  that  Bancroft's  mission  was  merely  to 
superintend  the  actual  exchange ;  and  rightly  enough  con 
ceived  that  so  simple  a  business  needed  no  especial  super 
intendence.  So  he  wrote  to  Bancroft  to  that  effect,  and 
also  to  Franklin. 

Hartley  to  Franklin. 

LONDON,  March  30,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR, —  Yours  of  March  21st  received.  I  have  in 
my  own  private  thoughts  been  very  much  displeased  with 
the  affair  of  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  I  had,  before  the 
receipt  of  yours,  made  some  strong  remonstrances  upon 
the  subject,  and  yesterday  I  went  again  to  the  Admiralty 
with  my  complaints.  Mr.  Stephens,  the  Secretary,  did 
assure  me,  upon  his  honor,  that  the  delays  had  been  una 
voidable  ;  that  the  transport  was  beat  back  twice  or  I 


THE   CARTEL   SHIP   ARRIVES.  215 

think  three  times,  between  the  Downs  and  Plymouth; 
that  so  far  from  any  wish  of  delay,  they  had  appointed  a 
lieutenant  to  command  the  cartel  ship  and  not  a  trading 
owner,  who  might  be  tempted  to  make  a  job  of  delay. 
He  gave  me  such  full  assurances  of  the  intentions  of 
government  that  I  really  hope  they  mean  to  proceed  with 
the  quickest  dispatch.  You  may  be  assured  I  will  do 
everything  in  my  power  to  press  them  on.  Every  inci 
dent,  both  great  and  small,  'concur,  in  my  opinion,  to 
make  peace  most  desirable.  I  know  full  well  that  our 
wishes  are  in  perfect  unison,  and  I  assure  you  that  my 
thoughts  and  labours  are  constantly  employed  upon  that 
subject.  If  any  favourable  moment  should  happen,  even 
of  any  chance  of  talking  about  peace,  I  am  constantly 
upon  the  watch.  The  principles  alone  upon  which  I 
shall  act  (if  ever  I  should  have  the  opportunity  of  putting 
my  good  wishes  into  action)  are  confidence,  certainty, 
national  safety,  and  honour. 

P.  S.  The  following  note  just  this  moment  received 
from  the  Admiralty :  — 

"Mr.  Stephens  presents  compts  to  Mr.  Hartley,  and 
acquaints  him  that  the  Milford  Cartel  ship  sailed  the 
25th  instant  from  Plymouth  with  American  prisoners 
for  France." 

The  prisoners  arrived  in  due  course  and  were  acknowl 
edged  in  a  postscript1  to  one  of  Franklin's  letters  to 
Hartley. 

"  The  first  cargo  of  prisoners  is  arrived  and  exchanged ; 
I  have  not  heard  that  the  Milford  is  sailed.  There  have 
been  abundance  of  high  winds  lately  which  perhaps  have 

1  "Which  Mr.  Sparks  curiously  enough  left  un printed,  though  he  printed 
the  letter.  See  vol.  viii.  p.  345. 


216  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

prevented.  Accept  my  thanks  for  your  unwearied  pains 
in  that  affair.  Let  me  know,  if  you  can,  whether  it  is  in 
tended  to  send  another  hundred  immediately.  In  that 
case  I  would  assemble  from  the  different  prisons  those 
who  are  to  be  returned  for  them  that  the  cartel  ship  may 
find  them  ready,  and  not  be  obliged  to  wait  for  them. 
We  have  still  a  greater  number  in  Spain. 

"  P.  S.  I  suppose  the  mpney  put  into  your  hands  for 
the  prisoners  is  expended.  Please  to  let  me  know ;  and 
also  inform  me  whether  two  small  bills  I  gave  you  were 
ever  paid." 


CHAPTER  XII. 

HARTLEY'S  DESIRES  FOR  PEACE. 

T^RANKLIN  and  the  United  States  had  in  the  English 
r  Parliament  throughout  the  Revolutionary  War,  at 
least  one  sturdy  friend,  who,  had  his  powers  been  equal 
to  his  desires,  would  have  performed  wonders  in  behalf  of 
the  rebellious  Colonies.  The  name  of  David  Hartley  is 
familiar  to  all  readers  of  Franklin's  letters  of  this  period, 
as  one  who,  through  good  and  bad  report,  was  ever  ready 
and  willing  to  lend  his  aid,  such  as  it  was,  to  any  efforts 
that  might  be  on  foot  for  a  reconciliation  between  the  two 
parties  of  the  "  most  unnatural  war,"  as  he  himself  alludes 
to  the  struggle.  He  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  one  of 
Franklin's  old  friends  in  London,  and  the  reader  will  re 
member  that  it  was  through  his  efforts  that  some  end  was 
reached  in  the  business  of  exchanging  those  wretched 
Americans  who  were  languishing  in  Forton  and  Mill 
prisons.  But  Hartley,  as  is  well  known,  was  not  one 
of  the  leading  powers  in  Parliament.  On  the  whole  iden 
tified  with  the  opposition,  yet  upon  fair  terms  with  Lord 
North  and  the  ministry,  he  could  have  been  listened  to 
with  pleasure  by  neither,  if  we  may  judge  of  his  eloquence 
from  the  snatches  of  speeches  which  are  preserved  for  us 
in  the  lively  pages  of  Hansard,  or  from  the  innumerable 
and  lengthy  letters  with  which  he  favored  the  American 
Minister  at  Paris.  Hartley  was  decidedly  not  one  of  those 
who  have  the  God-given  faculty  to  be  a  leader  of  men ; 


218  FKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

but  what  he  could  do  he  was  willing  and  eager  to  perform. 
And  after  Franklin  had  been  in  France  no  very  great  time, 
after  Burgoyne's  defeat  and  during  the  negotiations  for  the 
French  Treaty,  he  thought  that  it  would  be  not  impossible 
that  some  accommodation  might  be  reached.  . 

"  You  know,"  he  writes,  "  that  from  the  beginning  of 
these  unfortunate  disputes  I  have  always  kept  my  eye 
upon  every  possible  change  of  reconciliation  and  peace. 
I  have  wished  to  have  had  some  specific  propositions  from 
America.  It  has  been  a  great  argument  against  all  propo 
sitions  which  have  been  made  in  Parliament, '  How  do  we 
know  that  if  we  were  content  to  receive  such  or  such 
propositions  upon  your  recommendation,  that  America 
would  accede  to  them?  What  assurances  on  that  head 
can  you  give  ? '  The  objection  has  weakened  the  effect  of 
proposals  for  peace  even  in  the  minds  of  many  people  who 
were  well  disposed,  and  who  would  perhaps  have  stretched 
a  point  if  they  could  have  been  assured  of  peace  in  conse 
quence.  The  events  of  war  do  so  affect  the  claims  and 
pretensions  of  parties  that  we  lose  every  fixed  point.  Dum 
loquimur  tempus  fugit.  We  should  therefore  settle  some 
point  of  departure.  Even  in  the  buying  of  an  horse,  if  all 
things  are  afloat,  a  man  does  not  know  himself  what  he 
would  give  or  what  to  offer ;  but  if  a  price  is  fixed,  the 
difficulty  is  reduced  to  the  difference  between  the  buyer 
and  the  seller.  If  I  stretch  a  point,  I  shall  have  the  finest 
horse  in  the  country.  I  know  his  pedigree  to  be  good,  and 
why  should  I  let  him  go  into  the  hands  of  a  stranger  who 
would  neither  know  his  value  nor  use  him  well  ?  I  can 
easily  suppose  that  objections  may  occur  to  making  ex 
plicitly  the  first  propositions.  So  it  is  in  all  treaties  ;  but 
still  there  may  be  found  reasonable  and  impartial  people 
to  conceive  something  like  the  terms  that  the  parties 
might  meet  upon  in  the  nature  of  preliminaries.  Perhaps 


HARTLEY   DESIRES  A   CONFERENCE.  219 

a  friend  might  suggest  a  proposition,  to  lay  a  foundation  in 
good-will,  even  previous  to  preliminaries,  viz.,  that  when 
ever  or  whatever  terms  are  finally  settled,  it  shall  be 
understood  that  the  two  countries  shall  always  be  mutu 
ally  naturalized,  that  every  person  born  in  either  country 
shall  be  considered  as  a  natural  born  subject  throughout 
Great  Britain  and  America,  as  before  the  troubles.  If 
preliminaries  could  be  so  far  adjusted  as  once  to  settle  a 
suspension  of  hostilities,  there  still  are  strong  marks  left 
of  a  secret  lurking  affection  between  the  parties,  which 
might  smoothen  the  way  to  a  full  and  final  accommoda 
tion.  If  the  points  of  independence  and  of  the  commer 
cial  system  could  be  accorded  between  the  parties,  as 
preliminaries  in  the  gross,  I  should  hope  that  all  minute 
points  might  be  easily  and  amicably  adjusted. 

"  It  frequently  happens  between  contending  parties  that, 
meaning  the  same  thing,  they  lose  their  object  from  want 
of  understanding  each  other.  Let  them  have  a  talk  to 
gether.  There  is  no  risque  in  the  case ;  if  they  fail,  they 
are  but  where  they  were ;  while  they  keep  aloof  and  shy, 
they  can  have  no  idea  how  the  first  concession  on  either 
side  would  open  the  heart  of  the  other.  If  it  comes  to 
a  parly,  common  friends  may  easily  join  their  hands. 

"  There  was  a  time  when  America  wished  nothing  in 
consistent  with  the  dignity  and  wellfare  of  the  state  from 
which  they  derive  their  origin.  I  hope  the  same  disposi 
tions  still  continue.  Some  events  which  have  recently 
happened  give  a  very  high  idea  of  their  national  character. 
The  present  hour  is  very  important.  Perhaps  you  may 
have  seen  in  the  public  papers  that  we  are  to  expect  some 
propositions  to  settle  the  troubles  in  America.  Nothing  is 
yet  known  with  respect  to  these  propositions.  But  if  any 
idea  of  the  dispositions  of  the  other  side  could  be  con 
veyed  in  trust,  some  material  good  towards  the  great 


220  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

object  of  peace  might  result,  if  the  difference  (supposing 
any)  should  be  thought  surmountable.  The  ballance  must, 
in  my  opinion,  be  very  great  between  the  scales  if  peace, 
thrown  in  on  either  side,  would  not  make  the  other  kick 
the  beam,  more  especially  if  fundamentals  can  be  once 
settled.  The  constancy  of  your  attention  to  every  chance 
of  procuring  peace  and  of  forwarding  the  cause  of  human 
ity  will  always  ensure  to  so  respectable  a  character  the 
truest  regard  and  affection  from  their  friends.  This  conies 
from  a  sincere  friend  of  peace  and  of  peacemakers,  and 
much  yours." 

We  have  no  direct  answer  from  Franklin  to  this  note. 
He  was,  perhaps,  busier  than  Hartley.  At  any  rate,  we 
generally  find  three  letters  of  the  Englishman  to  one  of 
the  American.  As  a  rule,  however,  Franklin's  one  letter 
is  better  reading  than  all  three  of  Hartley's  put  together. 
Hartley  was,  we  grieve  to  say,  an  intolerable  proser. 
Later,  however,  Franklin  did  write. 

PASSY,  Feb.  1,  1778. 

MY  DEAR  OLD  FRIEND, — You  desired  that  if  I  had  no 
propositions  to  make,  I  would  at  least  give  advice.  I  think 
it  is  Ariosto  who  says  that  all  things  lost  on  earth  are  to 
be  found  in  the  moon ;  on  which  somebody  remarked  that 
there  must  be  a  great  deal  of  good  advice  in  the  moon. 
If  so,  there  is  amongst  it  a  good  deal  of  mine,  formerly 
given  and  lost  in  this  business.  I  will,  however,  at  your 
request,  give  a  little  more,  but  without  the  expectation 
that  it  will  be  followed ;  for  none  but  God  can,  at  the 
same  time,  give  good  counsel,  and  wisdom  to  make  use 
of  it. 

You  have  lost  by  this  mad  war,  and  the  barbarity  with 
which  it  has  been  carried  on,  not  only  the  government  and 


FRANKLIN  GIVES   ADVICE.  221 

commerce  of  America,  and  the  public  revenues  and  private 
wealth  arising  from  that  commerce,  but  what  is  more, 
you  have  lost  the  esteem,  respect,  friendship,  and  affection 
of  all  that  great  and  growing  people ;  who  consider  you  at 
present,  and  whose  posterity  will  consider  you,  as  the 
worst  and  wickedest  nation  upon  earth.  A  peace  you  may 
undoubtedly  obtain  by  dropping  all  your  pretensions  to 
govern  us ;  and  by  your  superior  skill  in  huckstering 
negotiation,  you  may  possibly  make  such  an  apparently 
advantageous  treaty  as  shall  be  applauded  in  your  Parlia 
ment.  But  if  you  do  not,  with  the  peace,  recover  the 
affections  of  that  people,  it  will  not  be  a  lasting  nor  a 
profitable  one ;  nor  will  it  afford  you  any  part  of  that 
strength  which  you  once  had  by  your  union  with  them, 
and  might,  if  you  had  been  wise  enough  to  take  advice, 
have  still  retained. 

To  recover  their  respect  and  affection,  you  must  tread 
back  the  steps  you  have  taken.  Instead  of  honouring  and 
rewarding  the  American  advisers  and  promoters  of  this 
war,  you  should  disgrace  them,  with  all  those  who  have 
inflamed  the  nation  against  America,  and  all  the  ministers 
and  generals  who  have  prosecuted  the  war  with  such 
inhumanity.  This  would  show  a  national  change  of  dis 
position,  or  a  disapprobation  of  what  had  passed. 

In  proposing  terms,  you  should  not  only  grant  such  as 
the  necessity  of  your  affairs  may  evidently  oblige  you  to 
grant,  but  such  additional  ones  as  may  show  your  gen 
erosity,  and  thereby  demonstrate  your  good-will.  For 
instance,  perhaps  you  might  by  your  treaty  retain  all 
Canada,  Nova  Scotia,  and  the  Floridas.  But  if  you  would 
have  a  real  friendly,  as  well  as  able  ally  in  America,  and 
avoid  occasions  of  future  discord  which  will  otherwise  be 
continually  arising  on  your  American  frontiers,  you  should 
throw  in  those  countries ;  and  you  may  call  it,  if  you 


222  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

please,  an  indemnification  for  the  needless  and  cruel  burn 
ing  of  their  towns ;  which  indemnification  will  otherwise 
be  sometime  or  other  demanded. 

I  know  your  people   cannot   see   the  utility  of   such 
measures,  and  will  never  follow  them.     I  have,  however, 
complied  with  your  desire,  and  am,  as  ever, 
Your  affectionate  friend, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

At  the  very  time  of  the  signing  of  the  Treaty  of 
Alliance,  before  the  rumor  of  it  had  reached  London,  the 
ministry  had  resolved  upon  schemes  of  conciliation.  On 
the  17th  of  February  Lord  North  brought  in  his  two  bills, 
one  declaratory  regarding  taxation,  and  the  other  appoint 
ing  commissioners,  with  considerable  powers,  to  treat  with 
Congress,  the  provincial  assemblies,  Washington,  and 
others.  The  scheme  was  received  with  jeers  from  the 
opposition,  and  with  dejection  by  Lord  North's  own  sup 
porters.  But  Hartley  determined  to  make  the  best  of  it. 
He  wrote  the  next  day  to  Franklin  :  • — 

LONDON,  Feb.  18,  1778. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  I  hope  in  God  that  no  fatal  step  is 
yet  taken  between  America  and  the  Court  of  France1 
which  will  defeat  the  hope  of  a  reunion  between  Great 
Britain  and  America.  I  told  you  that  better  times  would 
come.  They  are  come.  I  hardly  can  describe  to  you  the 
substance  of  what  passed  in  the  house  of  commons  last 
night.  Lord  North  laid  before  the  house  an  explanation 
of  his  propositions,  in  which  he  has  done  justice  to  those 
dispositions  for  peace  and  for  a  settlement  of  America 
which  he  expressed  in  the  course  of  a  negotiation  upon  a 

1  The  treaties  between  France  and  America  were  signed  on  the  6th  of 
this  same  month. 


LORD  NORTH'S  OPINIONS.  223 

subordinate  point  (I  mean  the  affair  of  the  prisoners). 
There  are  no  specific  propositions  before  the  house,  but 
only  his  explanation  of  the  intent  of  two  bills  which  are 
to  be  brought  in.  One  of  the  bills  is  expressly  to  relin 
quish  the  Parliamentary  taxation.  The  other  is  to  appoint 
Commissioners  to  treat  with  any  persons  whatsoever  and 
upon  any  topics.  I  think  we  understood  that  they  are  to 
be,  or  in  effect  at  least  to  be,  plenipotentiaries.  In  short, 
if  the  bill  corresponds  to  what  has  been  announced,  it  will 
give  full  powers  to  the  Commissioners  for  a  cessation  of 
hostilities,  treaty,  pe'ace,  and  perpetual  union  with  America. 
The  order  for  bringing  the  bill  passed,  nemine  contradicente. 
I  hope  in  God  that  it  is  not  come  too  late.  In  my  opinion, 
I  do  attribute  in  a  great  degree  the  present  change  of 
measure  in  Lord  North  to  the  effect^of  your  wise  and 
temperate  counsels  and  of  your  friendly,  I  must  add  your 
magnanimous,  affection  to  this  country,  which  were  con 
veyed  to  him  on  a  late  occasion.  He  was  possessed  of  a 
very  high  opinion  and  respect  for  your  person  and  charac 
ter,  and  so  I  found  him  upon  the  opening  of  our  conferences. 
But  when  I  expressed  to  him  the  reality  of  your  character, 
and  that  you  had  stood  in  the  gap  to  prevent  the  rupture 
to  the  very  last  point  of  defence,  and  that  the  only  hopes 
of  peace  rested  upon  your  prudent  and  temperate  manage 
ment,  the  manner  of  his  communication  with  me  was 
totally  altered  to  a  full  and  friendly  confidence.  He  al 
lowed  me  to  read  to  him  my  letter  to  you  of  the  25th  of 
Deer.,  which  Mr.  Thornton  brought  over  to  you.  He  gave 
me  full  assurances  that  I  should  not.be  interrupted  in  any 
correspondence  with  you.  He  told  me  thajt:*-!  could  not 
serve  my  country  more  essentially  than  by  cultivating 
every  intercourse  that  might  forward  peace.  He  expressed 
his  full  approbation  of  my  going  to  Paris  to  have  a  con 
ference  with  you.  In  short,  in  everything  he  expressed 


224  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

the  sincerest  dispositions  towards  Peace,  and  by  his  conduct 
yesterday  he  has  avowed  them  to  the  public.  If  it  be  still 
in  your  power  to  [blank]  the  fatal  act  of  final  separation, 
I  am  confident  that  peace  is  now  practicable.  If  this  be 
still  in  your  power,  I  know  no  sentiment  of  the  heart  that 
can  rival  the  reward  due  to  yours.  That  good  old  man 
may  compose  his  heart  to  a  blessed  rest  who  leaves  behind 
him  peace  to  his  country  and  to  mankind. 

Acting  on  this  permission  of  Lord  North's,  Hartley 
visited  Franklin.  He  arrived  on  Sunday,  the  19th,  and 
seems  to  have  stayed  until  the  next  Thursday.  He  was 
instructed  to  ask  whether  America  would  not,  to  obtain 
peace,  grant  some  superior  advantages  to  Britain  and  enter 
into  an  alliance  offensive  and  defensive ;  arid  also,  should 
war  be  declared  against  France,  if  we  had  obliged  ourselves 
to  join  her  against  England.  Unfortunately,  conversation 
is  not  preserved  for  us  as  are  letters.  We  have  no  record 
of  what  was  said  by  him  or  by  Franklin ;  but  it  is  im 
probable  that  anything  passed  of  importance.  Franklin, 
if  we  can  judge  from  the  tone  of  his  letters,  was  by  no 
means  willing  to  withdraw  a  foot  from  his  standpoint, — 
the  moment  being  as  it  was  the  very  time  of  the  whole 
war  (before  Yorktown)  when  it  seemed  most  probable  that 
America,  with  the  aid  of  her  two  allies,  France  and  Time, 
would  be  able  to  make  her  own  terms  of  peace. 

John  Adams,  however,  considered  Hartley  as  a  spy,  and 
Franklin  himself  wrote  to  Vergennes  that  he  should  avoid 
such  interviews  in  the  future.  He  thought  they  were 
liable  to  misrepresentation,  and  that  they  were  evidently 
intended  to  make  a  breach  between  France  and  America. 
Vergennes  thanked  him  for  this  loyalty. 

On  his  return  Hartley  formulated  his  ideas  as  to  terms 
in  one  or  two  letters :  — 


HARTLEY'S  VIEWS.  225 

LONDON,  May  15,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  send  you  the  heads  of  negotiation  which 
have  occurred  to  me  as  the  most  probable  foundations  for 
peace.  What  the  opinions  or  plans  of  other  persons  may 
be,  I  do  not  know;  but  the  enclosed  are  the  principles 
which  I  would  recommend,  if  my  recommendation  might 
have  any  effect. 

That  America  should  be  declared  independent. 

That  Great  Britain  and  America  shall  engage  mutually 
not  to  enter  into  any  treaty  offensive  to  each  other. 

That  an  open  and  free  trade  shall  be  established  between 
Great  Britain  and  North  America. 

That  a  mutual  naturalization  shall  be  established  be 
tween  G.  B.  and  N.  A. 

That  a  federal  alliance  shall  be  negotiated  between 
G.  B.  and  N.  A.,  by  persons  authorized  for  that  purpose  to 
treat  with  the  Congress  in  America. 

And  later  on  he  writes,  after  remarking  that  the  unsatis 
factory  answers  to  the  Commissioners  have  not  been  sur 
prising  on  the  whole,  — 

I  remember  a  phrase  of  yours  in  a  letter  some  time 
ago,  that  a  little  time  given  for  cooling,  on  both  sides,  would 
have  excellent  effects.  I  always  did,  and  do  still,  agree 
with  this  sentiment;  and  if  I  were  to  mediate  between 
the  two  countries,  it  should  be  upon  a  principle  con 
formable  to  that  sentiment.  My  first  proposition  should 
be,— 

To  withdraw  all  the  fleets  and  armies. 

2dly.  To  proclaim  a  cessation  of  all  hostilities,  both  by 
sea  and  land,  for  5  years. 

3dly.   All   prisoners   on   either  side   to   be   discharged 

immediately. 

15 


226  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

4th.  A  free  and  open  trade,  without  any  molestation  on 
either  side  whatever. 

5thly.  All  mutual  intercourse  and  mutual  naturalization 
to  be  restored  as  formerly  between  Great  Britain  and 
North  America. 

6thly.  A  treaty  of  peace,  alliance,  and  commerce  to  be 
negotiated  between  the  two  countries. 

In  answer  to  Hartley's  views  upon  this  topic,  Franklin 
sent  the  following  :  — 

PASSY,  Sep.  3,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  duly  your  favours  of  July  14 
and  August  14.  I  hoped  to  have  answered  them  sooner 
by  sending  the  passport.  Multiplicity  of  business  has,  I 
suppose,  been  the  only  occasion  of  delay  in  the  Ministers 
to  consider  of  and  make  out  the  said  passport.  I  hope 
now  soon  to  have  it,  as  I  do  not  find  there  is  any  objection 
made  to  it.  In  a  former  letter  I  proposed  to  you  that  the 
exchange  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  preferable  at  or  near 
Brest,  and  I  expected  some  time  your  answer  on  that 
point.  But  perhaps  you  have  not  received  my  letter  ;  you 
say  nothing  of  it. 

I  wish  with  you  as  much  for  the  restoration  of  Peace 
as  we  both  formerly  did  for  the  continuance  of  it.  But  it 
must  now  be  a  peace  of  a  different  kind.  I  was  fond  to 
a  folly  of  our  British  connections,  and  it  was  with  infinite 
regret  that  I  saw  the  necessity  you  would  force  us  into  of 
breaking  it.  But  the  extreme  cruelty  with  which  we  have 
been  treated  has  now  extinguished  every  thought  of  re 
turning  to  it,  and  separated  us  for  ever.  You  have  thereby 
lost  limbs  that  will  never  grow  again. 

We,  too,  have  suffered  greatly ;  but  our  losses  will  soon 
be  repaired  by  our  good  government,  our  industry,  and  the 
fertility  of  our  country.  And  we  now  see  the  mischievous 


FRANKLIN'S  FAREWELL  TO  ENGLAND.  227 

consequences  of  such  a  connection,  and  the  danger  of  their 
being  repeated  if  we  should  be  weak  enough  to  enter  into 
it ;  we  see  this  to  plainly  ever  to  listen  in  the  least  to 
any  such  proposition.  We  may  therefore,  with  great  pro 
priety,  take  leave  of  you  in  those  beautiful  lines  of  Dante 
to  the  late  mistress  of  his  affections.1 

1  Exactly  the  lines  which  Franklin  meant  can  only  be  conjectured,  for 
he  did  not  append  them  to  the  draft  of  this  letter.  They  may  be  those 
which  Longfellow  has  translated:  — 

"  Thou  from  a  slave  hast  brought  me  into  freedom, 
By  all  those  ways,  by  all  the  expedients, 
Whereby  thou  hadst  the  power  of  doing  it." 


CHAPTER  XIII. 
1778. 

THE  arrival  of  Mr.  John  Adams  on  the  8th  of  April, 
1778,  introduced  a  new  element  into  American  affairs 
in  Paris.  It  may  be  said,  indeed,  that  Mr.  Adams's  ap 
pearance  anywhere  generally  added  vivacity  to  the  enter 
tainment  ;  and  his  stay  in  Paris  for  the  interesting  though 
not  very  eventful  year  before  he  returned  to  America,  is 
no  exception  to  that  remark.  Arthur  Lee  was  running 
backwards  and  forwards  as  the  year  went  by,  and  always 
made  as  much  mischief  as  was  possible  for  a  man  who 
was  conceited,  honest,  and  half  crazy.  Mr.  Adams's  nar 
rative  and  his  letters  give  a  most  interesting  and  valuable 
account  of  the  period  of  his  stay  in  France.  Eager  to  be 
of  use  to  his  country,  he  took  measures  to  provide  the 
journals  of  France  arid  other  countries  with  information 
favorable  to  the  American  interests.  He  studied  French 
assiduously,  and  soon  became  able  to  join  intelligently 
in  conversation  with  his  French  friends.  He  generally 
speaks  of  Franklin  with  respect,  but  for  the  showy  French 
admiration  of  Franklin  he  had  the  amused  contempt  not 
unnatural  for  a  New  Englander ;  and  in  some  passages  he 
does  not  conceal  his  impression  that  Franklin  was  carried 
away  by  a  love  of  admiration  and  flattery.1  His  sharp 

1  "That  he  was  a  great  genius,  a  great  wit,  a  great  humorist,  a  great 
satirist,  and  a  great  politician,  is  certain.  That  he  was  a  great  philosopher, 
a  great  moralist,  and  a  great  statesman,  is  more  questionable."  This  was 
written  late  in  Mr.  Adams's  life,  and  the  word  "philosopher"  is  to  be 
taken  in  its  more  modern  meaning  as  a  student  of  intellectual  philosophy. 


JOHN  ADAMS  ON  FRANKLIN.  229 

letter  to  Samuel  Adams,  written  in  the  summer  of  this 
year,  has  been  often  printed.  Like  much  of  what  he 
wrote,  it  contains  expressions  colored  more  or  less  by  the 
prejudice  of  the  moment,  yet  John  Adams  was  well  enough 
satisfied  with  it  to  cite  it  in  his  own  digest  of  his  journal, 
when  he  revised  that  journal  in  his  later  years.  This 
letter  was  a  public  document,  and  as  such  it  was  printed  by 
Sparks  in  the  "Diplomatic  Correspondence."  A  private 
letter  of  December  in  the  same  year  is  more  explicit. 

John  Adams  to  Samuel  Adams. 

PARTS,  Dec.  7,  1778. 

The  other  [B.  Franklin]  you  know  personally,  and  that 
he  loves  his  Ease,  hates  to  offend,  and  seldom  gives  any 
opinion  till  obliged  to  do  it.  I  know  also,  and  it  is  necessary 
that  you  should  be  informed,  that  he  is  overwhelmed  with 
a  correspondence  from  all  quarters,  most  of  them  upon 
trifling  subjects  and  in  a  more  trifling  style,  with  unmean 
ing  visits  from  Multitudes  of  People,  chiefly  from  the 
Vanity  of  having  it  to  say  that  they  have  seen  him. 
There  is  another  thing  which  I  am  obliged  to  mention. 
There  are  so  many  private  families,  Ladies,  and  gentlemen 
that  he  visits  so  often,  —  and  they  are  so  fond  of  him,  that 
he  cannot  well  avoid  it,  —  and  so  much  intercourse  with 
Academicians,  that  all  these  things  together  keep  his 
mind  in  a  constant  state  of  dissipation.  If  indeed  you 
take  out  of  his  hand  the  Public  Treasury  and  the  direction 
of  the  Frigates  and  Continental  vessels  that  are  sent  here, 

When  Mr.  Adams  was  crossing  the  ocean  with  Marbois,  he  wrote  of  Frank 
lin,  "He  is  a  great  philosopher,  but  as  a  legislator  of  America  he  has 
done  very  little."  And  again,  "  I  said  that  Mr.  Franklin  had  great  merit 
as  a  philosopher,  his  discoveries  in  electricity  were  very  grand,  and  he 
certainly  was  a  great  genius,  and  had  great  merit  in  our  American  affairs." 
Here  the  word  "philosopher"  is  used  as  we  might  use  "physicist"  or 
"man  of  science." 


230  FRANKLIN  IN  FKANCE. 

and  all  Commercial  affairs,  and  entrust  them  to  Persons 
to  be  appointed  by  Congress,  at  Nantes  and  Bourdeaux,  I 
should  think  it  would  be  best  to  have  him  here  alone 
with  such  a  Secretary  as  you  can  confide  in.  But  if  he  is 
left  here  alone  even  with  such  a  Secretary,  and  all  mari 
time  and  Commercial  as  well  as  political  affairs  and  money 
matters  are  left  in  his  Hands,  I  am  persuaded  that  France 
and  America  will  both  have  Reason  to  repent  it.  He  is 
not  only  so  indolent  that  Business  will  be  neglected,  but 
you  know  that  although  he  has  as  determined  a  soul  as 
any  man,  yet  it  is  his  constant  Policy  never  to  say  "  yes  " 
or  "  no  "  decidedly  but  when  he  cannot  avoid  it.  ... 

Mr.  Adams  had  been  appointed  as  the  successor  to  Mr. 
Deane,  who  was  recalled  to  America  by  a  resolution  of 
Congress,  passed  November  21, 1777,  which  he  received  in 
March,  1778.  Franklin  sent  to  the  President  of  Congress 
a  letter  by  him,  in  which  he  said,  "  No  reasons  being 
given  that  have  yet  appeared  here,  it  [the  recall]  is  appre 
hended  to  be  the  effect  of  some  representations  from  an 
enemy  or  two  at  Paris  and  at  Nantes."  Franklin  then 
passed  a  very  honorable  testimony  to  him  as  a  "  faithful, 
active,  and  able  minister."  To  Deane  himself  he  wrote  in 
a  letter  well  known  in  the  controversy  which  followed,  — 
a  letter  which  any  man  might  be  proud  to  leave  to  his 
children.  Vergennes  wrote  to  him  a  similar  letter  and 
sent  him  the  portrait  of  the  King.  Deane  came  home  in 
the  Languedoc,  the  flagship  of  D'Estaing,  with  him.  On 
leaving  France  he  wrote  to  Franklin  the  following  letter : 

Silas  Deane  to  Franklin. 

Aix,  April  8,  1778. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  find  that  I  shall  have  little  time  to 
spare,  and  can  therefore  only  inform  you  that  we  arrived 


DEANE   TO   FRANKLIN.  231 

here  the  6th  without  accident, —  our  Friend,  the  day  after; 
and  that  we  hope  to  go  forward  in  two  or  three  days. 
The  greateful  sense  which  I  retain  of  the  many  civilities 
shewn  me  by  our  friends  at  Paris  and  at  Passy  makes  me 
regret  my  having  been  obliged  to  set  out  without  bidding 
them  adieu  in  person.  Permit  me,  therefore,  to  ask  you, 
as  you  often  see  them,  to  make  my  apology  at  a  proper 
time  for  what  may  otherways  appear  uncivil  in  me.  I 
wish  it  in  particular  to  the  Due  de  Eochefaucault,  to 
Made  La  Duchesse  d'Anville,  Mons.  Turgot,  and  Mons. 
Francia.  You  must  excuse  my  giving  you  this  trouble,  as 
I  cannot  be  willing  to  have  them  think  me  wanting  in 
that  respect  which  is  their  due  and  which  I  shall  ever 
retain  for  them. 

Accept,  my  venerable  friend,  my  warmest  thanks  for 
the  friendship  and  confidence  you  have  honoured  me 
with  from  the  first  of  our  acquaintance,  and  for  the  honor 
able  testimony  you  have  given  of  me  to  the  Congress. 
Disagreeable  as  it  is  to  have  enemies,  I  must  consider  it, 
on  the  whole,  as  the  most  fortunate  circumstance  of  my 
life ;  since  by  their  means  my  countrymen  and  posterity 
will  know  that  you  were  my  friend,  and  that  the  part  I 
acted  in  the  important  station  I  had  the  honor  of  being 
placed  in  with  you  had  your  approbation.  I  can  never 
while  I  live  cease  to  wish  for  the  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  my  country,  and  that  your  life  and  health  may  be  con 
tinued  to  you  for  a  long  time  to  come,  that  you  may  have 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  and  enjoying  the  fruits  of  your 
labours  for  our  common  country.  Be  pleased  to  present 
my  compliments  to  your  son.  I  have  the  honor  to  remain, 
with  the  greatest  respect  and  esteem,  Dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obed*  and  very  hum1  Serv*, 

S.  DEANE. 


232  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

We  are  able  to  contribute  to  the  discussion,  which  can 
not  be  said  to  be  yet  closed,  as  to  the  wisdom  of  Mr. 
Deane's  course  in  France,  the  following  letter  from  Mr. 
Adams  himself  to  a  correspondent  in  Nantes,  and  also  a 
letter  from  him  to  James  Lovell,  in  Philadelphia.  They 
are  as  honorable  to  Mr.  Adams  as  they  are  on  the  whole 
creditable  to  Mr.  Deane. 

John  Adams  to  William  McCreary. 

PASSI,  Sept.  25,  1778. 

If  I  had  been  strongly  against  Mr.  Deane,  I  should 
certainly  avow  it  and  make  no  secret  of  it  at  all.  I  have 
never  been  used  to  disguise  my  sentiments  of  Men  whom 
I  have  been  against  in  public  Life,  and  I  certainly  should 
not  begin  with  Mr.  Deane,  who  is  not  and  never  was  a 
Man  of  Importance  enough  to  make  me  deviate  from  a 
Eule  that  I  have  observed  all  my  life,  vizt.,  when  obliged 
to  be  a  Man's  Enemy,  to  be  openly  and  generously  so. 

John  Adams  to  James  Lovell. 

PASSI,  Sept.  26,  1778. 

In  a  letter  from  Mr.  Simeon  Deane  to  his  Brother, 
genuine  or  forged  I  know  not,  it  is  said  that  the  two 
A s  are  strongly  against  you.  The  Members  of  Con 
gress  who  were  with  me  any  Time  knew  very  well  that  I 
have  been  for  him.  They  also  knew  very  well  that  some 
Instances  of  his  Conduct  were  very  mysterious  to  me,  and 
that,  as  then  informed,  I  disapproved  them ;  but  I  believe 
no  body  knows  any  one  Member  of  Congress  who  did 
approve  them,  at  least  I  don't  recollect  one,  altho  all 
treated  him  and  his  Character  with  great  tenderness.  I 
mean  his  extravagant  Contracts  with  foreign  officers,  made 
without  the  least  Authority,  —  made,  indeed,  at  a  time 
when  he  had  no  Commission  from  Congress.  The  letter- 


LETTER  FROM  JOHN  ADAMS.  233 

writer  says  he  knew  not  to  what  lengths  the  two  A s 

intend  to  push  their  "  Factions."  I  don't  know  what  he 
means  by  their  Factions,  but  I  suppose  they  would  pursue 
their  Integrity  and  their  Duty  to  their  Constituents  so  far 
as  to  vote  for  Mr.  Deans  settling  his  accounts,  either  with 
Congress,  or  somebody  appointed  by  Congress. 

Mr.  Adams's  own  views,  as  they  develop  from  time  to 
time,  on  the  quarrels  in  the  American  colony  may  be 
gathered  from  the  following  letters  to  Mr.  McCreary :  — 

John  Adams  to  William  McCreary. 

PASSI,  May  14,  1778. 

The  Gentleman  you  allude  to,  I  hope  has  been  more 
upon  his  Guard,  because  from  a  long  Acquaintance  with 
his  Character  and  Conduct,  I  know  he  has  Abilities  and 
Merit,  and  from  all  that  I  have  seen  of  him  here,  I  am 
convinced  that  he  is  actuated  by  great  zeal  and  Anxiety 
for  the  public  good.  A  fatal  Misunderstanding  between 
some  characters  of  importance  has  given  rise  to  Reflections 
upon  each  other's  Conduct  that  must  have  hurt  the  Repu- 
tation  of  our  Country.  The  Gentleman  you  allude  to 
thinks  that  our  affairs  have  been  Mismanaged,  and  the 
public  Interest  imprudently  dissipated,  and  that  many 
Persons  have  been  improperly  admitted  to  the  public 
Purse.  Another  Gentleman,  who  has  had  the  principal 
Direction  of  the  Purse,  complains  of  Reflections  upon  the 
French  Nation  and  Government,  Customs,  Manners,  &c. 
I  wish  there  was  no  ground  for  any  of  these  Reflections. 
But  one  Thing  I  know :  that  an  immense  sum  of  Money 
is  gone,  that  a  great  sum  of  Money  is  still  due.  And 
another  thing  I  know:  that  I  am  at  a  loss  to  discover 
what  America  has  received  as  an  equivalent  for  all  these 
Sums  and  Debts. 


234  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

PASSI,  July  31,  1778. 

I  am  extremely  sorry  that  any  of  our  Americans  should 
express  themselves  so  unkindly  of  their  Commissioner 
here.  I  hope  they  had  not  Reason.  I  am  really  surprised 
to  find  that  a  failure  in  a  punctual  Return  of  a  visit,  or  in 
giving  an  answer  to  a  Letter  of  no  Importance  to  the  Pub 
lic,  should  give  so  much  Miff  as  it  does.  I  can  say  with 
Truth,  that  if  the  Commissioners  should  make  it  a  rule  to 
return  all  Visits  and  answer  all  Letters,  no  Part  of  the 
Public  Business  would  be  done. 

PASSI,  Sept.  7,  1778. 

But  be  not  deceived,  Mr.  McCreary.  There  are  inter 
ested  Combinations  in  this  Country.  Americans,  French 
men,  and  I  fear  Englishmen,  too,  are  concerned  in  them. 
These  People  have  Spies,  Tools,  and  Emissaries  all  about, 
who  are  taught  and  employed  to  fill  the  Heads  of  Ameri 
cans  with  discontent.  Let  them  go  on.  So  sure  as  there 
is  a  futurity,  so  sure  these  Combinations  will  be  brought 
to  light.  And  the  Truth  will  finally  be  made  to  appear,  to 
the  full  justification  of  the  innocent,  faithful,  and  dis 
interested  servant  of  his  Country,  and  to  the  Confusion 
and  Disgrace  of  the  mere  Lovers  of  themselves,  who  think 
to  obtain  opportunities  of  making  private  Fortunes  by 
exciting  Prejudices  against  Persons  who  are  sinking  and 
sacrificing  theirs  in  this  Camp,  and  who  have  been  doing 
so  for  fifteen  years. 

Long  periods  passed  during  this  year  in  which  the  Com 
missioners  had  no  advices  from  home.  But  there  was  no 
such  thrilling  news  at  home  as  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne. 
The  most  important  matters  which  the  Commissioners 
themselves  had  to  attend  to  were  the  naval  affairs  on  the 
English  coast,  and  the  preservation  of  the  pecuniary  credit  of 
America.  To  these  subjects  we  shall  give  separate  chapters. 


SHELBURNE'S   SPEECH.  235 

The  impression  made  in  England  by  Burgoyne's  sur 
render  drove  Lord  North  to  what  he  called  his  "  concilia 
tory  "  propositions  of  1778  ;  and  there  was  a  considerable 
period  in  the  winter  and  spring  when  it  seemed  as  if  there 
might  be  good  sense  enough  in  England  to  make  peace  on 
the  basis  of  independence.1  Franklin  himself  writes  to 
Hartley,  "  Seriously,  on  further  thoughts,  I  am  of  opinion 
that,  if  wise  and  honest  men,  such  as  Sir  George  Sa- 
ville,  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  and  yourself,  were  to 
come  over  here  immediately  with  powers  to  treat,  you 
might  not  only  obtain  peace  with  America,  but  prevent 
a  war  with  France." 

Hartley  must  have  received  this  letter  when  he  offered 
the  resolutions  of  which  we  have  spoken. 

Benjamin  Vaughan  thought  Lord  Shelburne's  speech 
so  important  that  he  sent  his  own  sketch  of  it  to 
Franklin  in  the  following  letter :  — 

Minutes  taken  memoriter/row  Ld-  S's  Speech, 
March  5th,  1778. 

March  5,  1778.  Not  a  time  to  talk  about  ministers  in 
consistency,  but  to  explain  our  views. 

The  war  must  end,  and  troops  be  withdrawn,  but  no 
independence  alluded  to ;  for  when  that  happens,  England's 
sun  is  set.  We  must  go  back  to  as  much  of  the  connec 
tion  as  we  can,  and  have  "one  friend,  one  enemy,  one 
purse,  and  one  superintendence  of  commerce."  The  mutual 
checks  would  be  of  mutual  use.  Commercial  treaty  of  no 
avail,  either  to  England  or  France, — witness  Bacon's  inter- 
cur  sus  magnus,  which  in  years  was  called  [blank]  entered 

1  The  second  volume  of  Hutchinson's  Diary  contains  many  indications 
of  such  hopes. 


236  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

into  a  [blank]  ;  and  Mr.  Methuen's  history  of  these  [blank] 
Portugal  Treaty.  [Blank]  treaties  and  of  [blank]  com 
mercial  treaties.  To  make  this  go  down  we  in  general 
[blank]  with  Congress,  we  must  [blank]  give  Canada, 
Scotia,  the  lakes,  Newfoundland,  Cape  Breton,  The  Floridas, 
and  the  Mississippi,  to  be  governed  by  Congress,  by  name. 
In  Congress  there  are  many  honest  and  sagacious  men.  If 
we  are  left  with  these  stations,  they  [the  Congress]  will 
have  us  waiting  for  their  dissensions  then  to  interfere ;  and 
we  on  our  part  shall,  have  extent  enough  to  swallow  up 
our  present  force  —  which  must  not  occupy  where  it  is. 
The  paltry  governors1  and  low  views  of  patronage  must  be 
given  up ;  they  never  were  useful,  never  could  be  well  as 
sorted.  America  will  have  the  capital  of  our  merchants, 
and  a  harmless  king,  who  might  save  a  worse  power  being 
looked  for  among  themselves ;  and  this,  also,  joined  by  a 
thousand  uses,  privileges,  and  ties.  And  when  I  made  such 
proposals,  I  would  seek  dignified  language,  and  soften  all 
umbrageousness.  I  know  what  is  to  be  urged  on  the  other 
side,  but  I  would  say  with  Bacon,  revenge  is  not  infinite, 
and  vindictive  war  goes  not  beyond  the  injury. 

As  I  assent  heartily  to  the  matter  of  two  of  the  bills, 
and  shall  let  the  other  pass,  I  must  explain  the  vote.  I 
don't  like  the  preamble.  (He  went  into  a  short  discussion.)2 
I  shall,  when  I  vote  thus,  shew  that  I  foresaw  the  effects. 

When  France  comes  abreast  with  us  to  congress,  let  us 
suppose  that  they  state  our  merits  in  columns,  side  by 

1  Had  formerly  planned  to  leave  them  to  the  election  of  the  people 
themselves  in  projected  new  settlements,  as  persons  could  be  brought  to  the 
bar  to  prove.     But  Mr.  Grenville  overruled.     He  found  great  difficulties 
to  get  fit  country  gentlemen,   sea  officers,  or  land  officers  to  accept  of 
governments. 

2  Talked  about  a  rejection  of  an  article  in  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht  by 
Parliament  which  IA   Bolingbroke  had  presumed  to  treat  for,  though 
relating  to  an  act  of  Parliament. 


ANECDOTE  FROM  BACON.  237 

side ;  for  it  is  lawful  to  learn  method,  even  from  a  rebel 
(Dr.  Franklin).  In  one  column  will  come  the  offers  of 
Trance,  as  we  may  conceive,  fair  and  large.  In  the  other 
will  come  the  bill,  as  we  see  it  offered  by  the  minister,  — 
by  the  minister  who  starved,  who  tomahawked  them,  and 
who  bribed  their  servants  to  cut  their  throats ;  who  spread 
Catholic  despotism  along  one  frontier,  and  plunder  and 
prohibition  on  the  other;  who  violated  governments,  re 
fused  petitions,  and  broke  faith,  &c.,  &c.  And  what  hold 
has  America  on  our  country  ?  Is  it  in  Parliament,  which 
echoes  and  changes  as  its  leaders  give  the  word  and  change  ? 
Is  it  in  ministers,  who  are  seen  [doubtful]  even  when 
bringing  inquiry  upon  the  enormity  of  the  cost  ?  Is  it  in 
the  faith  of  ministers  ?  There  are  countries  where  the 
word  of  ministers  would  be  taken ;  in  France  and  Austria 
a  Choiseul  and  a  Kaunitz  have  refused  to  break  theirs  for  a 
king,  and  [the  time]  has  come  when  the  king  has  thanked 
them. 

But  now  to  look  at  home.  We  have  been  told  we  are 
on  the  eve  of  war,  and  yet  not  one  step  taken  to  prepare. 
We  have  just  reprobated  our  navy.  And  what  is  the 
number  of  our  allies  ?  We  have  memorialized  away  the 
attachment  of  Holland ;  we  have  detached  Portugal ;  and 
no  one  knows  our  standing  in  Germany.  It  is  no  longer 
the  country  of  independent  Barons;  it  is  getting  into  7 
or  8  successions,  and  Germany  and  Prussia  swallowing  up 
the  few  that  remain. 

When  I  read  of  the  petition  just  voted  by  the  city,  I 
thought  they  might  have  summed  up  their  intentions  in 
the  sayings  of  the  Spanish  Statesman  in  Bacon,  to  Philip : 
"  For  your  majesty's  comfort,  you  have  upon  earth  but  two 
enemies :  one  the  whole  world,  the  other  your  own  min 
isters."  Yet  when  I  hear  of  the  many  millions  assembled 
against  us  and  the  few  for  us,  I  know  what  is  to  be  done 


238  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

by  vigour.  When  Scotland  was  still  separated,  I  remem 
ber  the  effect  Clarendon  states  as  produced  by  one  man's 
vigour,  Cromwell,  upon  Europe.  Ministers  may  injure  and 
kings  be  delayed  beyond  redemption ;  but  yet  I  say  this, 
that  we  may  not  sink  our  spirit  along  with  our  hope. 

When  the  mention  of  independence  comes  from  min 
istry,  it  is,  in  vulgar  language,  the  thief  that  first  robs  and 
then  fires  the  house  in  order  to  cover  his  escape.  If 
America  is  independent,  we  must  demand  of  ministers  the 
blessings  they  have  lost;  for  they  received  everything 
peaceable  and  safe.  I  well  remember  the  attorney  and 
solicitor  generals  testified  under  their  hands  the  calm  that 
had  intervened.  It  is  one  cause  of  my  objections  to  inde 
pendence,  that  it  will  be  impracticable  to  avoid  having 
rendered  to  us  shocking  personal  accounts. 

(N.  B.  Much  extraneous  matter  occurred  which  is 
omitted.  The  Lords  Mansfield,  Harford,  Denbigh,  and  Lord 
Bute's  son.  I  verily  believe  the  believe  [sic]  was  meant 
to  unite  some  at  home  and  divide  America.  It  failed  in 
the  first,  partly  from  its  humility,  impracticability,  or 
[blank] ;  and  when  this  was  seen,  it  fell  down  upon  the 
minister,  and  has  become  a  derelict  in  both  houses.  Peo 
ple  did  not  know  their  part ;  and  had  it  been  balloted, 
might  have  been  lost.  Yet  we  are  really  tired  of  the  war 
—  and  of  the  ministry.) 

The  English  government,  indeed,  was  at  last  fully  im 
pressed  with  the  idea  of  the  necessity  of  a  reconciliation 
with  her  Colonies.  But  as  often  happens  in  English 
diplomacy,  the  administration  had  taken  this  view  too 
late,  and  could  not  even  yet  see  how  far  they  must  go  to 
secure  their  wishes.  Various  messengers  were  despatched 
to  Franklin  in  Paris.  One  of  these  was  David  Hutton, 
a  charitable  Moravian  gentleman,  whom  Franklin  had 


CHARLES   DE   WEISSENSTEIN.  239 

known  well  in  England,  and  who  was  supposed  to  have 
personal  access  to  the  King  and  Queen.  Hartley,  as  we 
have  seen,  came  over.  There  were  also  other  agents  more 
or  less  distinctly  avowed.  William  Pulteney,  a  member 
of  Parliament,  was  one ;  and  a  Mr.  Chapman,  a  member 
of  the  Irish  Parliament,  was  another.  Of  all  such  over 
tures  the  most  extraordinary  was  one  made  in  an  anony 
mous  letter  which  was  "  thrown  into  one  of  our  grates  " 1 
the  first  week  in  July.  This  letter  affected  to  be  from 
Charles  de  Weissenstein,  and  was  dated  at  Brussels  the 
16th  of  June.  It  is  too  long  to  print  at  full  length,  but 
the  whole  is  curious  and  remarkable.  It  considers  inde 
pendence  as  impossible.  "  Our  title  to  the  empire  is  in 
disputable.  It  will  be  asserted  either  by  ourselves  or 
successors  whenever  occasion  presents."  Franklin  was  sure 
that  this  letter  came  from  the  King.  He  said  "  that  there 
were  in  the  letter  infallible  marks  by  which  he  knew  that 
it  came  from  the  King,  and  that  it  could  not  have  come 
from  any  other  without  the  King's  knowledge.  Many 
other  hints  have  been  dropped  by  Franklin  to  me  of 
some  mysterious  correspondence  between  the  King  and 
him  personally."2 

This  extraordinary  letter  proposed  that  the  answer 
should  be  given,  at  an  hour  named,  to  a  gentleman  who 
should  be  waiting  for  it  in  Notre  Dame,  who  should  drop 
a  piece  of  crumpled  paper  on  the  floor  as  an  evidence  of 
whom  he  was.  The  letter  closed  with  the  following  pas 
sage,  in  which  a  very  ingenious  reader  may  possibly  find 
a  sign  of  the  King's  hand :  — 

"  And  now,  Sir,  I  will  take  my  leave  of  you,  confiding 
in  your  personal  honor  and  that  of  the  country  which 

1  This  phrase  is  Mr.  Adams's.     It  probably  means  that  the  letter  was 
thrown  into  one  of  the  grated  gateways  of  the  house  at  Passy. 

2  The  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  vol.  lii.,  178. 


240  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

you  represent,  that,  if  you  do  not  choose  to  accept  my 
offers,  and  are  not  in  earnest  to  bring  about  this  recon 
ciliation,  or  if  you  have  entered  into  negotiations  with 
England  by  other  means,  you  will  instantly  destroy  these 
papers,  and  make  no  use  of  them  disadvantageous  to  him 
whom  I  have  employed  on  this  errand  nor  to  me.  In 
case  you  send  any  terms,  do  not  be  impatient  to  know 
what  has  been  done,  with  them.  There  are  many  circum 
stances  of  time  and  opportunity  which  must  be  managed, 
and  which  cannot  be  previously  foreseen.  Sufficeth  it 
that  you  can  but  stand  in  the  same  place  as  you  do  now, 
whatever  part  ministry  or  parliaments  take. 

Your  humble  servant,  and  a  well-wisher  to  all  men  of 
science  and  liberal  mind,  and  a  friend  of  liberty, 

CHARLES  DE  WEISSENSTEIN." 

Of  the  plan  itself  with  which  the  letter  closed,  the 
following  extraordinary  proposal  made  the  sixth  article : 

"  As  the  conspicuous  public  part  which  some  American 
gentlemen  have  taken  may  expose  them  to  the  personal 
enmity  of  some  of  the  chief  persons  in  Great  Britain,  and 
as  it  is  unreasonable  that  their  services  to  their  country 
should  deprive  them  of  those  advantages  which  their 
talents  would  otherwise  have  gained  them,  the  following 
persons  shall  have  offices,  or  pensions  for  life,  at  their 
option,  according  to  the  sums  opposite  their  respective 
names :  — 

Messrs.  Adams, 

Hancock, 

Washington, 

Franklin, 

&c.,  &c.,  &c. 

In  case  his  Majesty  or  his  successors  shall  ever  create 
American  Peers,  then  these  persons,  or  their  descendants, 


FRANKLIN'S  ANSWER.  241 

shall  be  amongst  the  first  so  created,  if  they  choose  it, 
Mr.  Washington  to  have  immediately  a  brevet  of  Lieuten 
ant  General,  and  all  the  honors  and  precedence  incident 
thereto,  but  not  to  assume  or  bear  any  command  without 
a  special  warrant  or  letter  of  service  for  that  purpose  from 
the  King." 

As  this  letter  was  addressed  to  Franklin  personally,  it 
was  agreed  that  he  should  answer  it  personally,  and  he 
did  so.  Mr.  Adams  says,  "  He  sent  them  an  answer  in 
which  they  have  a  dose  which  will  make  them  sick."  And 
Mr.  Sparks  says,  "The  whole  letter  is  one  of  the  best  speci 
mens  of  the  writer's  peculiar  clearness  and  vigor  of  thought 
and  felicity  of  style."  It  is  written  with  the  expectation 
that  it  would  be  read  by  the  King.  The  following  passages 
will  give  an  idea  of  the  directness  of  the  answer.  "  The 
very  proposing  of  a  correspondence  so  to  be  managed,  in  a 
manner  not  necessary  where  fair  dealing  is  intended,  gives 
just  reason  to  suppose  you  intend  the  contrary.  Besides, 
as  your  court  has  sent  Commissioners  to  treat  with  Con 
gress,  with  all  the  powers  that  could  be  given  them  by  the 
crown  under  the  act  of  Parliament,  what  good  purpose  can 
be  served  by  privately  obtaining  propositions  from  us? 
Before  those  Commissioners  went  we  might  have  treated, 
in  virtue  of  our  general  powers  (with  the  knowledge,  ad 
vice,  and  approbation  of  our  friends,)  upon  any  propositions 
made  to  us.  But,  under  the  present  circumstances,  for  us 
to  make  propositions,  while  a  treaty  is  supposed  to  be 
actually  on  foot  with  the  Congress,  would  be  extremely 
improper,  highly  presumptuous  with  regard  to  our  con 
stituents,  and  answer  no  good  end  whatever." 

The  letter  closes  with  the  following  vigorous  state 
ment,  which  must  have  been  read  with  satisfaction  by 
George  III. :  — 

1C 


242  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

"This  proposition  of  delivering  ourselves,  bound  and 
gagged,  ready  for  hanging,  without  even  a  right  to  com 
plain,  and  without  a  friend  to  be  found  afterwards  among 
all  mankind,  you  would  have  us  embrace  upon  the  faith 
of  an  act  of  Parliament !  Good  God !  an  act  of  your 
Parliament !  This  demonstrates  that  you  do  not  yet  know 
us,  and  that  you  fancy  we  do  not  know  you.  But  it  is  not 
merely  this  flimsy  faith  that  we  are  to  act  upon ;  you 
offer  us  hope,  —  the  hope  of  PLACES,  PENSIONS,  and  PEER 
AGES.  These,  judging  from  yourselves,  you  think  are 
motives  irresistible.  This  offer  to  corrupt  us,  Sir,  is  with 
me  your  credential,  and  convinces  me  that  you  are  not  a 
private  volunteer  in  your  application.  It  bears  the  stamp 
of  British  court  character.  It  is  even  the  signature  of 
your  King.  But  think  for  a  moment  in  what  light  it  must 
be  viewed  in  America.  By  PLACES,  you  mean  places 
among  us,  for  you  can  take  care  by  a  special  article  to 
secure  your  own  to  yourselves.  We  must  then  pay  the 
salaries  in  order  to  enrich  ourselves  with  these  places. 
But  you  will  give  us  PENSIONS,  probably  to  be  paid,  too, 
out  of  your  expected  American  revenue,  and  which  none 
of  us  can  accept  without  deserving,  and  perhaps  obtaining, 
a  Bus-pension.  PEERAGES  !  Alas  !  Sir,  our  long  observa 
tion  of  the  vast  servile  majority  of  your  peers,  voting 
constantly  for  every  measure  proposed  by  a  minister,  how 
ever  weak  or  wicked,  leaves  us  small  respect  for  that  title. 
We  consider  it  as  a  sort  of  tar-and-feather  honor,  or  a  mix 
ture  of  foulness  and  folly,  which  every  man  among  us  who 
should  accept  it  from  your  King  would  be  obliged  to 
renounce,  or  exchange  for  that  conferred  by  the  mobs  of 
their  own  country,  or  wear  it  with  everlasting  infamy." 

Mr.  Adams  thinks  that  this  letter  was  never  sent.  Mr. 
Sparks  found  both  letter  and  answer  in  the  French 


AMERICAN  EXCHANGE.  243 

archives,  and  printed  Franklin's  answer.1  A  translation  of 
the  Weissenstein  letter  is  in  the  Sparks  manuscripts.  On 
the  day  and  hour  appointed  at  Notre  Dame,  an  Irishman, 
named  "Col.  Fitz something,"  appeared  at  the  place  ap 
pointed  and  remained  for  two  hours,  tracked  all  the  time 
by  the  police,  who  had  been  directed  by  Vergennes  to  keep 
an  eye  upon  him. 

At  the  very  same  time  Franklin  communicated  to  Ver 
gennes  the  following  paper,  bearing  on  a  financial  ques 
tion  as  to  the  difference  between  English  and  French 
exchange : — 

Franklin  to   Vergennes. 

It  seems  to  have  been  insinuated,  either  thro'  mistake 
or  ill-will  to  the  United  States, — 

1.  That  their  merchants  have  combined  to  depreciate 
the  bills  drawn  on  France. 

2.  That  their  trade  with  England  is  as  great  as  before 
the  war. 

I  have  known  two  instances  when  bills  of  exchange  on 
England  have  fallen  more  than  15  per  cent  lower  than  the 
present  price  of  bills  on  France. 

The  first  was  in  1739,  when,  an  expedition  being  pro 
jected  against  Carthagene,  the  government  of  England 
ordered  3,000  men  to  be  raised  in  America  and  transports 
with  provisions,  &c.,  to  be  furnished,  for  the  amount  of 
which  expense  bills  were  ordered  to  be  drawn  on  the 
Treasury  at  London.  This  adventitious  quantity  of  bills 
coming  into  market,  and  being  more  than  the  common 
course  of  the  commerce  required,  occasioned  the  lower- 

1  He  thought  the  letter  important  enough  to  copy  it  in  his  own  hand, 
and  it  is  from  his  manuscript  that  we  copy  the  passages  above.  The  whole 
letter  would  fill  fifteen  or  twenty  of  our  pages. 


244  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ing  of  their  price  42 1  per  cent  below  the  rate  before 
accustomed. 

The  like  happened  a  few  years  after,  when,  on  a  prospect 
of  short  crops  of  corn  in  Europe,  orders  were  received  in 
America  to  purchase  and  send  over  vast  quantities,  and  to 
draw  bills  and  sell  them  in  the  country  in  order  to  raise 
money  for  the  purchase.  This  sudden  addition  to  the 
quantity  of  bills  produced  a  fall  of  46  per  cent  in  their 
price.  And  this  must  always  happen  in  some  proportion 
when  the  quantity  of  any  article  in  commercio  exceeds  the 
present  demand. 

And  when  it  is  considered  that  the  merchants  of  America 
are  numerous,  and  dispersed  thro'  13  different  provinces  at 
great  distances  from  each  other,  such  a  combination  will 
appear  as  improbable  as  that  the  farmers  in  France  should 
combine  to  raise  the  price  of  wheat. 

With  regard  to  the  English  Commerce,  there  is  none 
certainly  but  what  is  contraband,  and  there  can  be  no 
temptation  to  such  contraband  but  for  particular  com 
modities  that  are  cheaper  here  than  in  France.  The 
quantity,  therefore,  cannot  be  great.  Such  contraband  is 
found  difficult  to  prevent  in  all  countries.  It  is  carried  on 
at  this  time  between  France  and  England.  But  there  are 
many  commodities  much  cheaper  in  France,  such  as  wines, 
silks,  oil,  modes,  &c.,  which  will  be  of  great  consumption 
in  America ;  and  when  correspondencies  are  once  settled, 
and  the  people  there  become  acquainted  with  the  manu 
factures  of  France,  the  demand  for  them  will  increase, 
those  manufactures  will  of  course  be  improved  in  good 
ness  and  cheapness,  and  the  trade  continue  to  augment 
accordingly. 

It  is  difficult  to  change  suddenly  the  whole  current  of 
connections,  correspondencies,  and  confidences  that  subsist 
between  merchants  and  carry  them  all  into  a  new  channel; 


THE   MORAVIAN  MISSION.  245 

but  time  and  a  continuance  of  friendship  will  make  great 
alterations.1 

Mr.  Sparks  published  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Franklin's 
works  the  curious  passport  sent  to  all  the  American  cruisers, 
ordering  them  to  exempt  from  injury  the  packets  which 
the  Moravian  brethren  from  year  to  year  despatched  to 
their  station  in  Labrador.  The  draft  of  this  passport  for 
the  year  1778  goes  into  some  additional  details,  which 
make  it  worth  preserving. 

28  June,  1778. 
To  all  Commanders  of  Armed  Vessels  belonging  to  the  United 

States  of  America : 

GENTLEMEN,  —  Whereas  the  religious  society  commonly 
called  the  Moravian  brethren,  has  established  a  mission 
on  the  northern  part  of  the  Labradore  coast,  for  the  good 
purpose  of  civilizing  and  converting  to  Christianity  the 
barbarians  who  live  there,  and  by  that  means  put  an  end 
to  their  custom  of  plundering,  murdering  the  people  of 
our  fishing  vessels  and  others  passing  in  those  seas ;  and 
whereas,  those  missionaries  and  their  families  depend  for 
subsistence  in  that  unfertile  country  on  the  supplies  an 
nually  sent  them  and  on  the  friendship  of  the  natives,  which 
is  maintained  by  little  presents  of  iron  ware,  all  furnished 
by  charitable  subscriptions  in  England,  —  the  interruption 
of  which  supplies  might  hazard  the  loss  of  those  pious 
missionaries,  and  ruin  an  enterprise  beneficial  to  humanity, 
—  I  do  therefore  hereby  [inform  you]  that  the  sloop  "Good 
Intent,"  burthen  about  75  tons,  Capt.  Francis  Mugford, 
carrying  in  the  present  voyage  about  5000  bricks  for 
building  chimneys,  with  provisions  and  necessaries  for  the 

\  *  Our  copy  of  this  letter  bears  this  endorsement :  "  Passy,  6  July,  1778. 
The  above  paper  was  delivered  to  M.  de  Rayneval,  to  be  by  him  communi 
cated  to  Ct.  Vergennes,  in  order  to  correct  some  wrong  ideas  of  that 
minister." 


246  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

missionaries  and  their  assistants,  and  some  ironmongery 
and  tin  ware  for  the  Indians,  —  the  crew  consisting  of  the 
Captain,  Mate,  three  men,  and  a  boy;  and  the  passengers, 
one  man  and  three  women,  —  is  the  vessel  employed  in  the 
above  service  for  the  present  year.  And  I  request  if  the 
said  vessel  should  be  met  with  by  any  of  you,  that  you 
would  not  consider  her  as  a  merchantman,  proper  to  be 
made  a  prize  of,  but  rather  concur  benevolently  in  pro 
moting  so  good  a  design,  by  permitting  her  to  pass  freely, 
and  affording  her  any  such  assistance  which  the  casualties 
of  the  sea  may  have  rendered  necessary;  in  which  I  am 
persuaded  your  conduct  will  be  approved  not  only  in  your 
breasts,  but  by  the  Congress,  by  your  owners,  and  by  all 
mankind.  Wishing  you  all  success  and  prosperity,  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  gentlemen, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN, 
One  of  the  Plenipotentiary  Ministers  of  the 

United  States  at  the  Court  of  France. 
PARIS,  June  22,  1778. 

We  are  able  to  print  for  the  first  time  a  curious  journal 
of  Franklin's,  containing  his  own  studies  regarding  his 
own  health,  written  out  in  the  autumn  of  this  year. 
They  have  a  certain  value  as  indicating  the  beginning  of 
the  decline  of  health,  which  is  often  alluded  to,  after  the 
year  1780.  It  will  be  observed  that  a  postscript  to  this 
paper  was  written  in  January  of  that  year. 

PASSY,  Oct.  4,  1778. 

As  my  constitution  appears  to  have  undergone  some 
considerable  changes  within  the  last  3  or  4  years,  it  may 
be  of  use  to  make  some  notes  of  the  changes  past,  and  to 
continue  them,  in  order  to  ascertain  what  are  hurtful  or 
beneficial. 


NOTES  ON  FRANKLIN'S  HEALTH.        247 

I  had  enjoyed  continued  health  for  near  20  years, 
except  once  in  two  or  three  years  a  slight  fit  of  the  gout, 
which  generally  terminated  in  a  week  or  ten  days,  and 
once  an  intermitting  fever  got  from  making  experiments 
over  Stagnate  waters. 

I  was  sometimes  vexed  with  an  itching  on  the  back, 
which  I  observed  particularly  after  eating  freely  of  beef. 
And  sometimes  after  long  confinement  at  writing  with 
little  exercise,  I  have  felt  sudden  pungent  pains  in  the 
flesh  of  different  parts  of  the  body,  which  I  was  told  were 
scorbutic.  A  journey  used  to  free  me  of  them. 

In  1773,  being  in  Ireland,  I  was,  after  a  plentiful  din 
ner  of  fish  the  first  day  of  my  arrival,  seized  with  a 
violent  vomiting  and  looseness.  The  latter  continued, 
tho'  more  moderate,  as  long  as  I  staid  in  that  kingdom, 
which  was  4  or  5  weeks. 

On  my  return  I  first  observed  a  kind  of  scab  or  scurff  on 
my  head,  about  the  bigness  of  a  shilling.  Finding  it  did 
not  heal  but  rather  increased,  I  mentioned  it  to  my  friend, 
Sir  John  Pringle,  who  advised  a  mercurial  water  to  wash 
it,  and  some  physic.  It  slowly  left  that  place,  but  appeared 
in  other  parts  of  my  head.  He  also  advised  my  abstain 
ing  from  salted  meats  and  cheese,  which  advice  I  did  not 
much  follow,  often  forgetting  it. 

In  1775  I  went  to  America.  On  the  passage  I  neces 
sarily  eat  more  salt  meat  than  usual  with  me  at  London. 
I  immediately  entered  the  Congress,  where,  and  with  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  I  sat  great  part  of  that  year  and  the 
next  10  or  12  hours  a  day  without  exercise.  We  lost  3 
members  in  those  years  by  apoplexies,  viz.,  Mr.  Eandolf, 
Mr.  Bory,  and  Mr.  Lynch.  I  had  frequent  giddinesses.  I 
went  to  Canada.  On  the  passage  I  suffered  much  from  a 
number  of  large  boiles.  In  Canada  my  legs  swelled,  and 
I  apprehended  dropsy.  Boils  continued  and  harrassed  me 


248  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

after  my  return,  but  the  swelling  of  my  legs  passed  of. 
The  boils,  however,  left  round  them  a  kind  of  dry  scab  or 
scurviness,  which  being  rubbed  off,  appeared  in  the  form 
of  white  bran.  My  giddiness  left  me. 

In  my  passage  to  France,  Nov.  1776,  I  lived  chiefly  on 
salt  beef,  the  fowls  beeing  too  hard  for  my  teeth.  But 
being  poorly  nourished,  I  was  very  weak  on  my  arrival ; 
boils  continued  to  vex  me,  and  the  scurff  extending  all 
the  small  of  my  back,  on  my  sides,  my  legs,  and  my  arms, 
besides  what  continued  under  my  hair.  I  applied  to  a 
physician,  who  ordered  me  Belloste's  pills l  and  an  infusion 
of  a  root  called  [blank].  I  took  the  infusion  awhile,  but 
it  being  disagreeable,  and  finding  no  effect,  I  omitted  it. 
I  continued  longer  to  take  the  pills ;  but  finding  my  teeth 
loosened  and  that  I  had  lost  3,  I  desisted  the  use  of  them. 
I  found  that  bathing  stopped  the  progress  of  the  disorder. 
I  therefore  took  the  hot  bath  twice  a  week,  two  hours  at  a 
time  till  this  last  summer.  It  always  made  me  feel  com 
fortable,  as  T  rubbed  off  the  softened  scurff  in  the  warm 
water;  and  I  otherwise  enjoyed  good  health. 

I  stated  my  case  to  Dr.  Ingenhousz,  and  desired  him  to 
show  it  to  Sir  John  Pringle  and  obtain  his  advice.  They 
sent  me  from  London  some  medicines ;  but  Dr.  Ingen 
housz  proposing  to  come  over  soon,  and  the  affair  not 
pressing,  I  resolved  to  omit  taking  the  medicines  till  his 
arrival. 

In  July  the  disorder  began  to  diminish,  at  first  slowly, 
but  afterwards  rapidly ;  and  by  the  beginning  of  October 
it  had  quitted  entirely  my  legs,  feet,  thighs,  and  arms,  and 
my  belly,  a  very  little  was  left  on  my  sides,  more  on  the 
small  of  my  back,  but  the  whole  daily  diminishing. 

1  Augustin  Belloste  was  a  physician  of  some  distinction  fifty  years 
before,  —  "  physician  to  the  Duchess  of  Savoy,"  and  author  of  "  Le 
Chirurgien  de  1'Hopital."  Paris,  1695. 


NOTES  ON  FRANKLIN'S  HEALTH.        249 

I  observed  that  where  there  was  no  redness  under  the 
scurff,  if  I  took  it  once  off  it  did  not  return.  I  had  hardly 
bathed  in  those  3  months,  I  took  no  remedy  whatever, 
and  I  know  not  what  to  ascribe  the  change  to,  unless  it 
was  the  heat  of  the  summer  which  sometimes  made  me 
sweat,  particularly  when  I  exercised.  I  had  five  boils 
just  before  the  amendment  commenced,  which  discharged 
a  great  deal  of  matter.  And  once  my  legs  began  to  swell, 
but  that  went  off  in  a  few  days,  and  I  have  been  otherwise 
extremely  well  and  hearty. 

The  second  instant,  October,  I  ate  a  hearty  supper, 
much  cheese,  and  drank  a  good  deal  of  champagne.  The 
3d  I  ate  no  breakfast,  but  a  hearty  dinner,  and  at  night 
found  my  back  itch  extremely  near  the  shoulders,  which 
continues  to-day  the  4th.  I  ate  some  salted  beef  at  din 
ner  yesterday,  but  not  much.  I  wish  the  cool  weather 
may  not  bring  on  a  return  of  the  disorder. 

Oct.  4.     The  itching  continues,  but  somewhat  abated. 

Oct.  6.  Drink  but  one  glass  of  wine  to-day ;  the  itching 
almost  gone.  I  begin  to  think  it  will  be  better  for  me  to 
abstain  from  wine.  My  Dinner  to-day  was  mutton,  boiled, 
and  fowl,  with  a  good  deal  of  fruit. 

Oct.  12.  I  have  lately  drank  but  little  wine.  The 
itching  has  not  returned  ;  the  scurff  continues  to  diminish. 
But  yesterday  I  observed  my  ancles  swelled.  I  suppose 
my  having  used  no  exercise  lately  may  be  the  cause. 

Jan.  14,  1779.  The  swelling  above  mentioned  con 
tinued  some  few  weeks,  being  greatest  at  night,  my 
complexion  at  the  same  time  not  fresh.  At  length  the 
itching  returned,  and  a  new  set  of  eruptions  of  scurfy 
spots  appeared  in  many  parts  of  my  body.  My  back  had 
never  been  entirely  cleared,  and  the  scurf  began  to  in 
crease  there  and  extend  itself.  But  it  is  not  yet  so  bad  as 
it  has  been,  and  it  seems  to  spare  the  parts  that  were 


250  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

before  affected,  except  in  my  back.  The  swelling  has  left 
my  legs,  which  are  now  as  dry  and  firm  as  ever,  and  I 
feel  myself  otherwise  in  perfect  health,  and  have  as  much 
vigour  and  activity  as  can  be  expected  at  my  age ;  so  that 
I  begin  to  be  more  reconciled  to  this  troublesome  disorder, 
as  considering  it  an  effort  of  Nature  to  get  rid  of  pec 
cant  matter,  that  might  if  not  discharged,  break  up  my 
constitution. 

Feb.  28,  79.  The  disorder  on  my  skin  has  continued 
augmenting.  On  Monday,  the  15th,  I  dined  and  drank 
rather  too  freely  at  M.  Darcy's.  Tuesday  morning  I  felt 
a  little  pain  in  my  right  great  toe.  I  bathed  that  day  in 
the  hot  bath,  which  I  had  long  omitted.  A  regular  fit  of 
the  gout  came  on,  which  swelled  my  foot  exceedingly,  and 
I  have  had  a  little  in  my  left  foot.  It  is  now  going  off, 
and  I  hope  to  get  abroad  in  a  day  or  two.  No  remarkable 
change  in  other  respects.  In  this  fit  I  had  very  little 
appetite,  which  I  do  not  remember  to  have  been  the  case 
in  former  fits. 

Jan.  16,  1780.  I  have  enjoyed  good  health  ever  since 
the  last  date.  Towards  the  end  of  the  summer  most  of 
the  disorder  in  my  skin  disappeared,  a  little  only  remain 
ing  on  my  left  arm,  a  little  under  each  breast,  and  some 
on  the  small  of  the  back.  I  had  taken  at  different  times 
a  good  deal  of  Dr.  Pringle's  prescription;  but  whether 
that  occasioned  the  amendment,  or  whether  it  was  the 
heat  of  the  summer  as  I  supposed  in  October,  1778,  I  am 
uncertain.  The  disorder  seems  to  be  now  increasing 
again,  and  appears  upon  my  hands.  I  am  otherwise  well ; 
my  leg  sound.  To-morrow  I  enter  on  my  75th  year. 

Franklin  himself  says,  in  a  letter  describing  his  private 
life  of  this  year,  to  his  friend  Mrs.  Hewson,  in  England, 
that  he  "  dines  abroad  six  days  in  seven.  Sundays  I 


THE   FOURTH  OF  JULY.  251 

serve  to  dine  at  home  with  such  Americans  as  pass  this 
way ;  and  I  then  have  my  grandson  Ben,  with  some  other 
American  children,  from  the  school." 

With  the  aid  of  Mr.  Adams's  diary,  of  Mr.  Lee's,  and  of 
Mr.  Austin's,  it  would  be  almost  in  our  power  to  give  a 
list  of  these  dinner-parties  for  whole  weeks.  Mr.  Austin 
gives  the  following  account  of  the  dinner  on  the  Fourth 
of  July :  — 

"July  4  [1778].  By  invitation  went  to  dine  with  the 
Commissioners,  where  found  all  the  Americans  who  live 
at  or  near  Paris,  with  a  number  of  French  gentlemen,  in 
all  about  fifty.  Amidst  the  frequent  congratulations  of 
this  happy  anniversary,  and  the  pleasing  aspect  of  our 
affairs,  we  were  summoned  to  dinner.  An  elegant  enter 
tainment  was  prepared,  —  the  table  decorated  with  a 
variety  of  flowers  in  a  pleasing  manner.  The  American 
flag,  the  Cap  of  Liberty,  and  many  of  the  useful  arts  were 
represented  at  this  cheerful  banquet.  Each  guest  drew 
from  a  basket  a  handsome  posy  of  flowers,  having  an  in 
scription  upon  it.  Joy  and  festivity  crowned  the  day.  A 
number,  say  thirteen,  toasts  were  drunk  after  dinner."1 

Mr.  Adams,  in  alluding  to  the  same  party,  says :  "  We 
had  the  honor  of  the  company  of  all  the  American  gentle 
men  and  ladies  in  and  about  Paris,  to  dine  with  Dr.  Frank 
lin  and  me  at  Passy,  together  with  a  few  of  the  French 
gentlemen  in  the  neighborhood,  —  M.  Chaumont,  M.  Bril- 
lon,  M.  Yeillard,  M.  Grand,  M.  Baudouin,  Mr.  Ge'rard, 
the  Abbe's  Chalut  and  Arnoux,  &c." 

On  the  31st  of  October  Vergennes  invites  all  three  of 
the  Commissioners  to  dine  with  him,  by  way  of  celebrating 

1  Mr.  Austin  says,  at  the  end  of  his  journal  of  a  year,  that  in  that 
time,  on  the  continent  of  Europe  he  had  not  once  seen  what  he  calls 
a  "  table."  Boards  were  brought  and  placed  on  trestles  or  fixed  stands,  — 
to  be  removed  when  the  feast  was  finished. 


252  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

the  ratification  of  the  treaty.  As  this  year  went  forward, 
Vergennes  had  new  means  of  information  from  America 
quite  independent  of  the  Commissioners  and  their  de 
spatches.  The  Baron  de  Kalb  had  been  already  in  regular 
correspondence  with  him.  So  soon  as  the  independence 
of  the  nation  was  recognized  by  France,  the  King  com 
missioned  Conrad  Alexander  Gdrard 1  as  his  minister  to 
Philadelphia.  Ge'rard  sailed,  with  D'Estaing  and  Dane. 
From  the  time  of  his  arrival  he  wrote  very  full  despatches, 
and  it  would  seem  that  he  had  better  luck  in  transmission, 
with  the  facilities  of  the  French  navy  behind  him,  than 
the  Foreign  Committee  had  had  with  their  despatches. 
Vergennes  received  a  letter  from  him  almost  every  week,2 
and  the  collection  makes  a  very  curious  and  valuable 
series  of  authorities  for  a  history  of  that  period.  Although 
the  sessions  of  Congress  were  secret,  he  does  not  hesitate 
to  give  an  account  of  what  passed,  and  of  the  state  of 
parties,  and  of  the  method  of  doing  business.  He  describes 
the  British  and  Spanish  intrigues,  and  gives  the  detail  of 
the  Americans'  reasons  for  refusing  to  ratify  the  Conven 
tion  at  Saratoga.  Plans  were  discussed  with  him  for  an 
invasion  of  Barbadoes,  for  an  attack  on  Halifax,  and  another 
Canadian  expedition,  which  he  details. 

Of  Vergennes's  replies,  which  are  also  preserved  in  the 
French  archives,  the  most  important  point  to  be  observed 
is  his  statement  that,  while  France  would  not  interfere  to 
prevent  another  invasion  of  Canada,  such  a  movement 
would  not  be  agreeable  either  to  France  or  Spain. 

1  He  is  not  to  be  confounded  with  Joseph  Matthew  Gerard  de  Rayneval, 
whom  we  shall  meet  in  the  Foreign  Office  at  the  final  negotiations  for 
peace. 

2  There  are  thirty-five  letters  between  July  15  and  the  end  of  the  year. 


CHAPTEK   XIV. 

JOHN     PAUL     JONES. 

THE  reader  has  already  seen  that  the  work-rooms  of 
the  Commissioners  at  Passy  were  anything  but  a 
quiet  cabinet  of  diplomacy.  There  were  few  matters  of 
business  which  did  not,  sooner  or  later,  find  their  way 
there ;  and,  as  has  been  said,  the  naval  affairs  of  the  young 
republic,  whether  at  the  hands  of  privateers  or  of  the 
officers  commissioned  in  the  navy  of  the  United  States, 
were  prominent. 

Among  those  officers  John  Paul  Jones  had  earned  him- 

O 

self  a  favorable  reputation  by  the  pluck  and  energy  which 
he  had  shown  on  the  American  coast  from  the  first  moment 
of  the  establishment  of  a  naval  force  by  Congress.  He 
had,  however,  been  disappointed  by  some  arrangements  of 
rank  made  in  Philadelphia  in  the  spring  of  1777,  and  had 
gone  there  in  person  to  try  to  rectify  them.  His  personal 
address  was  always  agreeable,  and  though  he  did  not  gain 
the  place  in  the  order  of  captains  which  he  wanted,  he 
did  obtain  what  he  also  wanted,  —  a  commission  to  sail  to 
France  and  cruise  on  the  European  coast.  After  some 
disappointments  and  many  delays,  he  sailed  on  the  15th  of 
November  in  the  "Kanger,"  a  vessel  of  eighteen  guns, 
which  for  four  months  he  had  been  fitting  for  sea.1  He 
hoped  to  carry  out  the  joyful  news  of  Burgoyne's  surren- 

1  He  took  command  of  her  in  July,  when  he  displayed  the  stars  and 
stripes  for  the  first  time  on  shipboard. 


254  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

der,  but,  as  the  reader  knows,  he  was  anticipated.  On  his 
passage  out  he  sighted  and  escaped  from  the  "  Invincible," 
an  English  seventy-four.  He  took  two  fruit-vessels  from 
Malaga,  and  sent  them  into  French  ports.  His  passage 
was  only  twenty  days,  and  on  the  5th  of  December  he 
announced  his  arrival  to  the  Commissioners.  He  proposed 
at  once  "to  surprise  the  defenceless  places"  of  the  enemy, 
and  his  knowledge  of  the  English  and  Scotch  coast  enabled 
him  to  suggest  details  for  such  proposals.  From  this  time 
for  more  than  two  years,  Jones  and  his  plans  and  his  per 
formances  fill  a  considerable  place  in  Franklin's  corre 
spondence,  as  they  filled  a  large  part  of  his  time.  He 
soon  learned  that  Franklin  was  a  sure  friend ;  and  although 
at  one  time  he  feared  that  this  friend  was  alienated  from 
him,  this  was  his  mistake,  as  he  himself  acknowledged. 
There  are  more  than  twenty  letters  from  Franklin  to  him 
in  1778  and  1779,  only  a  few  of  which  have  been  printed 
in  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence. 

He  had  hoped  that  the  "  Indian,"  a  fine  ship  building  on 
American  account  at  Amsterdam,  would  be  assigned  to 
him.  But  it  had  been  arranged  that  she  should  be  trans 
ferred  to  the  King's  navy.  Other  proposals  were  made 
to  him  which  satisfied  him  for  the  time ;  and  as  early  as 
January  16,  1778,  the  Commissioners  notified  him  that  he 
would  probably  have  to  make  another  cruise  in  the  "  Ean- 
ger."  He  could  not  help,  however,  advising  Sartine,  the 
minister  of  the  navy,  and  the  Count  d'Estaing  as  to  what 
this  Admiral  should  do  on  his  arrival.  And  it  is  but  fair 
to  say  that  had  D'Estaing  arrived  in  the  Delaware  a  few 
days  earlier  than  he  did,  —  as  Jones  hoped  he  would,  — 
the  war  might  have  been  finished  there  and  then. 

He  was  proud  afterwards  of  saying  that  the  "  Eanger " 
received,  in  February,  1778,  the  first  salute  ever  given  by 
a  foreign  power  to  the  American  flag.  This  was  on  the 


JONES   IN  THE   "RANGER."  255 

14tli  of  February,  and  he  regarded  it  as  an  acknowledgment 
of  American  independence. 

On  the  10th  of  April  he  sailed  in  this  cruise,  and  on 
the. 21st  saw,  for  the  first  time,  the  English  ship-of-war 
"  Drake,"  of  twenty  guns.  But  a  well-planned  attack  on 
her  was  prevented  by  a  sudden  gale.  The  next  day  he 
landed  at  Whitehaven,  where  he  hoped  and  meant  to  burn 
the  shipping,  and  where  he  did  some  damage  and  greatly 
alarmed  the  neighborhood.  Standing  over  to  the  Scotch 
shore,  he  landed  again,  in  the  hope  of  taking  the  Earl  of 
Selkirk  prisoner.  The  Earl  was  absent ;  but  Jones's  men 
took  the  family  plate  from  the  castle  without  offering  other 
violence.  The  next  day  Jones  met  the  "Drake"  again. 
He  engaged  her  and  took  her.  With  his  prize  he  returned 
to  Brest,  where  he  arrived  after  a  cruise  of  only  twenty- 
eight  days.  He  at  once  took  measures  to  purchase  from 
his  crew  the  plate  of  the  Countess  of  Selkirk,  whom  he 
had  known  when  a  boy ;  and  after  some  years  the  Earl  of 
Selkirk  received  the  plate  and  acknowledged  it. 

The  credit  which  he  had  gained  by  the  capture  of  the 
"Drake"  was  reason  enough  to  encourage  the  Commis 
sioners  to  intercede  with  the  French  Court  to  obtain  for 
him  the  command  of  the  "  Indian."  Franklin  wrote  him 
on  the  first  of  June  to  say,  "  I  have  the  pleasure  of  inform 
ing  you  that  it  is  proposed  to  give  you  the  command  of 
the  great  ship  we  have  built  at  Amsterdam.  By  what  you 
wrote  unto  us  formerly  I  have  ventured  to  say  in  your 
behalf  that  this  proposal  would  be  agreeable  to  you.  You 
will  immediately  let  me  know  your  resolution.  .  .  .  She  is 
at  present  the  property  of  the  King.  You  will  have  the 
commission  and  flag  of  the  United  States,  and  act  under 
their  orders  and  laws."  This  plan  was  held  to  for  some 
time.  It  was  proposed  to  join  with  the  "Indian"  the 
"  Prince  de  Nassau  "  and  the  "  Providence."  By  this  plan 


256  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Jones  was  diverted  through  the  summer,  but,  to  his  great 
annoyance,  it  was  never  carried  out.  Sartine  found  more 
difficulty  than  he  had  perhaps  expected,  in  placing  an 
American  commander,  however  distinguished,  over  the 
heads  of  French  officers.  The  ratification  of  the  treaty 
made  war  sure,  and  the  French  fleet  would  probably  need 
all  its  seamen.  But  various  propositions  were  made  to 
Jones,  which  led  him  to  remain  in  France  and  to  let 
Lieutenant  Simpson  take  the  "Kanger"  home.  He  had 
been  displeased  with  Simpson's  conduct.  In  the  gossip  of 
Nantes  it  was  reported  that  he  was  turned  out  of  the 
American  service ;  and  at  this  he  was  so  indignant  that  he 
sought  to  have  Simpson  court-martialled.  But  proper 
explanations  soothed  these  wounds  to  his  pride.  And  the 
Commissioners,  to  relieve  him,  sent  him  the  following 
letter :  — 

PASSY,  Feby.  10,  1779. 

SIR,  —  As  your  separation  from  the  "  Eanger  "  and  the 
appointment  of  Lt.  Simpson  to  the  command  of  her  will 
be  liable  to  misinterpretations  and  misrepresentations  by 
persons  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  real  cause  of  those 
facts, 

We  hereby  certify  that  your  leaving  the  "  Eanger  "  was 
by  our  consent,  at  the  express  request  of  his  excellency 
M.  de  Sartine,  who  informed  us  that  he  had  occasion  to 
employ  you  in  some  public  service ;  that  Lt.  Simpson  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  "Eanger"  with  your 
consent,  after  having  consented  to  release  him  from  an 
arrest  under  which  you  had  put  him. 

That  your  leaving  the  "  Eanger,"  in  our  opinion,  ought 
not  and  cannot  be  any  injury  to  your  rank  or  character  in 
the  service  of  the  Ud.  S.,  and  that  your  commission  in  their 
navy  continues  in  full  force. 

[Signed  by  all  the  Commissioners.] 


"LE   BON   HOMME   RICHARD."  257 

But  Jones  sighed,  as  well  he  might,  in  his  forced  inac 
tivity.  In  October  he  wrote  to  the  King  himself.  "  Thus 
have  I  been  chained  down  to  shameful  inactivity  for  nearly 
five  months,"  he  said.  "  I  have  lost  the  best  season  of  the 
year,  and  such  opportunities  of  serving  my  country  and 
acquiring  honor  as  I  cannot  again  expect  this  war;  and  to 
my  infinite  mortification  I  am  considered  everywhere  an 
officer  cast  off  and  in  disgrace  for  secret  reasons." 

It  does  not  appear  that  the  King  ever  received  the 
appeal  from  which  these  words  are  taken.  But  this  letter 
and  other  entreaties  and  complaints  of  his  were  of  so 
much  avail  that  M.  Chaumont  persuaded  Sartine  to  give 
orders  for  the  purchase  of  a  ship  for  Jones.  The  result  was 
that  on  the  4th  of  February,  1779,  the  "Due  de  Duras,"  a 
ship  fourteen  years  old,  was  bought  and  given  to  him. 
He  considered  that  he  gained  this  success  by  going  to 
Paris  himself.  At  his  request,  therefore,  she  was  called 
"  Le  Bon  Homme  Eichard,"  in  memory  of  Poor  Eichard's 
saying,  "If  you  would  have  your  business  done,  come 
yourself.  If  not,  send."  He  still  had  to  have  cannon 
cast  for  the  ship's  battery,  and  succeeded  in  enlisting 
sailors  readily,  the  American  seamen  at  Nantes  "being 
generally  pleased,"  he  says,  "  with  the  character  of  the 
Poor  Richard."  He  now  made  his  plans  to  do  exactly 
what  he  had  proposed  to  do  the  year  before,  —  to  make 
some  descent  upon  the  English  coast,  and  to  destroy  the 
Baltic  fleet,  which  would  be  protected  by  a  single  frig 
ate  only.  It  was  also  proposed  at  Court  that  Lafayette 
should  join  him,  and  command  a  body  of  select  French 
troops.  The  "  Alliance,"  a  new  frigate  built  in  America, 
had  lately  arrived,  and  she  was  to  join  the  squadron,  with 
the  "Pallas,"  the  "Vengeance,"  and  the  cutter  "Cerf." 
All  these  last-named  vessels  "  belonged  to  the  King." 
On  the  30th  of  April,  1779,  the  "Eichard"  was  ready 

17 


258  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

for  sea,  if  only  her  battery  could  be  provided.  But  the 
plan  for  a  military  force  was  abandoned.  The  French 
government  was  projecting  a  general  invasion,  and  on  the 
22d  of  May  Lafayette  wrote  to  Jones  to  apprise  him  of 
this  change.  Jones's  little  expedition  was  a  mere  trifle  to 
such  important  movements.  Jones  announces  to  Franklin 
his  own  disappointment  at  the  failure  of  this  plan  in  the 
following  letter. 

L'ORIENT,  May  26,  1779. 

MY  DEAR  SIR,  —  Since  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your 
kind  and  polite  letter  of  the  19th  I  have  waited  with 
impatient  expectation  of  seeing  the  Marquis  here.  The 
"Bonhomme  Eichard,"  the  " Alliance,"  the  "Pallas,"  the 
"  Scerf,"  and  the  "  Vengeance  "  are  now  ready  in  the  Road 
for  embarkation  of  the  troops.  I  have  sent  officers  and 
men  to  Brest  for  the  "  Leveller,"  and  I  expect  the  appear 
ance  of  that  vessel  every  hour.  This  little  armament  was 
not,  I  may  say,  begun  before  the  12th  of  this  month. 
Since  then  the  people  concerned  in  it  have  been  employed 
night  and  day,  and  I  have  flattered  myself  with  hopes  of 
success  and  honor. 

Judge  then  of  my  disappointment  when,  instead  of 
seeing  the  Marquis,  I  have  recd  a  letter  from  him,  which 
tells  me  that  the  "  King's  disposition  concerning  our  plan 
is  entirely  changed,  and  that  instead  of  meeting  me,  he  is 
now  going  to  take  command  of  the  King's  Reg*  at  Saints." 

Extraordinary  as  this  change  is,  it  is  not  my  place  to 
inquire  into  the  reasons  of  it,  —  and  the  expense  of  the 
armament  may  perhaps  exceed  the  usual  amount,  —  yet  I 
am  certain  that  the  alteration  cannot  be  imputed  to  any 
want  of  activity  on  my  part.  Indeed,  it  is  my  opinion 
that  no  season  would  be  so  fit  for  our  purpose  as  the  pres 
ent  ;  for  supposing  the  fleet  should  sail  from  Brest  about 
the  1st  of  June,  the  enemies'  attention  would  be  fully 


PAUL  JONES   AND  FRANKLIN.  259 

engaged,  and  I  think  they  would  find  employment  enough 
without  attending  to  the  little  armament  at  L' Orient. 

I  am  ready  to  follow  any  plan  you  please  to  adopt,  or 
if  any  thing  is  left  to  me,  you  may  depend  on  my  best 
endeavours,  either  in  Europe  or  America,  —  in  both  I 
think  I  can  see  openings.  It  would  have  added  greatly 
to  my  happiness  to  have  been  joined  in  command  with  a 
character  so  amiable  as  the  Marquis,  and  I  am  unwilling 
to  drop  the  expectation  of  his  coming  here.  His  letter 
was  but  this  moment  brought  to  my  hands,  and  to  save 
the  post  I  am  obliged  to  shorten  my  letter. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  honest  affection  and  esteem 
in  all  changes,  honored  and  dear  sir,  your  very  obliged 
friend  and  obliged  servant, 

JNO.  P.  JONES. 

It  was  while  the  plan  of  a  joint  expedition  was  still 
entertained,  that  Franklin  wrote  his  wise  letter  on  the 
management  of  such  expeditions,  with  a  series  of  instruc 
tions  as  to  defenceless  towns  and  prisoners. 

"Although  the  English  have  wantonly  burned  many 
defenceless  towns  in  America,  you  are  not  to  follow  this 
example,  unless  when  a  reasonable  ransom  is  refused ;  in 
which  case  your  own  generous  feelings  as  well  as  this 
instruction  will  induce  you  to  give  timely  notice  of  your 
intention,  that  sick  and  ancient  persons,  women  and 
children,  may  be  first  removed." 

In  reply  to  Franklin,  Jones  said :  "  The  letter  I  had  the 
honour  to  receive  from  you  to-day,  would  make  a  coward 
brave." 

A  letter  written  by  Franklin  to  the  Marine  Board  of 
Congress  about  this  time,  will  illustrate  the  embarrass 
ments  which  were  thus  brought  upon  Franklin  and  the 
Commissioners :  — 


260  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

PASSY,  2d  June,  1779. 
To  the  Marine  Committee  of  Congress : 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  received  the  honor  of  yours  by  the 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  who  arrived  safe  and  well  in  the 
"  Alliance"  freguatte,  which  you  were  pleased  to  put  under 
my  orders. 

There  had  been  a  conspiracy  on  board  to  seize  and  run 
away  with  the  ship  to  England.  Thirty-eight  of  the  crew 
concerned  in  the  plot  were  brought  in  under  confinement, 
and  the  captain  was  much  embarrassed  with  them  and 
suspicious  of  many  more.  We  could  not  try  them  here 
for  want  of  officers  sufficient  to  make  a  court-martial. 
The  French  Admiralty  could  not  take  cognizance  of  their 
offence.  The  captain  objected  to  carrying  them  back,  as 
both  troublesome  and  dangerous.  In  fine,  we  got  leave  to 
land  and  confine  them  in  a  French  prison,  where  they 
continue  till  farther  orders. 

Captain  Landais  desired  much  to  have  his  ship  sheathed 
here  with  copper ;  but  having  neither  orders  nor  money  in 
my  hands  for  that  purpose,  I  was  obliged  to  refuse  it. 
There  was  a  great  misunderstanding  between  him  and  his 
officers,  and  a  great  discontent  among  the  officers  them 
selves,  who  were  in  want  of  clothing  and  money.  The 
ship,  too,  tho'  new,  wanted  great  repairs,  all  her  iron-work 
being  bad.  The  agent,  M.  Schweighauser,  required  my 
orders  about  everything,  and  I  had  letters  from  him,  from 
the  officers,  or  from  the  captain,  by  almost  every  post. 
My  total  unacquaintedness  with  such  business  made  it 
very  perplexing  to  me.  I  have  got  thro'  it  at  last,  and 
I  hear  the  officers  are  more  contented ;  but  I  hope  to  have 
no  more  such  affairs  on  my  hands.  Being  informed  by  the 
officer  who  came  up  from  the  captain  with  the  despatches 
that  she  had  not  hands  sufficient  to  man  prizes  if  she 
should  be  sent  on  a  cruise ;  that  the  captain  did  not  care 


LETTER  TO  MARINE  COMMITTEE.  261 

to  supply  the  deficiency  with  Frenchmen ;  that  if  she  were 
again  at  Boston,  now  that  her  character  for  a  swift  sailor 
and  that  of  the  captain  for  a  good  officer  were  established, 
of  which  the  seamen  were  before  doubtful,  there  was  .the 
greatest  probability  that  she  would  be  fully  manned  imme 
diately  ;  and  as  Mr.  Adams  wished  for  an  opportunity  of 
going  home,  and  I  heard  that  some  ships  were  bound  to 
North  America  from  Nantes  to  whom  the  convoy  of  a 
frigate  quite  to  the  American  coast  might  be  convenient, — 
I  determined  to  send  her  back  directly,  and  accordingly 
offered  her  as  convoy  to  the  trade.  But  as  Mr.  de  la  Motte 
Picquet  was  about  to  sail  from  Brest  with  a  squadron  be 
fore  our  frigate  could  be  fitted,  and  as  he  offered  to  take 
care  of  all  outward  bound  ships  who  should  join  him  at 
Brest,  the  offer  I  made  was  not  accepted.  All  the  Ameri 
can  ships  went  from  Nantes  to  join  his  fleet.  She  was, 
however,  still  to  go  with  M.  Adams ;  but  receiving  the 
enclosed  letter  from  Mr.  de  Sartine,  Minister  of  the  Ma 
rine,  who  at  the  same  time  offered  to  man  her  completely 
if  I  complied  with  his  request,  I  thought  it  right  to  oblige 
him,  as  the  inconvenience  would  be  only  a  little  longer 
delay  to  Mr.  Adams  in  getting  home,  and  by  her  extremely 
swift  sailing,  of  which  they  relate  wonders,  she  might,  in 
the  proposed  cruise,  take  prisoners  enough  to  relieve,  by 
the  now  established  cartel,  the  rest  of  our  unfortunate 
countrymen  still  in  the  English  prisons.  I  accordingly 
acquainted  M.  de  Sartirie  that  I  would,  agreeable  to  his 
desire,  order  her  to  L'Orient,  where  she  now  is  a  part  of 
Capt.  Jones's  little  squadron,  which  is  ready  to  sail,  if  not 
already  sailed,  on  the  intended  expedition. 

After  all  this  was  thus  arranged,  Mr.  Arthur  Lee  wrote 
to  me  to  urge  the  sending  her  with  the  merchant  ships, 
arid  to  carry  over  some  despatches  of  his  and  Mr.  Izard's 
that  were  of  great  importance ;  but  as  those  ships  were  by 


262  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

this  time  sailed,  and  the  French  frigate  with  the  new  min 
ister  and  Mr.  Adams  was  to  sail  in  a  week  or  two  and 
might  carry  those  despatches,  the  contents  of  which  I  was 
not  acquainted  with,  I  did  not  see  the  necessity  of  retract 
ing  the  promise  I  had  made  to  the  minister,  and  thereby 
deranging  the  expedition. 

As  our  ships-of-war  that  arrive  here  require  an  amazing 
expense  to  outfit  them,  and  the  prizes  they  bring  in  often 
occasion  law  suits  and  all  the  embarrassment  and  sollicita- 
tion  and  vexation  attending  suits  in  this  country,  I  must 
beg  the  Committee  would  be  so  good  as  to  order  the  several 
Navy  Boards  to  send  no  more  to  be  out  fitted  here  without 
sending  effects  to  defray  the  expense;  and  that  if  our 
armed  ships  should  be  still  ordered  to  cruise  in  these  seas, 
a  consul  or  consuls  may  be  appointed  in  the  several  sea 
ports,  who  will  thereby  be  more  at  hand  to  transact  mari 
time  business  expeditiously,  will  understand  it  better, 
relieve  your  Minister  at  this  Court  from  a  great  deal  of 
trouble,  and  leave  him  at  liberty  to  attend  affairs  of  more 
general  importance. 

With  great  esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the  honour 
Gentlemen,  &c.,  &C.1 

The  squadron  at  last  sailed  from  Groix  on  the  14th  of 
August.  Jones  had  been  chafing  and  raging  for  more 
than  fifteen  months,  and  was  at  last  at  sea,  in  nominal 
command.  The  "  Alliance,"  the  American  frigate  attached 
to  his  squadron,  was  a  fine  vessel,  but  was,  alas,  under  the 
command  of  Landais,  who  was  nearly  if  not  quite  crazy, 
and  who  illustrated  every  day  to  Jones  the  hopelessness 
of  any  attempt  to  command  a  crew  of  one  nation  by  an 
officer  selected  from  the  service  of  another.  Besides  the 

1  In  more  than  one  instance,  mutinous  crews  carried  ships  into  Eng 
land,  by  such  conspiracy  as  threatened  the  "  Alliance." 


BATTLE   WITH   THE   "SERAPIS."  263 

five  vessels  already  named,  the  "  Monsieur,"  a  privateer  of 
forty  guns,  and  the  "  Grand  ville,"  of  fourteen,  joined  the 
squadron.  Landais  soon  showed  symptoms  of  insubordi 
nation,  and  at  one  critical  time,  when  Jones  wished  to 
land  on  the  Scotch  coast,  he  had  disappeared.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  Jones  threatened  Leith,  an  event  which 
Walter  Scott  speaks  of  among  his  earliest  recollections. 
But  a  sudden  change  of  wind,  and  the  absence  of  Landais, 
compelled  the  squadron  to  withdraw. 

They  took  many  coasting  vessels  and  colliers  and  some 
more  valuable  prizes.  But  the  expedition  had  failed  of 
Jones's  main  purpose,  a  descent  on  the  English  or  Scotch 
coast,  and  was  on  its  return  to  the  Texel,  as  ordered  in 
the  original  plan,  when,  on  the  23d  of  September,  Jones  fell 
in,  off  Scarborough  on  the  eastern  coast  of  England,  with 
the  Baltic  fleet  of  merchantmen,  under  convoy  of  the 
"  Serapis  "  and  "  Countess  of  Scarborough."  There  were 
in  all  forty-three  sail.  Jones  had  been  joined  the  day 
before  by  the  "  Pallas  "  and  the  "  Alliance."  The  "  Cerf  " 
and  the  "  Vengeance  "  had  left  him  long  before. 

Of  the  memorable  action  which  followed  we  have 
Jones's  official  account,  written  at  the  Texel,  October  3, 
his  account  in  his  letter  to  King  Louis,  the  official 
account  by  Pearson,  the  English  commander,  and  a  care 
ful  account  by  Dale,  afterwards  a  captain  in  the  navy, 
who  was  then  a  lieutenant  under  Jones.  These  accounts 
differ  from  each  other  as  little  as  could  be  expected,  con 
sidering  the  difference  in  the  points  of  view.  The  action 
began  at  seven  in  the  evening.  Pearson  was  near  enough 
to  hail  the  "  Richard,"  and  said,  "  If  you  do  not  answer, 
T  will  fire."  No  answer  was  heard.  He  did  fire  the 
broadside  of  his  lower  deck,  and  at  the  same  time  the 
"  Richard  "  fired  hers.  She  had  six  heavy  guns,  two  of 
which  burst  at  this  discharge.  The  men  on  that  deck 


264  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

refused  to  work  the  remaining  guns.  Jones  brought  his 
ship  close  to  his  adversary,  and  even  tried  to  fasten  the  ves 
sels  together.  But  they  fell  apart.  Firing  had  ceased,  and 
Pearson  hailed  again  to  ask  if  the  "  Richard  "  had  struck. 
"  I  have  not  begun  to  fight,"  was  the  ominous  reply. 

From  this  moment  the  "  Richard's "  main  deck  was 
abandoned,  and  the  ten  guns  of  Pearson's  main-deck 
battery  swept  that  deck  through  and  through.  But  the 
"  Richard  "  was  higher  than  the  "  Serapis  ;  "  and  from  her 
upper  decks,  even  from  her  tops,  a  destructive  fire  was 
poured  in  on  the  English  vessel.  The  two  ships  came  to 
gether  again  and  became  entangled,  but  neither  party  fairly 
boarded  the  other,  though  Pearson  once  attempted  to. 
The  critical  last  moment  came,  when  a  grenade  from  the 
"  Richard's  "  tops  exploded  some  cartridges  left  for  service 
on  the  "  Serapis,"  and  some  twenty  of  Pearson's  men  were 
blown  to  pieces.  Captain  Pearson  struck  the  flag  with 
his  own  hand. 

Meanwhile  Landais,  in  the  "  Alliance,"  was  sailing 
round  and  round,  hurting  his  companions,  as  they  said, 
more  than  his  enemies.  His  contribution  to  the  history 
is  in  these  very  unsatisfactory  lines,  which  have  not,  till 
now,  been  printed.  He  was  commonly  charged,  among 
the  Americans,  with  treason,  but  it  proved  that  he  was 
insane. 

Journal    of   Landais' s    Cruise  in    the   "Alliance"    dated 
Oct.  4,  1779. 

On  Saturday,  the  14  August,  we  were  the  ships  "  Bon 
Homme  Richard,"  "Alliance,"  "Monsieur,"  and  "Pallas," 
Armed  brigs  "  Vengeance "  and  "  Grand-ville,"  and  the 
"  Cerf "  cutter,  in  company  under  Groa.  We  all  weyed 
Anchor  and  put  to  sea  early  in  the  morning.  .  .  . 


LANDAIS'S  NARRATIVE.  265 

[Under  date  Sept.  23d.]  Early  this  morning  saw  the 
"  Bon  H.  Eichard  "  and  "  Vengeance."  At  2  in  the  after 
noon,  saw  two  ships  leewards  of  us  lying  to  off  the  land. 
They  appeared  to  be  men-of-war.  Saw  also  a  fleet  stand 
ing  for  Scarboro'.  Made  signal  and  gave  chace  to  the  former, 
and  came  down  to  them  in  the  evening.  They  proved  to 
be  the  "  Serapis "  of  44  guns,  Capt.  Pearson,  and  the 
"  Countess  of  Scarborough  "  of  22  guns,  Capt.  Piercy.  An 
engagement  immediately  took  place. 

The  "Serapis"  I  afterwards  towd  off  the  land,  as  she 
was  disabled  and  had  drifted  within  4  miles  of  Flamborough 
head,  while  3  of  our  boats  with  part  of  our  crew  were 
assisting  on  board  the  "  B.  H.  Eichard."  All  that  I  suf 
fered  in  the  engagement  was  in  my  sails  and  rigging,  with 
a  few  shots  in  our  hull ;  and  this  was  of  but  very  little 
damage. 

25.     The  "  B.  H.  Eichard,"  being  evacuated,  sunk. 

After  this  we  made  the  best  of  our  way  to  this 
place,  received  a  pilot  on  board  yesterday,  and  got  up 
to-day. 

We  are  now  the  ships  "Alliance"  and  "Pallas,"  and 
brig  "Vengeance,"  in  company  with  the  "Serapis"  and 
"  Countess  of  Scarborough,"  prizes. 

The  "Alliance"  alone  took  1  letter  of  marke,  22  guns,  2 
sloops,  and  a  brig  either  empty  or  in  coals. 

1  brig  with  the  "  Pallas,"  empty. 

With  the  "B.  H.  Eichard,"  2  Slip.,  4  Brigs,  "Serap.," 
and  "C.  of  S.,"  226  prisoners  in  off.  and  men. 

This  is  light  language  in  which  to  describe  an  action  in 
which,  according  to  the  best  accounts,  Landais's  friends 
suffered  from  him  much  more  than  his  enemies. 

Meanwhile  Cottineau,  in  the  "  Pallas,"  had  engaged  the 
"Countess  of  Scarborough,"  and  had  taken  her.  "The 


266  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

'  Alliance/  as  I  am  informed,"  Jones  writes  grimly,  "  had 
fired  into  the  '  Pallas '  and  killed  some  men." 

When  morning  dawned  after  the  battle,  which  was  fought 
at  night,  it  proved  that  the  "  Eichard  "  was  sinking.  The 
"  Serapis  "  had  lost  her  main- mast  and  mizzen  top-mast, 
which  fell  just  as  her  commander  struck  her  colors  with 
his  own  hand.  She  had  fought  through  the  latter  part  of 
the  action  at  anchor,  so  near  were  they  all  to  the  English 
shore.  The  merchantmen  had  escaped  while  the  battle  went 
'  on.  The  fleet  was  the  Baltic  fleet,  returning  to  England.1 

The  crew  of  the  "Kichard"  were  transferred  to  the 
"Serapis."  The  "Eichard"  herself  sank  after  the  trans 
fer  had  been  made.  The  victorious  squadron  pursued  its 
way  to  the  Texel,  and  arrived  there  on  the  2d  of  October. 
Here  were  to  begin  again  all  the  difficulties  of  belligerents 
in  the  territory  of  a  neutral  state,  which,  in  the  beginning, 
Wickes  and  Conyngham  had  experienced  in  France.  Hol 
land  had  not  yet  recognized  the  independence  of  America. 
She  was  even  bound  with  England  by  the  treaty  of  1678 
"to  break  with  any  aggressor  against  her."  But  on  the 
other  hand,  the  merchants  of  Amsterdam  —  and  one  may 
say  the  public  opinion  of  Holland  —  were  in  favor  of 
America.  Among  the  papers  of  Laurens,  whom  the  Eng 
lish  government  had  taken  prisoner  on  his  way  to  Holland, 
had  been  found  the  draft  of  a  treaty  of  amity  and  com 
merce  with  the  Dutch.  Jones  was  destined  to  endure  three 
months  more  of  waiting  —  in  Holland  now  —  before  he 
could  again  take  the  sea. 

Franklin  wrote  to  him  from  France,  in  acknowledgment 
of  his  official  despatch, — 

"  For  some  days  after  the  arrival  of  your  express  scarce 
anything  was  talked  of  at  Paris  and  Versailles  but  your 

1  Not  sailing  to  the  Baltic,  as  Mr.  Thackeray  supposes  in  "Denis 
Duval." 


JONES   LEAVES  HOLLAND.  267 

i 

cool  conduct  and  persevering  bravery  during  that  terrible 
conflict.  You  may  believe  that  the  impression  on  my 
mind  was  not  less  strong  than  that  of  others ;  but  I  do 
not  choose  to  say  in  a  letter  to  yourself  all  I  think  on 
such  an  occasion." 

In  the  same  letter  he  tells  Jones  how  much  the  French 
government  is  displeased  with  Landais,  and  that  he  had, 
on  the  day  he  wrote,  called  Landais  to  Paris  to  give  an 
account  of  himself.  If  he  refuses  to  come,  Jones  is  to  put 
him  under  arrest.  In  another  chapter  the  reader  will  see 
what  followed  in  the  inquiry  which  was  made  in  Paris 
regarding  Landais's  behavior. 

Jones's  correspondence  with  the  Dutch  officials  and  with 
the  French  ministry  at  this  period  of  his  detention  in  Hol 
land  has  been  already  quite  fully  published  from  Miss 
Taylor's  collection  of  his  own  papers.  The  reader  will 
have  to  follow,  for  two  or  more  years  of  the  history,  the 
entanglements  which  resulted  from  Landais's  insubordina 
tion  and  the  difficult  ways  of  Dutch  neutrality. 

Jones  himself  finally  left  Holland  in  the  "  Alliance  "  on 
the  27th  of  December.  On  the  16th  of  January,  1780,  he 
ran  into  Corunna,  where  the  Spanish  authorities  received 
him  with  great  kindness.  He  sailed  again,  after  refitting, 
and  arrived  at  Groix  (L'Orient)  on  the  10th  of  February. 
He  wrote  to  Paris,  begging  leave  to  refit  the  "Alliance," 
to  sheathe  her,  and  procure  new  canvas  and  cordage.  This 
Franklin  absolutely  forbade.  Jones  soon  found  his  way 
to  Paris,  where  he  became  a  lion  for  the  time.  He  had 
placed  on  the  "Alliance"  the  cannon  intended  for  the 
"  Kichard,"  which  had  arrived  too  late  for  that  vessel. 
A  cartel  from  England  enabled  him  to  man  her  with 
four  hundred  American  seamen,  lately  prisoners.  But 
after  all,  Landais  took  her  to  sea,  as  will  be  seen  in 
another  chapter. 


268  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

The  following  letters  from  Franklin  to  his  friends  in 
Massachusetts  give  his  review  of  the  naval  operations  of 
the  summer. 

PASSY,  Oct.  17,  1779. 
Honourable  the  Commissioners  of  the  Navy  for  the  Eastern 

Department,  Boston: 

GENTLEMEN, —  I  received  the  letters  you  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  the  30th  of  July  and  18th  of 
August  last,  by  the  "Mercury"  packet-boat  and  by  a  French 
cutter ;  the  other  despatches  Capt.  Sampson  was  entrusted 
with  came  all  safe  to  hand,  and  I  should  have  despatched 
him  sooner  if  I  had  not  found  it  necessary  to  detain  him 
in  order  to  send  by  him  to  Congress  some  advices  of 
importance  which  could  not  be  sooner  obtained. 

The  cruise  of  our  little  American  squadron  under  com 
mand  of  Commodore  Jones,  intended  partly  to  intercept 
the  Baltic  trade,  has  had  some  success,  tho'  not  all  that  was 
hoped  for.  The  coasts  of  Britain  and  Ireland  have  been 
greatly  alarmed,  apprehending  descents,  it  being  supposed 
that  he  had  land  forces  with  him.  This  has  put  the  enemy 
to  much  expence  in  marching  troops  from  place  to  place. 
Several  valuable  prizes  have  been  made  of  merchant  ships, 
particularly  two,  —  one  from  London,  300  tons  and  84  men, 
with  22  guns,  laden  with  naval  stores  for  Quebec ;  the  other 
from  Liverpool  bound  to  New  York  and  Jamaica,  of  22 
guns  and  87  men,  laden  with  provisions  and  bale  goods. 
These  two  are  safely  arrived  at  Bergen  in  Norway ;  two 
smaller  prizes  are  arrived  in  France,  and  a  number  of  Col 
liers  have  been  burnt  or  ransomed.  The  Baltic  fleet  was 
met  with,  and  the  two  men-of-war  who  convoyed  them,  viz., 
the  "  Serapis,"  a  new  ship  of  44  guns,  and  the  "  Countess 
of  Scarborough,"  of  20  guns,  are  taken,  after  a  long  and 
bloody  engagement,  and  are  brought  into  the  Texel.  But 
the  merchant  ships  escaped  during  the  conflict,  for  which 


FRANKLIN'S   REVIEW  OF   THE   YEAR.  269 

the  "  Alliance "  and  one  of  the  other  ships  are  blamed, 
whether  justly  or  not  may  be  enquired  into.  Our  Commo 
dore's  ship  was  so  shattered  that  she  could  not  be  kept 
afloat,  and  the  people  being  all  taken  out  of  her,  she  sunk 
the  second  day  after  the  engagement.  The  rest  of  the 
squadron  are  refitting  in  the  Texel,  from  which  neutral 
place  they  will  be  obliged  soon  to  depart  with  their  prizes 
and  prisoners,  near  400.  I  wish  they  may  arrive  safe  in 
France,  for  I  suppose  the  English  will  endeavour  to  inter 
cept  them.  Jones's  bravery  and  conduct  in  the  action  has 
gained  him  great  honour. 

I  condole  with  you  on  the  loss  of  your  armament  against 
Penobscot ;  but  I  suppose  the  sugar  ships  since  taken  and 
brought  into  your  port  have  more  than  compensated  the 
expense,1  tho'  not  the  disappointment  of  the  well  intended 
expedition.  The  Congress  write  for  naval  stores.  I  have 
acquainted  them  that  I  have  lately  been  informed  that 
stores  for  fitting  out  two  36  gun  frigates,  which  we  bought 
here  and  sent  out  two  years  ago,  are  still  lying  in  the  ware 
houses  of  Mr.  Canabas  at  Cape  Francois,  having  been 
forgotten  there  or  never  sent  for.  Perhaps  you  may  obtain 
them.  The  Quebec  ship,  if  we  can  get  her  safe  home,  will 
afford  large  supply. 

I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  the  newspapers.  I  shall 
direct  Mr.  Schweighauser  to  send  you  an  account  of  the 
advances  made  to  the  officers  of  the  "  Alliance,"  if  he  has 
not  already  done  it.  With  great  respect,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Austin. 

PASST,  Oct.  20,  1779. 

Sm,  —  I  received  your  several  favours  of  June  10,  July 
12,  and  27.  It  gave  me  pleasure  to  hear  of  your  safe  arri- 

1  Hutchinson,  in  his  Diary,  says  they  did. 


270  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

val  in  your  native  country ;  and  I  am  obliged  to  you  for 
the  intelligence  your  letters  contain,  which  I  hope  you  will 
continue,  and  for  the  newspapers.  This  campaign  in 
Europe  has  not  been  so  active  as  was  expected,  owing  to 
contrary  winds  and  other  accidents,  which  a  long  time 
prevented  the  junction  of  the  French  and  Spanish  fleets, 
and  afterwards  the  meeting  with  that  of  the  English.  But 
something  may  yet  be  done  before  winter.  The  American 
flag  has,  however,  disturbed  the  British  coasts,  inter 
rupted  their  home  trade  a  good  deal,  and  alarmed  them 
with  apprehensions  of  descents  in  different  places.  Our 
little  squadron  under  Commodore  Jones  has  also  lately 
taken  two  of  their  men-of-war,  and  brought  them  into 
Holland  with  near  400  prisoners,  which  will  be  a  means, 
I  hope,  of  delivering  the  rest  of  our  countrymen  who  are 
confined  in  English  prisons.  Here  is  nothing  worth  your 
acceptance  that  one  can  propose  to  you.  I  wish  you  suc 
cess  in  any  business  you  may  undertake,  being  with  much 
regard,  sir,  &c. 

My  grandson  presents  his  respects. 

A  careful  letter  by  Franklin,  written  perhaps  with  a 
little  asperity,  to  the  Board  of  Admiralty  as  late  as  March, 
1781,  resumes  very  intelligibly  the  naval  movement  of 
this  summer.  It  has  been  printed  by  Mr.  Sparks,  and  it 
does  not  seem  necessary  to  repeat  it  here. 


CHAPTER  XV. 
1779. 

WHEN  Temple  Franklin  printed,  in  the  year  1818, 
the  six  volumes  of  Franklin  papers,  which  have 
till  now  been  the  principal  storehouse  open  to  general 
readers,  he  hoped  to  publish  six  volumes  more,  and  re 
served  for  those  volumes  most  of  the  letters  of  the  later 
part  of  his  grandfather's  residence  in  France.  We  have 
now  come  to  the  period  from  which  his  extracts  were  more 
scanty  ;  and,  as  we  have  access  to  the  whole  collection,  ours 
will,  in  consequence,  be  more  full.  To  bring  into  one 
chapter  the  narrative  of  Paul  Jones's  career,  we  have  fol 
lowed  his  movements  through  the  year  1779.  The  reader 
must  now  return  to  the  beginning  of  that  year  for  the 
other  matters  of  political  interest. 

Early  in  the  year  Lafayette  returned  to  France,  with 
the  hope  of  quickening  the  interest  of  the  French  Court  in 
America,  —  a  hope  which  was  not  without  foundation. 
He  had  sailed  from  Boston  early  in  January.  Franklin 
and  he  always  understood  each  other.  The  following  note 
from  Franklin  shows  the  report  he  brought  of  himself 

from  America :  — 

PASSY,  Feb.  19,  1779. 

The  Marquis  de  La  Fayette  is  returned,  covered  with 
laurels.1  He  and  his  suite  speak  very  handsomely  of  the 
Americans  and  the  present  condition  of  our  affairs.  All 

1  Lafayette's  first  letter  to  Vergennes  after  his  return  is  dated  Feb.  14, 
1779. 


272  FRANKLIN  IN   FRANCE. 

the  letters  from  persons  in  different  bodies  —  the  Congress, 
the  army,  the  government  of  separate  states  —  are  full  of 
his  praises.  By  his  bravery  and  good  conduct  he  appears 
to  have  gained  the  esteem  and  affection  of  that  whole 
continent. 

With  Lafayette  returned  some  of  the  French  officers, 
who  had  been  disappointed  in  obtaining  high  positions  in 
the  American  army  ;  and  as  the  year  passed,  more  of  them 
followed.  Congress  eventually  advanced  a  considerable 
sum  to  pay  their  passage  and  expenses  back  to  France. 

But  such  views  do  not  appear  to  have  reversed,  in  the 
least,  that  current  of  public  sentiment  which  flowed  as 
strongly  as  ever  in  favor  of  America.  As  the  year  ad 
vanced,  the  French  government  proposed  a  descent,  in 
considerable  force,  on  the  English  coast.  It  seems  as  if  it 
would  have  been  attempted  but  for  a  failure  of  the  Medi 
terranean  fleet  to  come  round  through  the  Straits  of  Gib 
raltar  in  time,  and  for  the  sickness  which  the  crews 
contracted  on  the  coast  of  Spain  on  this  short  voyage. 
Indeed,  the  difficulty  and  delay  of  all  maritime  move 
ments  in  this  war  present  to  readers  in  our  day  constant 
subjects  for  surprise. 

The  following  letter  will  show  how  important  the 
legitimate  commerce  between  America  and  France  began 
to  be,  and  the  interesting  subjects  which  presented  them 
selves  in  its  infancy :  — 

PASSY,  Jan.  26th,  79. 

To  Messrs.  J.  Lloyd,  Daniel  Blake,  P.  N.  Fendall,  Jo.  Ross, 

J.    Wharton,  Lawrence  Brooke,    W.  Blake,  W.  Thompson, 

M.  Maese,   Cha.   Ogilvle,  at  Nantes  : 

GENTLEMEN,  —  We  had  yesterday  the  honor  of  your 
letter  of  the  21  of  this  month. 

You  desire  to  know  what  port  or  ports  is  or  are  made 
free  pursuant  to  the  treaty.  We  believe  that  none  have 


EUROPEAN  TRADE.  278 

as  yet  been  determined  on.  At  present  all  the  ports  of 
France  are  open  to  American  vessels  of  all  denominations, 
and  we  are  at  present  rather  doubtful  whether  it  would  be 
politick  in  us  to  apply  to  have  any  distinction  made.  If 
the  appointment  of  free  ports  would  relieve  us  from  the 
payment  of  duties  of  import  or  export,  we  should  apply 
immediately.  But  as  we  apprehend,  this  advantage  would 
not  be  the  consequence ;  the  limits  of  the  free  port  would 
be  prescribed,  and  the  same  duties  must  be  paid  upon  re 
moving  goods  within  or  without  those  limits  as  are  now 
paid  upon  imports  and  exports.  Goods,  however,  might 
be  brought  into  such  free  ports  from  abroad,  and  there 
landed  and  stored  for  a  time,  and  then  exported  without 
paying  duties ;  but  whether  this  would  be  any  great  ad 
vantage  to  our  trade  at  present,  you  are  better  judges  than 
we.  We  shall  be  glad  of  your  advice  upon  this  head  ;  and 
if  you  think  of  any  advantages  of  considerable  moment 
that  would  arise,  we  shall  be  always  ready  to  apply  for 
such  an  appointment.  We  are  sorry  it  is  not  in  our  power 
to  give  you  any  acceptable  information  respecting  the 
eighth  article  of  the  treaty,  which  relates  to  the  Barbary 
corsairs.  All  we  can  say  is,  that  we  have  applied  to  the 
Ministry  upon  this  head  some  months  ago,  and  received 
satisfactory  expressions  of  the  dispositions  of  this  govern 
ment  to  do  everything  that  is  stipulated  in  that  article 
of  the  treaty.  But  some  things  remain  to  be  determined 
by  Congress,  to  whom  we  have  written  on  the  subject,  and 
we  must  necessarily  wait  their  instructions. 

There  are  two  enquiries  to  be  made,  viz. :  which  of  all 
the  nations  who  now  trade  with  France  is  the  most  favor'd? 
and  what  duties  are  paid  by  that  nation  ?  These  duties, 
and  these  only,  we  suppose,  we  are  to  pay ;  and  as  soon  as 
circumstances  will  permit,  —  two  of  us  having  been  for  a 
fortnight  very  ill  and  one  of  us  continuing  so,  —  we  shall 

18 


274  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

apply  to  the  Ministry  for  an  dclaircissement  upon  this  head 
which  we  will  endeavour  to  communicate  to  you  as  soon 
as  we  shall  obtain  it. 

We  have  received  an  answer  to  our  last  application  for 
a  convoy,  from  their  excellencies  the  Count  de  Vergennes 
and  M.  de  Sartine.  But  the  answers  convinced  us  that 
M.  de  Sartine  was  under  some  misinformation  or  mis 
understanding  relative  to  the  business,  which  obliged  us 
to  write  again.  As  soon  as  we  shall  be  honor'd  with  an 
answer,  we  will  communicate  the  result  of  it  to  you 
[for  the  Commissioners,  by  B.  Franklin]. 

This  is  the  last  important  letter  signed  by  Franklin  as 
one  of  the  "  Commissioners."  Congress  at  last  wavered 
in  its  absurd  policy  of  sending  three  men  to  watch  each 
other,  and  made  him  Minister  Plenipotentiary.  He  an 
nounces  this  appointment  in  the  following  letter :  — 

Franklin  to  Jona.  Williams,  Junr. 

PASSY,  Feb.  13,  1779. 

DEAR  COUSIN,  —  I  have  the  pleasure  of  acquainting 
you  that  the  Congress  have  been  pleased  to  honor  me  with 
a  sole  appointment  to  be  their  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at 
this  Court,  and  I  have  just  received  my  credentials.  This 
mark  of  public  confidence  is  the  more  agreeable  to  me  as 
it  was  not  obtained  by  any  solicitation  or  intrigue  on  my 
part,  nor  have  I  ever  written  a  syllable  to  any  person, 
in  or  out  of  Congress,  magnifying  my  own  services  or 
diminishing  those  of  others. 

William  Greene,  Esqr.,  present  Govr.  of  the  State  of 
Ehode  Island,  has  sent  me  some  bills  of  exchange,  amount 
ing  to  1,080  livres,  which  he  desires  may  be  laid  out  in  the 
following  articles :  1  piece  dark  calico ;  1  piece  bedtick ; 


LETTER   TO   VERGENNES.  275 

best  silk  handkerchiefs,  and  linnen  do. ;  Hollands,  cam- 
bricks,  muslins,  sewing-silk  ;  and  one  box  of  window-glass, 
7  inches  by  nine.  I  send  you  the  commission,  and  desire 
you  to  forward  the  things  by  the  first  good  opportunity, 
drawing  upon  me  for  the  money. 

I  am  told  you  have  laid  aside  your  thoughts  of  going  to 
America  at  present,  so  that  you  will  not  have  the  oppor 
tunity  you  wished  for  of  settling  your  accounts  there. 
No  resolution  has  been  yet  taken  by  the  Commissioners 
here  relating  to  your  proposition  of  settling  them  by  arbi 
tration  at  Nantes ;  and  tho'  I  could  now  perhaps  do  by 
myself  what  is  necessary  to  finish  the  affair  in  that  way, 
yet  as  the  transactions  were  in  their  time,  it  seems  to  me 
most  proper  that  they  should  consent  to  it. 

I  am  ever  your  affectionate  uncle,  &c.,  &c. 

He  begins  his  independent  diplomatic  career  by  propos 
ing  to  Vergennes  the  plans  which  he  and  the  majority  of 
Congress  would  favor  for  the  use  of  Count  D'Estaing's 
fleet.  These  plans  have  never,  until  now,  appeared  in  his 
correspondence. 

Franklin  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes. 

PASSY,  February  25,  1779. 

SIR,  —  As  the  enemy  seems  determined  upon  another 
campaign,  I  beg  leave  to  communicate  and  submit  to 
your  excellency's  consideration  some  sentiments  of  Con 
gress  on  certain  operations  in  North  America,  which  they 
conceive  to  be  practicable,  and  highly  advantageous  to  the 
interests  both  of  France  and  the  U.  S. 

While  the  English  continue  to  possess  the  ports  of  Hal 
ifax,  Rhode  Island,  and  New  York,  they  can 

1.    Refit  the  ships  of  war  they  employ  in  those  seas. 


276  FRANKLIN  IN   FRANCE. 

2.  Defend  more  easily  their  -fishery,  a  great  nursery  of 
seamen  and  source  of  wealth. 

3.  Interrupt    more   effectually   by   their    cruisers   the 
commerce   between   France  and   America,  which   would 
otherwise  be  so  advantageous  to  both ;  and  also  the  sup 
plies  of  provisions  of  various  kinds,  which  the  French 
islands  might  draw  from  the  Continent. 

Without  a  naval  force,  and  in  the  present  situation  of 
their  finances,  the  reduction  of  some  of  those  ports  must 
be  extremely  difficult,  if  not  impossible. 

If  troops  should  be  intended  for  the  defence  of  your 
sugar  islands,  and  the  reduction  of  those  of  the  enemy  in 
the  ensuing  winter,  it  is  suppos'd  that  a  part  of  them,  4 
or  5000,  convoy'd  by  four  ships  of  the  line  and  a  few 
frigates,  might  be  advantageously  employ'd  this  summer, 
first,  by  reducing  (in  conjunction  with  the  troops  of  the 
northern  states)  Rhode  Island.  This,  it  is  conceiv'd,  will 
require  no  long  time ;  and  being  done,  those  states,  eas'd 
by  that  means,  will  find  themselves  at  liberty  to  afford 
some  aid  of  men,  transports,  provisions,  &c.,  in  reducing 
Halifax ;  and  there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  their  hearty  good 
will  to  concur  in  such  an  enterprize,  the  success  of  which 
would  free  their  coasts  from  the  grievous  restraints  under 
which  both  their  commerce  and  their  fisheries  at  present 
labour.  The  inhabitants  of  Nova  Scotia,  too,  except  those 
in  the  town  of  Halifax,  are  known  to  be  generally  well 
affected  to  the  American  cause,  being  mostly  settlers  who 
formerly  emigrated  from  New  England. 

Halifax  being  reduc'd,  the  small  forts  on  Newfoundland 
would  easily  follow,  and  by  this  means  the  enemy's 
fishery,  not  only  for  this  year  would  be  broken  up,  but 
render'd  so  precarious  from  the  interruptions  by  our  arm'd 
vessels,  or  so  expensive  by  the  force  necessary  to  defend 
their  fishermen,  that  it  must  soon  be  discouraged,  dimin- 


LETTER  TO   VERGENNES.  277 

ish'd,  and  at  length  abandon'd, —  their  naval  strength  of 
course  much  lessened,  and  that  of  France  in  proportion 
augmented. 

It  is  supposed  that  the  troops,  being  after  these  north 
ern  operations  refreshed  in  New  England,  and  well  sup- 
pli'd  with  fresh  provisions,  might  proceed  at  the  approach 
of  winter  for  the  West  Indies,  in  good  health,  and  fit  for 
such  service  as  may  be  required  there. 

The  Congress  had  thoughts  of  attacking  Canada  this 
summer,  and  requesting  some  aid  of  ships  and  men  for 
that  purpose ;  but  as  their  paper  money  is  not  current  in 
that  country,  where  hard  money  alone  can  procure  provis 
ions,  which  must  for  want  of  such  money  be  brought  at  a 
vast  expense  from  the  United  States,  and  being  salted  is 
not  so  good  for  the  men,  it  is  uncertain  whether  that  expe 
dition  will  be  attempted.  There  is,  however,  to  encourage 
it,  a  good  disposition  in  the  inhabitants;  and  if  it  succeeded, 
the  fur  trade  and  a  great  vent  for  her  manufactures  would 
be  opened  to  France,  her  fisheries  would  be  more  easily 
protected,  and  the  frontiers  of  the  States  being  secured, 
their  agriculture  might  again  be  pursued  in  those  parts, 
and  the  general  strength  employed  where  the  interest  of 
the  alliance  might  require  it. 

The  Congress  have  made  no  mention  to  me  of  their 
views  with  regard  to  New  York.  Perhaps  they  hope  that 
the  enemy  will  abandon  it  or  that  they  shall  be  able  to 
reduce  it  by  Gen.  Washington's  Army. 

The  Commissioners  here  had  before  the  treaty  the  hon 
our  of  making  in  a  memorial  to  your  Excellency  the  fol 
lowing  proposition  by  order  of  Congress,  viz. :  "  that  in  case 
it  is  agreed  that  the  conquest  of  the  British  sugar  islands 
be  attempted,  the  United  States  shall,  on  timely  notice, 
furnish  provisions  for  the  expedition  to  the  amount  of  two 
millions  of  dollars,  with  6  frigates  manned,  of  not  less 


278  FKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

than  22  guns  each,  with  such  other  assistance  as  may  be 
in  their  power,  and  as  becoming  good  allies."  As  soon 
as  they  shall  be  by  the  aids  above  mentioned  happily 
freed  from  the  embarrassments  occasioned  by  the  lodg 
ments  of  the  enemy  on  their  coasts,  it  will  be  in  their 
power  to  assist  much  more  amply  in  such  an  expedition 
than  they  can  at  present ;  and  I  may  assure  your  Excel 
lency  that  they  will  do  their  utmost  to  fulfil  the  expecta 
tions  given  by  that  memorial,  tho'  the  losses  in  their 
marine,  and  the  depreciation  of  their  currency,  since,  may 
render  it  more  difficult. 

I  need  not  intimate  to  your  Excellency  the  great 
utility,  if  such  joint  operations  or  expeditions  should  be 
agreed  to,  of  appointing  Commanders  of  conciliating  tem 
pers,  and  if  possible,  who  know  and  esteem  each  other, 
and  are  acquainted  with  both  the  languages.  By  this 
means  the  little  misunderstandings  apt  to  arise  between 
troops  of  different  nations  might  be  prevented  or  soon  re- 
mov'd  and  thence  a  greater  probability  of  success  in  their 
enterprizes. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  the  utmost  esteem  and 
respect,  &c.,  &c. 

Meanwhile  Gerard,  Vergennes'  confidential  subordinate, 
now  at  Philadelphia,  wrote  him  from  that  city  on  the  12th 
of  February,  1779,  that  he  found  a  false  view  of  the 
Treaty  of  Alliance  prevalent  in  Congress.  Many  members 
considered  France  pledged  to  render  more  assistance  than 
the  treaty  warranted.  Against  this  view  Gerard  remon 
strated  in  form ;  and  he  writes  that  after  consideration  his 
views  were  adopted,  though  a  small  opposition  held  the 
other  view,  among  which,  as  it  is  almost  needless  to  say, 
was  Mr.  Sam.  Adams.  Previously  to  this  he  had  been 
asked  to  detach  a  part  of  the  squadron  for  the  recon- 


PRESENTATION  AT  COURT.  279 

quest  of  Georgia,  but  he  had  declined  to  interfere.  And 
he  alludes  to  a  long  discussion  in  which  a  project  of  seiz 
ing  the  Mississippi  valley  and  Canada  had  been  brought 
forward,  to  say  that  he  disapproved  of  this  scheme. 

Franklin's  first  invitation,  as  Minister,  to  join  with  the 
other  members  of  the  diplomatic  corps  is  in  the  following 
note,  which  perhaps  deserves  to  be  preserved  as  the  first 
document  of  the  sort  in  our  diplomatic  correspondence: — 

Vergennes  to  Franklin. 

A  VERSAILLES,  le  7  Mars,  1779. 

J'ai  1'honneur  de  vous  prevenir,  Monsieur,  que  le  roi  ne 
recevra  pas  Mrs  les  Arnbassadeurs  et  Ministres  etrangers 
rnardy  prochain  ;  au  moien  de  quoi  votre  presentation  ne 
pourra  avoir  lieu  que  le  mardi,  16  de  ce  mois. 

J'ai  1'honneur  d'etre  tres  parfaitment,  Monsieur,  votre 
tres  humble  et  tres  obeissant  serviteur, 

DE  VERGENNES. 

Franklin's  gout  prevented  his  presentation  at  Court,  in 
his  new  capacity,  until  the  23d  of  March.  It  is  de 
scribed  in  the  following  letter : — 

Franklin  to  John  Adams.1 

PASSY,  April  3rd  1779. 

gii^  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  to  me  of  the  241!1  past.  I  am  glad  you  have  been  at 
Brest,  as  your  Presence  there  has  contributed  to  expedite 
the  Operations  of  Capt.  Landais  in  Befitting  his  Ship.  I 
think  with  you  "that  more  has  been  made  of  the  Con- 

1  Mr.  Adams  was  on  board  the  "Alliance,"  awaiting  her  sailing.  Mr. 
Sparks  prints  his  cordial  answer  to  this  cordial  letter,  which  he  does  not 
seem  to  have  seen. 


280  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

spiracy  than  was  necessary  ;  but  that  it  would  have  been 
well  if  some  of  the  most  guilty  could  have  received  a 
proper  punishment.  As  that  was  impracticable  under  our 
present  Naval  Code,  I  hope  you  will  on  your  Eeturn  ob 
tain  an  Amendment  of  it.  I  approve  of  cloathing  the 
Midshipmen  and  petty  Officers,  agreable  to  their  Bequest 
to  you,  and  hope  you  have  ordered  it,  without  waiting  to 
hear  from  me ;  and  I  now  desire  that  whatever  else  you 
may  judge  for  the  good  of  the  Service,  our  Friends  and 
Circumstances  considered,  you  would  in  my  Behalf  give 
Directions  for;  as  the  great  Distance  makes  it  inconve 
nient  to  send  to  me  on  every  occasion ;  and  I  can  confide 
in  your  Prudence,  that  you  will  allow  no  Expence  that  is 
unnecessary. 

My  Gout  continues  to  disable  me  from  walking  longer 
than  formerly ;  but  on  Tuesday  the  23r?  past,  I  thought 
myself  able  to  go  through  the  Ceremony,  and  accordingly 
went  to  Court,  had  my  Audience  of  the  King  in  the  new 
Character,  presented  rny  Letter  of  Credence,  and  was  re 
ceived  very  graciously.  After  which  I  went  the  Eounds 
with  the  other  Foreign  Ministers,  in  visiting  all  the  Eoyal 
Family.  The  Fatigue,  however,  was  a  little  too  much  for 
my  Feet,  and  disabled  me  for  near  another  week.  Upon 
the  whole  I  can  assure  you  that  I  do  not  think  the  good 
Will  of  this  Court  to  the  good  Cause  of  America,  is  at  all 
diminished  by  the  late  little  Keverses  in  the  Fortune  of 
War ;  and  T  hope  Spain,  who  has  now  49  Ships  of  the 
Line,  and  31  Frigates  ready  for  Service,  will  soon,  by 
declaring,  turn  the  Scale. 

Remember  me   affectionately   to   Master  Johnny,  and 
believe  me,  with  great  Esteem,  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient, 

and  most  humble  servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 


FIRST  AMERICAN  LOAN.  281 

This  letter  is  interesting  as  showing  the  cordial  terms 
on  which  these  two  colleagues  parted.  Before  the  month 
ended  Dr.  Franklin  addressed  the  following  note  to 
"  Master  Johnny,"  —  who  is  the  second  President  Adams, 
and  who,  as  the  reader  will  remember,  was  travelling  with 
his  father. 

Franklin  to  "  Young  Mr.  Adams." 

PASSY,  April  21, 1779. 

DEAR  MASTER  JOHNNY,  —  I  am  glad  you  have  seen 
Brest  and  the  fleet  there.  It  must  give  you  an  idea  of 
the  naval  force  of  this  kingdom,  which  you  will  long 
retain  with  pleasure. 

I  caused  the  letters  you  inclosed  to  me  to  be  carefully 
delivered,  but  have  not  received  answers  to  be  sent  you. 

Benjamin,  whom  you  so  kindly  remember,  would  have 
been  glad  to  hear  of  your  welfare ;  but  he  is  gone  to 
Geneva.  As  he  is  destined  to  live  in  a  Protestant  coun 
try,  and  a  republic,  I  thought  it  best  to  finish  his  educa 
tion  where  the  proper  principles  prevail. 

I  heartily  wish  you  a  good  voyage  and  happy  sight  of 
your  mama,  —  being  really  your  affectionate  friend, 

B.  F. 

Before  Franklin  was  presented  as  Plenipotentiary,  he 
began  upon  measures  for  placing  the  first  American 
loan. 

Franklin  to  Vergennes. 

PASSY,  March  9,  1779. 

SIR,  —  It  is  with  great  reluctance  that  I  give  your 
excy.  any  farther  troubles  on  the  subject  of  a  loan  of 
money.  But  the  bearer,  Mr.  Grand,  who  is  much  better 
acquainted  with  the  nature  and  manner  of  such  operations 
than  I  am,  being  of  opinion  that  the  sum  we  want  might 


282  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

with  your  permission  and   countenance  be   procured   in 
France,  I  beg   you   would   be  so  good  as  to  hear   him 
upon  the  subject,  both  of  the  necessity  of  obtaining  such 
a  loan,  and  of  the  means  of  accomplishing  it. 
I  am  ever,  &c. 

Lee  was  still  making  all  the  trouble  which  a  man  half 
crazy  could  make.  There  are  several  letters  from  him, 
in  different  phases  of  courtesy.  Franklin  was  obliged  to 
ask  for  the  papers  of  the  Commission  somewhat  peremp 
torily.  When  Lee  assails  Williams's  honor,  Franklin 
meets  him  squarely  in  the  following  letter :  — 

Franklin  to  Lee. 

PASSY,  March  13,  1779. 

SIR,  —  Finding  by  a  note  of  yours  on  the  back  of  M. 
Williams's  accts.  dated  Oct.  6,  but  which  I  never  saw  till 
lately  by  accident,  expressing  that  you  are  "perfectly 
satisfied  from  his  own  accts.  that  M.  Williams  has  now 
and  has  long  had  in  his  hands  upwards  of  an  hundred 
thousand  livres  belonging  to  the  public,  which  have  not 
been  employed  in  the  public  use,  &c.,"  I  have  resolved  to 
have  those  accounts  carefully  examined  by  impartial  per 
sons  skilled  in  such  business  ;  and  if  you  have  any  other 
objection  to  them  than  what  appears  in  your  note,  or  any 
other  reasons  than  what  appears  upon  the  face  of  his 
accts.  for  believing  such  a  sum  in  M.  Williams's  hands, 
I  beg  you  will  furnish  me  with  them,  that  I  may  commu 
nicate  them  to  the  examiners.  I  wish  justice  to  be  done, 
and  that  you  had  shown  your  note  either  to  M.  Adams 
or  me  when  you  made  it ;  the  matter  would  not  have  been 
so  long  neglected.  The  money,  if  due,  ought  to  be  re 
covered  immediately. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 


LETTER   TO   WILLIAMS.  283 

P.  S.  The  persons  I  have  requested  to  examine  the 
accts.  are  the  American  merchants  now  at  Nantes,  with 
our  deputed  commercial  agent,  M.  Schweighauser. 

The  subject  is  continued  in  this  letter  to  his  cousin:  — 
Franklin  to  Jona.  Williams. 

PASSY,  March  16,  1779. 

DEAR  JONATHAN,  —  Agreeable  to  your  desire  I  have 
requested  the  American  gentlemen  residing  at  Nantes  to 
examine  your  accounts.  I  have  added  Mr.  Schweighauser, 
he  having  been  appointed  by  my  former  colleagues  to 
manage  our  affairs  there,  and  may  be  supposed  interested 
particularly  to  do  justice  to  the  Congress.  And  the  others, 
I  imagine,  can  have  no  interest  in  favouring  you,  as  per 
haps  you  may  stand  in  their  way  respecting  business. 
Inclosed  you  have  copies  of  my  letter  to  the  gentlemen, 
and  of  another  on  the  same  business  to  Mr.  Lee.  If  I 
had  known  of  his  going  to  Nantes,  I  should  have  desired 
him  to  state  his  objections  to  the  accts.  there ;  but  I  did 
not  hear  of  his  being  there  till  a  day  or  two  before  his 
return.  I  have  yet  no  answer  from  him. 

I  showed  your  letter  of  Feby.  20,  relating  to  M.  Simeon 
Deane's  goods,  to  M.  Adams,  who  thought  the  proposition 
reasonable.  I  send  by  this  opportunity  an  order  to  M. 
Schweighauser  to  deliver  to  you  the  case  which  remains ; 
and  if  you  will  send  me  the  original  invoice  and  the  form 
of  the  bills  you  propose,  I  shall  sign  and  return  them,  — 
if  no  objection  arises  on  signing  them  that  does  not  at 
present  occur  to  me. 

I  suppose  you  settled  the  affair  yourself  with  Mercier's 
agent,  as  he  took  the  papers  from  me,  saying  that  he  was 
going  to  Nantes.  This  was  before  I  received  yours  of 
Feby.  23,  relating  to  that  business. 


284  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

I  received  the  bond  for  Collas's  commission. 

The  following  bills,  drawn  before  the  12th  of  December 
in  favour  of  William  Denine,  were  presented  and  accepted 
on  the  19  of  Febry.  last,  viz. :  dollars  600,  12,  600,  30, 
120,  12,  120,  — in  all  1,494  dollars.  These  may  possibly 
be  a  part  of  those  you  mention.  I  shall  order  payment  to 
be  stopped  till  I  have  examined  the  indorsements,  tho'  I 
am  not  sure  that  I  can  well  refuse  payment  after  having 
accepted  them.  We  shall  strictly  examine  such  drafts  in 
favour  of  Denine  as  may  appear  hereafter,  till  you  let  us 
know  farther. 

I  return  Dr.  Cooper's  letter,  with  thanks  to  you  for 
communicating  it.  I  am  much  obliged  to  that  good  man 
for  his  kind  expressions  of  regard  to  me. 

The  tobacco  which  came  in  the  "  Bergene,"  and  all  the 
tobacco  which  comes  to  us  from  America,  is  to  be  delivered 
directly  out  of  the  ships  to  the  Agents  of  the  Farmers- 
General  in  the  ports  where  it  arrives.  I  had  sent  orders  ac 
cordingly  before  the  receipt  of  your  notice  of  her  arrival. 

I  am  ashamed  of  the  orders  of  my  countrymen  for  so 
much  tea,  when  necessaries  are  wanting  for  clothing  and 
defending ! 

I  have  been  long  ill  and  unfit  to  write  or  think  of  writ 
ing,  which  occasioned  my  omitting  to  answer  before  your 
several  letters  since  the  16  of  February.  I  omitted  also 
answering  a  kind  letter  from  M.  Bidley,  who,  I  suppose,  is 
now  gone.  If  not,  present  my  respects  to  him,  and  best 
wishes  of  a  prosperous  voyage  and  happy  sight  of  his 
friends.  I  am  getting  better,  and  hope  our  correspondence 
will  now  be  more  regular. 

I  am  ever  yr  affectionate  uncle,  B.  F. 

In  June  Lee  writes  in  this  formal  fashion :  "  Mr.  Lee 
will  be  obliged  to  Dr.  Franklin  if  he  will  order  an  authen- 


AURORA  BOREALIS.  285 

ticated  copy  to  he  made  for  him  of  the  letter  from  the 
Commissioners  to  the  Count  de  Vergennes,  on  the  agree 
ment  with  Hortalez  &  Co.,  dated  Passy,  Sept.  10,  1778, 
with  a  copy  of  his  Excellency's  answer,  which  Mr.  Lee 
does  not  remember  to  have  seen."  And  that  correspond 
ence  closes  when  Lee,  in  the  most  tart  manner  possible, 
asks  for  a  renewal  of  his  passport.  Franklin's  opinion  of 
him  was  summed  up  in  the  words,  "  I  am  persuaded,  how 
ever,  that  he  means  well  for  his  country,  is  always  an 
honest  man,  often  a  wise  one ;  but  sometimes,  and  in  some 
things,  absolutely  out  of  his  senses."  1  In  another  place 
he  writes,  "  In  sowing  jealousies  and  suspicions,  in  creating 
quarrels  and  misunderstandings  among  friends,  in  malice, 
subtlety,  and  indefatigable  industry,  he  has,  I  think,  no 
equal." 

Mr.  Vaughan,  in  publishing  the  notes  on  the  Aurora 
Borealis,  which  may  be  found  in  the  fifth  volume  of  Mr. 
Sparks's  collection,  says,  "  If  I  mistake  not,  the  paper  was 
read  at  the  Royal  Academy  of  Sciences,  at  their  first  meet 
ing  after  Easter,  1779."  It  was  undoubtedly  written  at 
that  time,  and  was  probably  a  subject  of  conversation  at 
the  meeting.  But,  as  has  been  said,  none  of  Franklin's 
papers  have  been  printed  by  the  Academy,  as  regular 
memoirs  presented  at  their  meetings. 

The  following  letters  explain  themselves,  and  show  the 
variety  of  interests  which  occupied  the  Plenipotentiary, 
"who  can  neither  stand  nor  go:"  — 

Franklin  to  Montaudoin. 

PASSY,  March  17,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  4th  inst.,  by 
M.  David  with  much  pleasure,  as  it  informed  me  of  the 

1  Diplomatic  Cor.,  iv.  139  ;  and  Works,  ix.  535. 


286  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

welfare  of  friends  I  love,  and  who  are  indeed  beloved  by 
everybody.  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  congratulations, 
and  for  the  prayer  you  use  in  my  behalf.  Tho  the  form  is 
heathen,  there  is  a  good  Christian  spirit  in  it ;  and  I  feel 
myself  very  well  disposed  to  be  content  with  this  world, 
which  I  have  found  hitherto  a  tolerable  good  one,  and  to 
wait  for  heaven  (which  will  not  be  the  worse  for  keeping) 
as  long  as  God  pleases.  In  short,  I  should  have  no  objec 
tions  to  living  with  you  and  Mrs.  Montaudoin  in  France 
another  century.  I  don't  complain  much  even  of  the 
gout,  which  has  harassed  me  ever  since  the  arrival  of  the 
commission  you  so  politely  mention.  There  seems,  how 
ever,  some  incongruity  in  a  plenipotentiary  who  can  neither 
stand  nor  go.  With  the  sincerest  esteem,  respect,  and 
affection,  I  am,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Dumas  [American  Agent  in  Holland]. 

PASSY,  March  18,  1779. 

DEAE  SIR,  —  I  received  duly  yours  of  the  3  inst.  My 
indisposition  seems  to  be  wearing  off,  and  I  hope  will 
permit  me  to  go  abroad  in  a  few  days. 

Mr.  Neufville's  first  propositions  were  so  much  out  of 
the  way  that  I  could  not  accept  them.  He  required  a  fifth 
part  of  the  loan  to  be  sent  over  to  him  annually  during 
the  first  five  years,  in  the  produce  of  America  for  sale, 
and  the  money  to  remain  in  his  hands  as  a  fund  for  paying 
off  the  debt  in  the  last  5  years.  By  this  means  he  would 
have  had  the  .use  of  our  money  while  we  were  paying 
interest  for  it.  He  dropt  this  demand  on  my  objecting  to 
it,  and  undertook  to  procure  a  subscription  on  reasonable 
terms.  I  wish  him  success ;  but  as  the  English  give  at 
present  higher  interest  than  I  am  permitted  to  offer,  I  have 
little  dependance  on  that  subscription.  Let  me  know  what 
you  hear  of  it  from  time  to  time. 


FRANKLIN  TO  SYKES.  287 

M.  Adams  is  gone  to  Nantes  to  take  his  passage  for 
America  in  one  of  our  frigates.  Mr.  A.  Lee  has  retired 
from  Chaillot  to  Paris,  and  his  brother  has  come  on  a  visit 
from  Frankfort.  He  talks  of  a  Congress  to  be  held  in 
Germany,  and  seems  to  want  me  to  advise  his  attendance 
there  incogn.  I  know  nothing  of  it,  or  of  any  use  he  can 
be  there,  and  therefore  can  give  no  advice  about  it.  He 
talks  of  20,000  men  at  liberty  by  the  German  peace  to  be 
hired  by  the  English  against  us,  and  would  be  employed 
in  preventing  it.  What  do  you  think  or  learn  of  these 
circumstances  ? 

The  present  situation  of  affairs  in  your  country  is  inter 
esting.  Unacquainted  as  I  am  with  your  parties  and 
interests,  I  find  it  difficult  to  conceive  how  they  will 
terminate. 

Franklin  to  Sykes.1 

PASSY,  March  18,  1779. 

SIR,  —  I  return  you  enclosed  Mr.  Haywood's  letter,  and 
am  much  obliged  to  you  for  communicating  it,  as  it  ac 
quainted  me  of  the  welfare  of  some  friends  whom  I  much 
esteem,  —  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Naeme,  —  and  at  the  same  time 
informed  me  of  that  most  ingenious  invention  of  Mr. 
Haywood's  for  making  globes,  which  I  much  admire.  Mr. 
Whitchurch  never  delivered  that  he  did  me  the  favor  to 
design  for  me.  Perhaps  it  was  broke  by  some  accident,  or 
lost.  Please  to  present  my  thankful  acknowledgements, 
however,  and  assure  Mr.  Haywood  of  my  respects.  I  have 
the  honour  to  be,  sir,  &c.,  &c. 

I  shall  take  the  liberty  of  calling  to  see  your  warehouse 
the  first  convenient  opportunity. 

1  There  is  a  funny  note  from  Sykes.  He  has  mended  Franklin's  spec 
tacles,  but  cannot  find  his  handkerchief. 


288  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

[On  a  separate  paper.] 

P.  S.  If  those  plaister  globes  are  heated  hot  in  an  oven, 
—  after  the  bread  is  taken  out,  —  and  then  washed  over 
with  melted  hot  white  wax,  by  means  of  a  soft  hair  brush, 
the  wax  will  penetrate  J  of  an  inch,  and  so  toughen  the 
surface  ;  may  afterwards  be  polished  by  rubbing  it  with  a 
silk  handkerchief ;  it  will  look  like  marble  ;  and  may  at 
any  time  be  washed  if  flies  or  smoke,  &c.,  should  dirty  it. 

B.  F. 

Mr.  Sykes  is  requested  to  send  this  to  Mr.  Hay  wood. 

Franklin  to  Chardon  [Maitre  des  Requetes]. 

PASSY,  ce  19  Mars,  1779. 

MONSIEUR,  —  J  'ai  lu  avec  admiration  votre  requisitoire 
sur  le  proces  du  Capitaine  McNeil.  Heureux  sont  les  rois 
qui  ont  des  magistrats  aussi  savants  et  aussi  habile  que 
vous,  Monsieur,  pour  e'clairer  leur  justice.  J'en  sens  tout 
le  bonheur  pour  la  nation  Ame'ricaine  que  j'ai  1'honneur 
de  representer  en  cette  cour;  elle  sc^aura,  Monsieur,  qu'elle 
y  est  traite'e  en  frere,  et  que  vous  Ty  defendez  en  ami. 
Agreez  I'hommage  de  ma  reconnaissance,  et  les  sentiments 
distingue's  avec  lesquels  j'ai  1'honneur  d'etre,  Monsieur, 
Votre  tres  humble  et 

tres  obdissant  serviteur,  B.  F. 

Franklin  to  Say  re. 

PASSY,  March  31,  1779. 

SIR,  —  I  have  just  received  your  favour  of  the  10th  inst. 
from  Copenhagen.  The  account  you  give  of  the  disposition 
of  the  Swedish  Court  is  very  agreeable.  I  saw  in  the 
news-papers  that  a  deputy  of  Congress  was  at  Stockholm ; 
did  you  obtain  the  audiences  you  mention  on  assuming 
that  character  ?  The  information  you  did  not  choose  to 


LETTER  TO   SAYRE.  289 

venture  by  the  post  from  Copenhagen  may  be  safely  sent 
from  Amsterdam. 

I  am  not,  as  you  have  heard,  the  sole  representative  of 
America  in  Europe.  The  commissions  of  Mr.  A.  Lee,  Mr. 
Win.  Lee,  and  Mr.  Izard,  to  different  courts  still  subsist.  I 
am  only  sole  with  regard  to  France.  Nor  have  I  power 
to  give  any  employ  worth  your  accepting. 

Much  has  been  said  by  the  English  about  divisions  in 
America.  No  division  of  any  consequence  lias  arisen 
there.  Petty  disputes  between  particular  persons  about 
private  interests  there  are  always  in  every  country ;  but 
in  regard  to  the  great  point  of  Independence  there  is 
no  difference  of  sentiment  in  the  Congress;  and  as  the 
Congress  are  the  annual  choice  of  the  people,  it  is 
easy  to  judge  of  their  sentiments  by  those  of  their  repre 
sentatives. 

The  taking  of  Savannah  makes  a  noise  in  England,  and 
helps  to  keep  up  their  spirits ;  but  I  apprehend  before  the 
summer  is  over,  they  will  find  the  possession  of  that  Capi 
tal  of  Georgia  of  as  little  consequence  as  their  former  posses 
sions  of  Boston  and  Philadelphia;  and  that  the  distempers 
of  that  unwholesome  part  of  the  country  will  very  much 
weaken,  if  not  ruin  that  army. 

The  principal  difficulty  at  present  in  America  consists 
in  the  depreciation  of  paper  currency,  owing  to  the  over- 
quantities  issued,  and  the  diminished  demand  of  it  in 
Commerce.  But  as  the  Congress  has  taken  measures  for 
sinking  it  expeditiously,  and  the  several  governments  are 
taxing  vigorously  for  that  purpose,  there  is  a  prospect  of 
its  recovering  a  proper  value.  In  the  meantime,  tho  an 
evil  to  particulars,  there  is  some  advantage  to  the  public 
in  the  depreciation,  as  large  nominal  values  are  more 
easily  paid  in  taxes,  and  the  debt  by  that  means  more  easily 
extinguished. 

19 


290  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Franklin  to  Lloyd. 

PASSY,  May  4,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the 
honour  to  write  me  of  the  10th  past.  As  you  seem  to 
have  some  reliance  on  my  advice  in  the  affair  you  men 
tion,  I  ought  to  give  it  candidly  and  sincerely.  And  it 
must  therefore  be,  not  to  accept  of  the  offer  made  you. 
If  you  carry  your  family  to  America,  it  is,  I  suppose,  with 
the  intention  of  spending  the  remainder  of  your  days  in 
your  own  country.  This  cannot  be  done  happily  with 
out  maintaining  the  general  good  opinion  of  your  country 
men.  Your  entering  by  that  door  will  unavoidably 
subject  you  to  suspicions ;  those  suspicions  will  render 
your  situation  uncomfortable.  I  think  therefore  you  had 
better  conclude  to  stay  where  you  are  till  peace,  tho'  under 
some  present  inconveniences.  The  circumstances  of  such 
a  family  will  always  justify  this,  wherever  you  shall 
arrive,  in  America.  Please  to  make  my  affectionate  re 
spects  acceptable  to  your  amiable  lady,  and  believe  me, 
with  sincere  esteem,  dear  sir,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  J.  Adams. 

PASSY,  May  10,  1779. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  honour  of  yours  of  the  29th  past 
from  Nantes.  I  hope  you  are  before  this  time  safely 
arrived  at  L'Orient.  Mr.  de  la  Luzerne  is  making  diligent 
preparation  for  his  departure,  and  you  will  soon  see  him. 
He  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Embassy  are  both  very  agree 
able  and  sensible  men,  in  whose  conversation  you  will 
have  a  great  deal  of  pleasure  in  your  passage.  What  port 
the  ship  will  be  ordered  to  I  have  not  yet  learnt.  I  sup 
pose  that  may  be  partly  left  to  the  captain's  discretion,  as 


LETTER  TO  BACPIE.  291 

the  winds  may  happen  to  serve.  It  must  certainly  be 
most  agreeable  to  you  to  be  landed  in  Boston,  as  that  will 
give  you  an  earlier  sight  of  your  family  ;  but  as  you  pro 
pose  going  immediately  to  Congress,  being  landed  in  Phila 
delphia  will  have  some  little  advantage,  as  it  saves  half 
your  journey.  I  shall  take  care  to  procure  the  order  to 
the  captain  from  Mr.  Sartine  which  you  desire,  tho'  I 
should  suppose  showing  the  original  letter  of  that  minister, 
which  you  have,  would  be  sufficient. 

No  public  despatches  are  arrived  here  since  you  left  us. 
The  anniversary  of  the  signing  of  the  treaty  was  observed 
with  great  festivity  by  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia. 
From  Holland  I  have  just  received  the  resolution  of  the 
States  General  of  the  26th,  to  convoy  their  trade,  notwith 
standing  Sir  Joseph  York's  memorial,  and  to  fit  out  directly 
32  ships  of  war  for  that  purpose,  which  is  good  news  and 
may  have  consequences. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  regard,  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient 

and  most  humble  servant,  B.  F. 

Franklin  to  Baclie  [his  son-in-law\. 

PASSY,  June  2,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  received  yours  of  June  [?  Jan.]  16. 
You  observe  that  you  seldom  hear  from  me ;  I  have  the 
same  reason  to  complain,  but  I  do  not  complain  of  you.  It 
is  the  loss  of  ships,  and  the  sinking  of  despatches  when 
chased,  that  cuts  our  correspondence  to  pieces. 

Yours  of  Oct.  22,  gave  me  a  good  deal  of  satisfaction 
in  informing  me  of  the  adventures  of  your  family,  your 
return  to  Philada.,  welfare,  &c. 

You  desire  me  to  set  the  price  of  the  printing-house 
sold  to  Virginia ;  but  I  have  received  no  account  of  the 


292  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

particulars  whereof  it  consisted.  Did  they  take  the  cases 
as  well  as  the  types  ;  and  what  were  the  number  ?  There 
was  a  large  mahogany  press  that  cost  me  25  guineas,  and 
a  small  one  that  cost  12  guineas;  did  they  take  those? 
and  did  they  take  all  the  letters,  flowers,  &c.,  &c.,  Except 
the  five  cases  of  money  types  which  you  say  the  Congress 
have  taken  ?  If  so,  you  may  make  out  the  account  in  this 
manner.  As  the  price  of  the  types  in  England  was,  for 
some,  55  a  pound,  some  156,  and  some  a  shilling,  and  the 
flowers,  of  which  there  was  a  great  quantity,  51,  and  it 
will  be  difficult  now  to  come  at  the  weight  of  the  several 
sorts,  I  suppose  it  may  be  equitable  to  estimate  the 
whole  weight  at  ISd.,  and  the  cases  at  31  each,  all  ster 
ling,  and  then  allow  me  such  an  advance,  in  sterling  also, 
as  European  goods  sold  for  at  the  time.  I  hope,  indeed, 
they  did  not  take  the  presses,  for  I  should  be  unwilling 
to  part  with  them,  as  they  were  made  under  my  own  in 
spection  with  improvements ;  and  also  a  stone  belonging 
to  the  press,  and  a  number  of  iron  chases  or  frames  for 
fixing  the  pages,  and  many  other  things  which  I  know 
not  whether  they  have  taken  or  not,  which  may  be  valued 
by  any  printer. 

The  scripts  letters  which  the  Congress  have  taken  cost 
me  double  the  price  of  common  letters  of  the  same  sizes; 
the  long  pica  and  long  primer  bill  I  remember  amounted 
to  forty  pounds  sterling.  What  I  gave  for  the  larger  sort 
I  have  forgotten,  but  suppose  about  ten  pounds.  You 
may  therefore  settle  that  in  the  same  manner  as  to  the 
advance,  &c.  And  when  you  are  paid  you  may  send  [end 
of  record]. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

PASSY,  June  2,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  a  few  days  since,  by  way  of  St. 
Eustachia,  the  duplicate  of  a  letter  you  did  me  the  honor 


LETTER  TO  JAY.  293 

to  write  me  of  3d  January.  But  the  Act  of  Congress  of 
Dec.  23  which  you  mention  is  not  come  to  hand.  Col. 
S.  Duicks,  whom  the  Secretary  names  to  you,  called  here 
in  his  way  to  Holland,  and  brought  me  a  recommendatory 
letter  from  Govr.  Trumbull ;  but  neither  himself  nor  that 
letter  mentioned  anything  of  his  business  in  Holland,  ex 
cept  to  see  his  friends ;  so  that  I  yet  know  of  nothing  to 
the  purport  of  that  act.  The  other,  of  Jan.  1,  is  come  to 
hand.  Besides  the  reasons  given  in  it  for  deferring  the  ex 
pedition  to  Canada,  there  is  one  that  would  weigh  much 
with  me,  and  that  is  our  want  of  sufficient  quantity  of 
hard  money.  The  Canadians  are  afraid  of  paper,  and 
would  never  take  the  Congress  money.  To  enter  a  coun 
try  which  you  mean  to  make  a  friend  of,  with  an  army 
that  must  have  occasion  every  day  for  fresh  provision, 
horses,  carriage  labour  of  every  kind,  having  no  accepta 
ble  money  to  pay  those  that  serve  you,  and  to  be  obliged 
therefore,  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  to  take  that  ser 
vice  by  force,  —  is  the  sure  way  to  disgust,  offend,  and  by 
degrees  make  enemies  of  the  whole  people;  after  which 
all  your  operations  will  be  more  difficult,  all  your  motions 
discovered,  and  every  endeavour  used  to  have  you  driven 
back  out  of  their  country. 

I  need  not  recommend  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne  to 
the  President  of  Congress.  His  public  character  will  rec 
ommend  him  sufficiently  to  all  the  respect  and  considera 
tion  due  to  the  Minister  of  so  great  and  good  a  prince  as 
the  King  of  France,  our  ally.  I  shall  only  mention  that 
his  private  character  here  is  an  excellent  one,  and  that  he 
is  connected  by  relation  to  some  of  the  greatest  and  best 
people  of  this  country.  I  hope  that  his  residence  with  us 
will  be  made  agreeable  to  him.  I  have  written  largely  to 
the  Committee.  By  our  last  advices  from  Holland  the 
English  interest  diminishes  there ;  and  from  England  they 


294  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

write  that  the  daily  apprehension  of  a  war  with  Spain 
begins  to  have  a  serious  effect  in  disposing  people  generally 
to  wish  for  peace.  Great  preparations  are  making  here  in 
all  the  seaports ;  and  this  summer  will  probably  produce 
some  important  action.  With  great  respect  and  esteem, 
&c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Hopkinson. 

PASSY,  June  4,  1779. 

DEAR  FRIEND,  —  I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  22d 
October  last,  which  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  it  informed 
me  of  your  welfare,  and  of  your  appointment  to  the  hon 
orable  office  of  treasurer  of  loans.  I  think  the  Congress 
judged  rightly  in  their  choice;  and  exactness  in  accounts 
and  scrupulous  fidelity  in  matters  of  trust  are  qualities 
for  which  your  father  was  eminent,  and  which  I  was  per 
suaded  were  inherited  by  his  son  when  I  took  the  liberty 
of  naming  him  one  of  the  executors  of  my  will,  —  a  liberty 
which  I  hope  you  will  excuse. 

I  am  sorry  for  the  losses  you  have  suffered  by  the 
Goths  and  Vandals,  but  hope  it  will  be  made  up  to  you 
by  the  good  providence  of  God,  and  the  good-will  of  your 
country,  to  whom  your  pen  has  occasionally  been  of  service. 

I  am  glad  the  enemy  have  left  something  of  my  gim- 
crackery  that  was  capable  of  affording  you  pleasure.  You 
are  therefore  very  welcome  to  the  use  of  my  electrical  and 
pneumatic  machines  as  long  as  you  think  proper. 

I  enclose  you  a  little  piece  or  two  of  Oxford  wit  which 
I  lately  received,  hoping  they  may  afford  you  a  few 
minutes'  amusement.  Present  my  respects  to  your  good 
mother  and  sisters,  and  believe  me  ever,  &c. 

P.  S.  Permit  me  to  recommend  the  new  Minister,  Mr. 
le  Chevalier  de  Luzerne,  to  your  civilities,  as  a  gentleman 


LETTER  TO   ROCQUETTE  AND  OTHERS.  295 

of  most  admirable  character,  and  a  hearty  friend  of  the 
American  cause.  If  you  can  in  any  respect  be  service 
able  to  him,  you  will  much  oblige  me. 


Franklin  to  Messrs.  J.  Rocquette,  J.  Elsvier,  and  Brothers 
Eocquette. 

PASSY,  June  13,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  7th  in 
stant,  enclosing  two  notes  of  the  United  States,  for  1000 
dollars  each,  for  my  inspection,  which  I  return  inclosed. 
I  have  not  yet  seen  the  resolution  mentioned  therein,  but 
by  what  I  can  recollect  from  the  face  of  the  notes  them 
selves,  I  judge  that  the  dollars  for  which  the  notes  are 
given  were  of  paper  money  borrowed,  and  that  the  inter 
est  will  be  paid  and  the  principal  repaid  in  the  same 
paper,  which  is  now  in  state  of  great  depreciation.  If  be 
fore  the  time  of  payment  it  should  fall  still  lower,  the 
possessor  of  the  notes  will  be  so  much  the  loser;  if  on 
the  contrary  they  should  rise  in  value,  —  of  which,  from 
the  measures  taken  for  that  purpose,  there  is  great  ap 
pearance, —  the  possessor  will  be  in  proportion  a  gainer. 
The  interest  will  be  paid  every  year,  but  is  payable  only 
at  the  loan  office  in  America,  from  whence  the  bills 
issued,  and  to  that  end  they  must  be  produced  there,  that 
the  payment  may  be  indorsed.  These  bills  have  therefore 
been  improperly  brought  to  Europe,  being  of  less  value 
here,  as  they  must  return  to  have  their  effect ;  and  being 
sola  bills,  payable  to  the  bearer,  they  have  not  the  same 
security  from  the  dangers  of  the  sea  that  bills  of  exchange 
usually  have  ;  for  they  may  not  only  be  lost  or  destroyed 
by  accidents,  but  if  taken,  the  enemy  will  reap  the  benefit 
of  them.  The  insurance  of  them  back  is  therefore  a  pro 
portionate  diminution  of  their  value.  At  what  value  they 


296  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

are  at  present  current  in  America,  I  cannot  inform  you, 
that  depending  on  the  fluctuating  state  of  the  paper  there ; 
nor  do  I  know  where  they  can  be  so  well  negotiated  as  the 
place  where  they  are  payable. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Jona.  Williams. 

DEAR  COUSIN,  —  The  bearer,  Mr.  Genet,  Junior,  a  young 
gentleman  of  excellent  character,  goes  to  Nantes  with  an 
intention  of  spending  a  little  time  there  in  improving 
himself  in  the  English  language  by  conversing  among  our 
countrymen.  I  desire  you  would  introduce  him  to  their 
acquaintance,  and  I  recommend  him  warmly  to  all  your 
civilities,  which  I  shall  esteem  as  done  to  myself. 
I  am  ever 

Your  affectionate  uncle, 

B.  F. 

This  is  the  Genet  subsequently  so  notorious  in  the 
early  years  of  our  national  history. 

Franklin  to  Dubourg. 

PASSY,  Aug.  13,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Having  begun  the  affair  of  our  loan  by 
the  means  of  our  friend  M.  Ferdinand  Grand,  banker, 
Eue  Montmartre,  he  is  in  possession  of  all  the  particulars 
relating  to  it,  and  can  fully  satisfy  the  curiosity  of  the 
person  who  enquires  thro'  you.  I  need  only  mention  in 
answer  to  your  8th  query,  that  the  money  borrowed  being 
to  be  laid  out  in  France  for  arms,  ammunition,  soldiers' 
clothing,  &c.,  that  it  will  not  answer  our  purpose  to  take 
any  money  but  such  as  is  current  in  France,  and  the 
American  paper  has  no  business  here.  Those  who  have 


LETTER  TO  EPP.  297 

brought  any  of  it  into  France  —  except  bills  of  exchange 
—  have  committed  a  folly,  in  exposing  their  property  to 
two  risques  for  nothing ;  as  it  must  go  back  again  to  find 
its  value. 

With  regard  to  your  proposition  concerning  your  prop 
erty  in  America :  I  should  be  glad  to  assist  you  in  it,  but 
I  do  not  conceive  it  practicable.  First,  because  the  Con 
gress  has  no  lands  in  its  disposition ;  the  vacant  lands  are 
all  in  some  or  other  of  the  particular  states;  they  dispose 
of  them  by  general  rules ;  and  an  application  to  them  for 
a  deviation  from  those  general  rules  in  favour  of  a  par 
ticular  person  will  hardly  be  attended  to ;  for  they  will 
apprehend  that  having  done  it  in  favour  of  one  they 
will  be  urged  to  do  it  for  many,  which  would  be  attended 
with  many  great  public  inconveniences. 

I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Mr.  Charles  Epp  [Procureur  at  Altorf, 
Switzerland]. 

PASSY,  Augt.  27,  1779. 

Sin,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  to 
write  to  me  concerning  your  inclination  to  remove  to 
America.  In  so  great  a  country  as  is  at  present  possessed 
by  the  thirteen  United  States,  extending  through  such 
different  climates,  and  having  such  a  variety  of  soils  and 
situations,  there  is  no  doubt  but  you  might,  if  you  were 
there,  find  one  to  your  mind.  Lands  in  general  are  cheap 
there,  compared  with  the  prices  in  Europe.  The  air  is 
good,  there  ar,e  good  governments,  good  laws,  and  good 
people  to  live  with.  And  as  you  would  probably  make 
a  good  citizen,  there  is  no  doubt  of  your  meeting  with  a 
welcome  among  them.  But  since  you  are  in  easy  circum 
stances  where  you  are,  and  there  is  no  immediate  neces- 


298  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

sity  for  your  removing,  I  cannot  advise  your  making  such 
a  voyage  with  a  family  at  this  time,  when,  if  taken  by  the 
enemy,  you  might  be  subject  to  many  inconveniences. 
I  have  the  honour  to  be,  sir,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Stadel. 

PASSY,  Oct.  20,  1779. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  of 
writing  to  me,  enclosing  a  project  of  raising  a  regiment 
for  the  service  of  the  United  States,  of  which  you  desire 
my  sentiment.  The  Congress,  I  believe,  have  never  had 
any  intention  of  raising  troops  in  Europe  and  transport 
ing  them  to  America :  the  expense  would  be  too  great  for 
them,  and  the  difficulty  extreme,  as  the  English  command 
the  seas,  and  would  often  intercept  their  transports.  And 
having  myself  no  orders  relative  to  such  an  object,  that 
might  authorize  me  to  encourage  the  project,  I  cannot 
give  the  least  acceptation  that  it  would  be  accepted.  We 
are  nevertheless  obliged  to  the  officer  for  his  friendship  in 
making  the  proposition,  and  I  request  that  my  thanks,  in 
behalf  of  my  country,  may  be  presented  to  him.  I  have 
the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Commercial  Committee  of  Congress,  Phila. 

PASSY,  Oct.  21,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  received  the  honour  of  yours  dated  the 
21st  of  July,  containing  an  extract  from  Mr.  Pollock's 
letter1  to  you,  in  which  he  mentions  his  drafts  on  Mr. 
Delap  for  10,897  dollars,  and  his  expectation  that  in  case 
of  any  difficulty  I  will  see  those  bills  paid.  I  should  cer 
tainly  do  everything  in  my  power  to  support  the  credit  of 

1  Oliver  Pollock  was  the  spirited  American  merchant  in  New  Orleans 
who  rendered  material  service,  in  the  early  days,  to  the  new-born  nation. 


LETTER  TO   FIZEAUX  AND   GRAND.  299 

the  States,  and  every  person  acting  under  their  authority ; 
but  I  have  been  so  exhausted  by  great  and  unexpected 
drafts  and  expenses,  that  I  am  glad  those  bills  have  never 
been  proposed  to  me,  as  I  could  not  have  taken  upon 
myself  to  pay  them.  And  I  beg  that  you  would  not  in 
future  have  any  dependance  of  that  kind  upon  me  with 
out  knowing  beforehand  from  me  that  I  shall  be  able  to 
pay  what  is  desired.  I  hope  you  will  excuse  my  giving 
this  caution,  which  is  forced  from  me  by  the  distress  and 
anxiety  such  occasional  and  unforseen  demands  have 
occasioned  me. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Gentlemen,  &c.,  &c. 


Franklin  to  Holker. 

PASSY,  Oct.  28,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Inclosed  I  send  you  a  packet  I  have  just 
received  from  Morlaix,  containing  some  of  the  papers  you 
requested  me  to  recover,  and  a  receipt  for  the  rest.  You 
will  see  what  Mr.  Diot  says  about  the  trunks  of  clothes. 
It  will  be  best,  I  imagine,  for  the  person  who  desires  to 
have  them,  if  he  knows  which  they  are,  to  describe  them 
to  Mr.  Diot  or  some  other  person,  and  order  them  to  be 
bid  for  at  the  sale.  I  received  a  quantity  of  apple  jelly, 
but  no  letter.  If  it  was  for  me,  1000  thanks  to  Good 
Made.  Holker,  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Messrs.  Fizeaux  &  Grand. 

PASSY,  Oct.  29,  1779. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  have  advice  from  England  that  8 
boxes  of  printing  characters  are  sent  from  London,  to 
your  care  for  me.  If  they  are  arrived,  I  request  you  would 
ship  them  to  Eouen,  addressed  to  Mr.  Holker  here.  I 


300  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

suppose  you  have  Dutch  vessels  frequently  going  there. 
Their  value  is  about  100£  sterling,  which  I  desire  you 
to  get  insured.  Whatever  charge  you  are  at,  I  shall  re 
pay  with  thanks.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

Franklin  to  M.  Des  Landes. 

PASSY,  Nov.  23,  1779. 

SIR,  —  Not  understanding  well  enough  the  French  lan 
guage  and  the  technical  terms  used  in  the  description  of 
your  observatory,  I  cannot  form  from  the  description  such 
an  idea  of  its  situation  and  circumstances  as  might  enable 
me  to  answer  the  questions  you  propose  to  me.  But  as 
my  learned  and  ingenious  friend  Mr.  Le  Roy,1  member  of 
the  Academy  of  Sciences,  is  perfectly  well  acquainted 
with  the  subject,  I  have  put  your  papers  into  his  hands, 
and  request  the  favor  of  him  to  give  you  the  information 
you  desire. 

Franklin  to  Joshua  Johnson.2 

PASSY,  Dec.  29,  1779. 

SIR,  —  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  kind  attention  in 
sending  me  from  time  to  time  the  American  newspapers 
that  have  come  to  your  hands.  Please  to  accept  my 
thankful  acknowledgements. 

I  have  the  pleasure  now  to  acquaint  you  that  tho'  my 
application,  at  your  request,  for  arms  or  a  loan  of  money 
for  your  province  in  particular  was  not  attended  with 
success,  —  the  opinion  here  being  (as  I  think  I  formerly 
wrote  you)  that  all  such  applications  should  regularly 
come  to  the  Congress,  —  yet  an  aid  being  now  lately 
granted  to  that  body  for  the  whole,  there  is  no  doubt 

1  See  chapter  i. 

2  A  merchant  in  Nantes.    His  daughter  was  afterwards  Mrs.  J.  Q.  Adams. 


LAFAYETTE'S   SWORD.  301 

but  Maryland  will  obtain  its  share  of  what  shall  arrive 
in  America. 

If  I  have  not  corresponded  with  you  so  punctually  as 
you  might  expect,  and  as  I  could  have  wished  to  do,  I 
pray  you  to  excuse  me ;  I  have  had  too  much  business, 
with  too  little  help.  The  constant  expectation  of  a  secre 
tary,  who  had  long  been  voted  but  did  not  arrive,  pre 
vented  my  engaging  such  assistance  as  I  wanted,  and  I 
have  not  been  able  by  increased  application  fully  to  sup 
ply  the  deficiency. 

I  do  not  understand  that  by  the  treaty  of  alliance  be 
tween  France  and  America,  an  American  taking  a  house 
and  settling  in  France  to  carry  on  business  is  exempted 
from  the  duties  and  services  that  would  have  been  required 
of  a  native  of  France  inhabiting  the  same  house.  The 
droit  d'aubaine  is  indeed  abolished  in  our  favour,  but  in 
other  respects  I  should  suppose  that  Americans  settled 
here,  as  well  as  Frenchmen  settled  in  America,  must, 
while  they  live  as  inhabitants,  be  subject  to  the  laws  of 
the  respective  countries,  of  which  they  at  the  same  time 
claim  and  enjoy  the  protection.  I  am  sorry  however  that 
you  find  this  so  inconvenient  as  to  induce  you  to  quit  the 
kingdom.  Particular  circumstances  may  have  occasioned 
the  quartering  of  soldiers  on  the  inhabitants  last  year, 
which  in  time  of  peace  may  rarely  happen. 

Lafayette  spent  most  of  the  year  1779  in  France  en 
gaged  in  constant  efforts,  which  were  generally  success 
ful,  for  the  American  cause.  At  the  order  of  Congress, 
Franklin  had  a  beautiful  sword  made,  and  presented  it 
to  him  in  their  name.  The  correspondence  on  this  subject 
has  been  long  since  published.  As  the  reader  has  seen, 
there  was  at  one  time  a  plan  that  Lafayette  should  lead 
a  French  force  in  a  descent  on  England  from  Jones's 


302  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

squadron.  But  so  soon  as  the  larger  plan  was  brought 
forward,  his  hopes  in  this  direction  were  disappointed. 
He  wrote  freely  to  Franklin  through  the  year,  and  his 
letters  are  always  interesting.  The  series  closes  with  his 
announcement,  in  December,  of  the  birth  of  the  boy  who 
would  be  called  George  Washington.1 

Franklin  wrote  to  the  Massachusetts  council  the  follow 
ing  letter  regarding  him  and  other  French  officers :  — 

PASSY,  June  4,  1779. 
Honlle.  The  Council  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay  : 

HONBLE.  GENTLEMEN,  —  The  Commissioners  at  this 
Court  received  the  letters  you  did  them  the  honour  of 
writing  to  them,  recommending  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette. 
I  immediately  sent  it  to  be  perused  by  the  Ministers  who 
desire  to  have  a  copy  of  it.  He  was  very  favourably  re 
ceived  by  his  Majesty  and  has  had  given  him  a  regiment 
of  dragoons.  He  retains  the  warmest  zeal  for  the  Ameri 
can  cause,  and  affection  for  the  people  ;  and  has  been  con 
tinually  moving  something  or  other  with  the  Ministry  for 
the  advantage  of  America,  ever  since  his  arrival.  The 
Chevalier  De  Ramondis  too  retains  the  most  grateful  sense 
of  the  attention  paid  him  by  your  government  during  his 
illness  under  the  loss  of  his  arm ;  several  other  officers 
speak  highly  in  favour  of  our  country  on  account  of  the 
civilities  they  received  there,  which  has  a  very  good  effect 
here,  and  evinces  the  wisdom  of  the  conduct  you  are  ac 
customed  to  pursue  with  regard  to  strangers  of  merit.  I 
thought  it  right  to  acquaint  you  with  these  circumstances, 
and  I  do  it  with  more  pleasure,  as  it  gives  me  an  oppor 
tunity  of  assuring  you  of  the  great  respect  with  which  I 
have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.,  &c. 

1  Born  1779,  died  1856. 


LETTER   TO  LAFAYETTE.  303 

P.  S.  If  the  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne,  who  is  going  to 
America  to  succeed  M.  Ge'rard  as  Minister  from  this  Court 
should  happen  to  put  into  Boston,  you  will  find  him  every 
way  deserving  of  the  civilities  he  may  receive  independent 
of  his  public  character.  He  is  much  esteemed  and  respected 
here,  has  great  connections,  and  is  a  hearty  friend  to  the 
cause  of  Liberty  and  America. 

These  are  Franklin's  last  notes  to  Lafayette  in  this 
visit :  - 

PASSY,  Jan.  18,  1780. 
M.  Le  Marges  De  La  Fayette  : 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Being  unavoidably  detained  from  going  to 
Versailles  to-day  as  intended,  I  must  beg  of  you  when  you 
present  those  officers  to  Mr.  de  Vergennes,  to  say  for  me 
what  I  should  have  said  if  I  could  have  been  present,  — 
that  I  have  been  made  well  acquainted  with  their  great 
merit  and  the  high  reputation  they  have  acquired  in  our 
country  by  their  valour  and  their  good  conduct ;  and  that 
I  am  persuaded  that,  if  his  Majesty  should  think  fit  to  hon 
our  them  with  any  marks  of  his  favour  in  consideration 
of  their  services  to  the  United  States,  it  will  be  extreamly 
pleasing  to  Congress,  and  to  the  people  of  America.  I  am 
ever,  with  the  greatest  esteem  and  affection, 

Dear  Sir,  &c.,  &c., 

Franklin  to  Lafayette. 

PASSY,  Oct.  1,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  It  is  a  long  time  since  I  did  myself  the 
honour  of  writing  to  you ;  but  I  have  frequently  had  the 
pleasure  of  hearing  of  your  welfare. 

Your  kindness  to  my  grandson  in  offering  to  take  him 
under  your  wing  in  the  expedition  is  exceedingly  obliging 
to  me.  Had  the  expedition  gone  on,  it  would  have  been 


304  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

an  infinite  advantage  to  him  to  have  been  present  with 
you,  so  early  in  life,  at  transactions  of  such  vast  importance 
to  great  nations.  I  flatter  myself  too,  that  he  might  pos 
sibly  catch  from  you  some  tincture  of  those  engaging  man 
ners  that  make  you  so  much  the  delight  of  all  that  know 
you.  Accept,  however,  my  warmest  and  most  grateful 
acknowledgements. 

I  send  you  enclosed  a  newspaper  containing  the  par 
ticulars  of  Wayne's  gallant  attack  of  Stoney  Point.  This  is 
good  news.  But  it  is  followed  by  some  bad,  the  loss  of 
our  little  squadron  from  Boston  at  Penobscot,  which  it  is 
said  our  people  were  obliged  to  blow  up.  I  hope  Count 
D'Estaing's  arrival  in  America  will  give  us  revenge.  Six 
thousand  troops  are  ordered  to  the  West  Indies  to  secure 
your  conquests,  and,  I  hope,  make  more.  But  I  do  not 
hear  of  any  intention  to  send  any  to  our  country.  I  have 
no  orders  to  request  troops,  but  large  ones  for  supplies,  and 
I  dare  not  take  any  further  steps  than  I  have  done  such  a 
proposition  without  orders.  Accept  in  behalf  of  the  Con 
gress  my  thankful  acknowledgements  for  your  zeal  to  serve 
America.  Occasions  may  offer  which  at  present  do  not 
appear,  wherein  your  bravery  and  conduct  may  be  highly 
useful  to  her. 

May  every  felicity  attend  you  is  the  wish  of,  dear  sir, 
yours,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Lafayette. 

PASSY,  Nov.  10,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  My  answer  to  the  questions  contained  in 
the  letter  you  have  honoured  me  with  must  be  very  short. 
I  can  only  say  that  I  know  nothing  of  the  reasons.  I  can 
therefore  give  no  opinion,  having  no  materials  on  which  to 
form  it. 

A  vessel  from  North  America,  arrived  at  Cadiz,  reports 


LAFAYETTE   TO   ADAMS.  305 

that  Count  D'Estaing's  fleet  arrived  off  the  Capes  of  Vir 
ginia  the  14th  of  September,  since  which  date  we  hear 
nothing  of  him ;  and  this  account  seems  not  very  certain. 

American  news  there  is  none  but  what  was  in  the  Eng 
lish  papers.  They  talk  of  Clinton's  going  with  a  strong 
force  to  Charles-town.  But  possibly  D'Estaing's  arrival 
may  prevent  that,  and  I  hope  much  good  from  his  visit  to 
our  coasts.  There  are  four  strokes  for  him  to  make,  —  New 
York,  Ehode  Island,  Halifax,  and  Newfoundland,  if  he  is 
really  gone  there ;  but  perhaps  he  went  to  Jamaica. 
General  Prevost  has  certainly  desired  to  be  recalled ;  he 
complains  much  of  having  been  neglected,  and  not  fur 
nished  with  the  re-inforcements,  and  other  aids  and  neces 
saries  that  he  had  required,  and  that  had  been  promised  to 
him.  We  are  in  the  way  of  filling  England  with  discon 
tented  generals  and  admirals. 

Many,  many  thanks  for  your  kindness  to  my  grandson 
and  may  God's  blessing  ever  attend  you.  With  the  sin- 
cerest  esteem  and  affection,  I  am,  Dear  Sir,  &c.,  &c. 

Lafayette's  last  letter  to  Franklin,  resuming  what  he 
had  done  in  France,  was  written  February  29,  1780.  It 
is  printed  in  Sparks's  collection. 

Early  in  the  year  1780  Lafayette  addressed  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  :  — 

PARIS,  February  7,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  As  I  came  but  this  morning  from  Ver 
sailles  it  was  not  in  my  power  sooner  to  answer  to  the 
letter  you  have  honored  me  with,  and  this  duty  I  now 
perform  with  the  more  pleasure  that  it  is  of  some  impor 
tance  to  the  interest  of  America. 

Since  the  first  day  when  I  had  the  happiness  of  making 
myself,  and  of  being  considered  in  the  world,  as  an  Amer 
ican,  I  have  always  observed  that  among  so  many  ways 

20 


306  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

of  attacking  our  liberties,  and  among  them  the  most  un 
generous  ones,  treachery  and  falsehood  have  ever  been  the 
first  weapons  on  which  the  British  nation  have  the  most 
depended. 

I  am  glad  it  is  in  my  power  generally  to  assure  you 
that  the  many  reports  propagated  by  them,  and  alluded  to 
in  your  letter,  are  not  founded  upon  truth.  These  con 
tracts  with  petty  German  princes  have  not,  I  believe, 
taken  place.  And  if  any  such  merchandise  was  sent  to 
America  it  would  at  most  consist  of  a  few  recruits. 

The  troubles  in  Ireland,  if  there  is  the  least  common 
sense  amongst  the  first  patriots  in  that  country,  are  not, 
I  hope,  at  an  end,  and  it  seems  they  now  begin  to  raise 
new  expectations. 

The  Eussian  troops  so  much  talked  of  in  their  gazette 
I  take  to  be  more  recruits  for  the  thirty  thousand  Eus- 
sians  that  Mr.  Eivington  had  three  years  ago  ordered  to 
embark  for  America. 

These  intelligences,  my  dear  Sir,  be  counteracted  by  let 
ters  to  our  friends  in  America.  But  as  the  respect  we 
owe  to  the  free  citizens  of  the  United  States  makes  it  a 
point  of  duty  for  us  never  to  deceive  them,  and  as  the 
most  candid  frankness  must  ever  distinguish  our  side  of 
the  question  from  the  cause  of  tyranny  and  falsehood,  I 
intend  paying  to-morrow  morning  a  visit  to  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs,  and  from  him  get  so  minuted  intelli 
gences  as  will  answer  your  piirpose. 

With  the  most  sincere  Eegard  and  friendly  affection,  I 
have  the  honor  to  be,  dear  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

LAFAYETTE. 

P.  S.  On  my  return  from  Versailles,  my  dear  Sir,  where 
I  will  settle  the  affair  of that  I  had  undertaken,  I  will 


"E  PLURIBUS  UNUM."  307 

impart  you  a  project  privately,  relating  to  one  that  is  not 
inconsistent    with    my   sentiments    for    our    country  - 
America. 

In  one  of  the  French  letters  of  this  summer,  from  an 
unknown  man  who  wishes  to  emigrate,  —  letters  so  numer 
ous  and  so  effusive  that  they  are  very  tedious,  —  appears 
the  national  motto,  "  E  pluribus  unum."  It  has  been  re 
membered  that  these  words  first  appear  in  Virgil's  account 
of  a  salad-dressing,  in  his  little  poem  "  Moretum."  This 
French  letter  is  perhaps  their  first  application  to  the 
union  of  the  thirteen  States. 

We  know  now  that  the  French  officers  in  America  sent 
home,  in  some  instances,  statements  almost  disloyal  to  the 
country  which  commissioned  and  fed  them. 

As  early  as  December,  1777,  De  Portail  had  written 
that  he  doubted  the  American  success.  "  The  Americans 
have  been  used  to  idleness,  to  drinking  tea  and  rum,  to 
smoking,  &c. :  they  will  not  hold  out  in  such  a  war.  It 
will  not  do  to  think  of  sending  a  French  force  to  act  in 
concert  with  them.  They  have  a  violent  antipathy  to  the 
French  ;  they  would  sooner  go  over  to  the  British  army 
than  fight  with  the  French."  Such  is  Hutchinson's  di 
gest  of  the  letter  of  an  officer  in  the  American  service.1 
It  was  no  misfortune  to  America  that  the  English  took 
the  ship  which  carried  it. 

1  Hutchinson's  Diary,  ii.  309. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE   PRIVATEERS   FROM   DUNKIRK. 

THE  old  town  of  Dunkirk  was  always  a  breeding-place 
for  smugglers,  privateers,  and  even  for  pirates.  For 
centuries  it  had  been  famous  as  a  seaport.  Even  in  the 
time  of  the  crusades  did  fleets  fit  out  in  Dunkirk.  Later, 
being  fortified  and  made  a  place  of  great  strength,  it  was 
constantly  besieged  and  captured,  now  in  the  hands  of 
one  party,  and  now  of  another.  Successively  occupied 
and  fortified  by  Flemish,  Spanish,  French,  English,  and 
French  again,  the  sailors  of  Dunkirk  made  for  themselves 
a  mighty  reputation  as  terrors  of  the  narrow  seas.  Forti 
fied  into  a  place  of  immense  strength  by  the  genius  of 
Vauban,  and  withstanding  all  the  attacks  of  the  Triple 
Alliance  in  the  war,  Dunkirk  succumbed  to  the  diplomats, 
and  according  to  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  its  great  fortifica 
tions  were  pulled  down  and  thrown  into  its  harbor ;  and 
although  at  each  successive  outbreak  of  war  the  walls 
were  again  lifted  up,  in  the  successive  treaties  of  Aix 
la  Chapelle  and  of  Paris  the  clauses  which  condemned 
them  to  destruction  were  reaffirmed.  But  although  Dun 
kirk  was  not  now  a  place  of  importance  in  war,  the  sailors 
still  swarmed  about  her  docks  and  quays.  They  were  of 
all  nationalities,  English,  Scotch,  Irish,  Dutch,  and  French, 
and  knew  all  the  neighboring  coasts,  on  which  they  fol 
lowed  the  hardy  and  dangerous  trade  of  smuggling.  One 
may  imagine  that  this  population  would  be  keenly  alive 


COFFYN  TO  FRANKLIN.  809 

to  those  prospects  which  would  open  up  at  the  hope  of 
a  war  between  England  and  France.  Before  this,  indeed, 
had  the  privateers  been  busy  at  Dunkirk.  It  was  from 
Dunkirk  that  Conyngham  sailed  in  the  "  Surprise,"  and 
afterwards  in  the  "  Eevenge."  Two  worthy  business  men, 
Franz  Coffyn  and  John  Torris,  on  the  lookout  for  their 
own  profits  as  well  as  for  those  of  the  Commissioners, 
were  Franklin's  agents  at  the  port.  Shortly  after  the 
signing  of  the  Treaty  of  Alliance,  it  occurred  to  Coffyn 
that  all  the  raw  material  drifting  about  Dunkirk  might 
be  utilized ;  and  on  the  12th  of  April  he  wrote  to 
Franklin :  — 

HONOURED  SIR,  —  The  warr  which  was  expected  to  be 
declared  soon  after  the  notification  made  by  the  Count  of 
Noailles  to  the  British  of  the  Treaty  concluded  between 
France  and  America  having  not  yet  taken  place,  this 
keeps  in  suspense  diverse  merchants  who  were  inclined 
to  fit  out  privateers  to  annoy  the  trade  of  the  common 
enemy ;  but  as  no  French  Commissions  can  be  granted 
before  the  declaration  of  war,  I  know  that  some  of  these 
merchants  would  be  glad  to  obtain  Commissions  from 
Congress  to  fit  out  their  vessels  under  the  colours  of  the 
United  States,  provided  it  should  be  allowed  to  bring  the 
prizes  into  the  French  ports.  I  take  the  liberty  to  request 
your  opinion  on  these  two  points,  whether  such  commis 
sions  can  be  granted  by  the  Hon'ble  Commissioners,  and 
whether  the  prizes  taken  in  virtue  of  the  same  could  be 
brought  into  the  ports  of  this  kingdom  and  sold  for  the 
captors. 

At  great  length  he  goes  on  to  propound  a  scheme 
which  occurs  to  him.  Here  is  one  Christopher  Ferron,  a 
noted  Irish  smuggler  (and  there  are  many  more  of  his 
stamp  about  the  port),  who  knows  the  coasts  of  Ireland, 


310  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Scotland,  England,  and  Holland  better  than  he  knows  the 
four  corners  of  his  bed.  Why  not  utilize  all  this  mate 
rial  by  fitting  out  privateers,  filling  them  up  with  these 
English,  Scotch,  and  Irish  who  would  fight  under  Amer 
ican  commissions,  and  if  taken  would  cause  no  trouble 
to  any  one,  for  they  would  all  swear  that  they  were 
American  ?  They  could  not  take  French  commissions, 
for  they  could  not  pass  as  Frenchmen ;  but  under  Amer 
ican  colours  they  would  do  good  service. 

We  find  no  notice  afterwards  of  any  direct  result  from 
this  note.  But  though  no  use  was  at  this  time  made  of 
the  suggestion,  at  a  later  time  the  same  idea  was  put  into 
effect  by  Torris.  It  was  in  the  spring  of  1779,  that  the 
"  Black  Prince "  privateer  was  fitted  out,  commissioned 
(24th  of  May),  and  sent  to  sea  under  Stephen  Marchant 
with  a  mixed  crew  of  various  nationalities,  who  knew  the 
narrow  seas  well,  and  were  prepared  to  give  a  good  account 
of  themselves  if  attacked  by  a  man-of-war.  The  captain 
took  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States,  but  it 
does  not  appear  that  the  crew  joined  in  this  protestation 
of  loyalty. 

The  "Black  Prince"  did  well  both  in  the  matter  of 
prizes  and  of  prisoners ;  though,  being  a  small  vessel  and 
parting  with  her  crew  to  man  prizes,  it  was  deemed  in 
expedient  to  retain  the  prisoners,  and  they  were  let  go  on 
giving  a  paper  in  which  each  one  promised  to  see  that  an 
American  prisoner  was  exchanged  in  his  place.  But  to 
these  paroles  the  English  authorities  paid  not  the  slightest 
regard,  as  was  indeed  natural.  The  captured  sailors  had 
no  authority  to  promise  the  release  of  an  American  sea 
man  in  case  they  were  let  go  free ;  and  indeed  if  they  had 
not  chosen  to  give  such  papers,  they  would  probably  in 
most  cases  have  been  allowed  to  go,  all  the  same,  on 
account  of  the  difficulty  of  retaining  them  until  the 


THE  "BLACK  PRINCE."  311 

privateers  made  port.     Franklin  felt  much  outraged  at 
their  course,  as  we  may  see  from  the  following  letter. 

PASSY,  Feb.  9,  1780. 

To    Capt.  Patrick  Doivlin  of  the   "Black  Prince"  at  Mr. 

Chancey's,  Mercht  in  Roscow: 

SIR,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  27th  past.  I  congratu 
late  you  on  the  success  you  have  had  against  our  enemies, 
of  which  I  had  the  pleasure  of  hearing  before  by  the  copy 
of  your  journal  sent  me  by  Mr.  Diot.  The  prisoners  you 
have  brought  in  will  soon  procure  us  the  liberty  of  as 
many  of  our  countrymen,  who  have  long  been  confined  in 
the  gaols  of  Great  Britain.  Tt  is  therefore  an  essential 
piece  of  service  to  the  United  States ;  and  as  the  English 
pay  no  regard  to  the  written  paroles  formerly  taken  from 
the  men  who  were  prisoners  to  the  "  Black  Prince  "  and 
set  at  liberty,  I  think  it  right  that  you  should  trust  no 
more  to  the  honour  of  that  nation,  which  has  refused  to 
return  us  a  single  man  or  account  of  those  paroles,  and  of 
others  taken  by  the  "  General  Mifnin  "  and  the  "  Hancock  " 
privateers  to  the  amount  of  220  men ;  and  for  the  future, 
I  desire  that  you  would  secure  your  prisoners  as  well  as 
you  can,  and  lodge  them  in  French  or  Spanish  gaols,  by 
which  means  you  will  have,  the  satisfaction  of  relieving 
many  poor  captives  and  recommending  yourself  to  the 
favour  of  Congress.  I  wish  you  a  prosperous  cruise,  and 
have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  Yours,  &c. 

The  first  cruise  of  the  "  Black  Prince  "  was  so  successful 
that  it  was  resolved  to  fit  out  a  consort  to  cruise  in  com 
pany.  The  "  Black  Princess "  was  commissioned  in  the 
summer  of  1779,1  and  in  the  fall  of  that  year  the  same 

1  "These  successes  have  determined  the  proprietors  to  (it  out  another 
cutter  of  60  ft.  keel  and  20  ft.  beam,  mounting  16  3-pounders,  24  swivels 


312  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

owners  added  the  "  Fearnot."  Exactly  who  these  owners 
were  does  not  appear.  Torris  seems  to  have  been  the  chief 
man  concerned.  Coffyn  had  undoubtedly  some  share. 
John  Diot,  of  Morlaix,  was  also  interested.  The  crews 
and  captains  were  generally  taken  from  the  Irish  and  Eng 
lish  smugglers  which  crowded  the  port.  Stephen  Marchant, 
the  first  commander  of  the  "  Black  Prince,"  and  Edward 
Macatter,  the  commander  of  the  "  Princess,"  were,  we  be 
lieve,  Irishmen  from  Boston.  Patrick  Dowlin  and  Luke 
Eyan,  of  the  "  Black  .Princess  "  and  the  "  Fearnot," l  were 
Irishmen  from  Dunkirk 

These  successes  could  not  last  forever.  The  "Black 
Prince,"  after  several  cruises,  came  to  an  untimely  end,  as 
we  learn  from  a  letter  to  Franklin  from  Torris :  — 

Apr.  15th,  DUNKIRQUE. 

HONOURED  SIR,  —  With  unexpressible  grief  I  have  the 
honnour  to  acquaint  your  Excellency  with  the  loss  of  our 
poor  "  Black  Prince,"  Capt-  Dowlin.  She  has  suffered  all 
the  hardships  she  ever  could  from  the  French  these  few 
weeks  past.  The  self-conceited  and  weak  commissary  of 
Morlaix  has  forced  my  correspondant  there  to  disembark 
the  22d  to  25th  ult°,  all  her  men  that  would  cruise  no 
longer,  altho'  they  had  32  days  more  to  compleat  their 
engagement ;  the  crew  was  reduced  to  53  men,  which  hin 
dered  Mr.  Dowlen  to  venture  north  about.  He  sailed  from 
Eoscoft  for  this  Harbour  the  6th  inst.  The  7th  he  took 
and  sent  for  Cherbourg  the  "  Flora,"  Dutch  Brig,  Hendrick 
Eoudenberg  master,  because  she  appeared  by  her  bills  of 

and  small  arms,  with  65  men,  all  Americans  and  Irish,  under  the  command 
of  Capt.  Edward  Macatter,  of  Boston.  This  cutter  will  be  called  the 
'  Black  Princess,'  and  is  intended  to  cruise  in  company  with  the  '  Black 
Prince.'  "  —  Coffyn  to  Franklin,  July  30,  1779. 

1  Or  "  Fearnaught."     In  both  ways  may  it  be  seen  in  the  manuscripts. 


THE   SECOND   "BLACK  PRINCE."  313 

lading  and  the  said  Captain's  report,  her  cargoe  of  flaxseed, 
&c.,  belonged  to  Merchants  in  Dublin.  The  8th  she  came 
up  with  an  English  King's  Cutter,  but  was  obliged  to  leave 
her  off,  being  close  chaced  by  a  frigate  stretching  out  from 
the  land,  which  forced  her  to  leave  the  Brig.  The  10th 
she  was  again  close  chased  by  the  same  frigate  under  Eng 
lish  flagg.  Little  or  no  wind,  at  2  P.M.  Came  under  the  Land 
at  Estaples,  hoisted  French  colours  and  fired  signals  of 
distress  for  the  assistance  of  the  Forts  at  4  P.M.,  being 
within  pistolshot  of  the  Frigate  which  still  kept  up  her 
English  colours.  The  Fort  of  Beek  fired  on  her;  then 
the  poor  "Black  Prince"  stranded,  and  the  frigate,  in  2J 
fathoms  water,  brought  down  her  English  colours,  shewed 
French  do ,  and  sheered  off.  All  the  crew  and  materials 
are  saved. 

Torris  was  by  no  means  utterly  discouraged  at  this.  '  It 
is  not  improbable  that  the  "  Black  Prince "  had  cleared 
several  times  her  own  value  before  she  was  lost.  He  at 
once  set  about  fitting  out  another,  to  bear  the  same  name. 
"  The  same  commission  will  do  for  Macatter,  the  captain," 
he  writes  to  Franklin,  "  as  the  name  is  not  to  be  changed." 
The  luck  of  the  old  "Black  Prince"  followed  the  new, 
and  she  made  a  most  successful  cruise. 

Franklin  to  Macatter. 

PASSY,  Augt.  2,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  congratulate  you  on  the  success  of  your  late 
cruise.  I  see  by  the  English  newspapers  that  you  have 
much  alarmed  the  enemy's  coasts  and  done  great  damage 
to  their  commerce.  Your  bringing  in  so  many  prisoners 
is  another  considerable  service,  and  you  may  depend  on 
having  your  generous  intentions  fulfilled  in  the  exchange 
and  deliverance  of  so  many  Americans.  Therefore  if  the 


314  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

British  cartel  ship  is  not  gone,  I  wish  they  may  be  put  on 
board  her,  a  receipt  being  taken  for  them  by  the  commis 
sary,  that  they  are  sent  on  account  of  America,  which 
receipt  will  be  remitted  to  me.  I  have  the  honour  to 
be,  with  much  esteem  for  your  activity  and  bravery, 
sir,  &c.,  &c. 

The  cruises  of  these  privateers  gave  rise  to  various  ques 
tions,  and  disputes  of  some  interest.  Franklin's  position 
in  them  was  that  of  one  ground  betwixt  two  millstones. 
Both  enemies  and  friends  denounced  the  scheme.  The 
English  called  the  whole  set  pirates,  and  offered  to  hang 
them  wherever  they  might  be  found.  The  French  com 
plained  bitterly  that  these  privateers  with  American 
commissions  were  not  subject  to  the  same  rules  and 
restrictions  as  were  French  privateers. 

On  the  former  point  Torris  writes  to  Franklin,  on  the 
9th  of  August,  1779:- 

"  I  do  myself  the  honour  to  write  you  the  great  uneasiness 
I  am  under  for  the  fate  of  the  poor  2 1  men  of  her  crew  [the 
'Blk.  Prince's'],  taken  the  22d  June  of  Morlaix  by  the 
Quebec  Frigate,  on  board  of  her  6  prizes,  and  who  were 
landed  in  Guernsey.  Your  Excellency  has  had  their  names; 
several  are  born  Americans,  others  Irish ;  but  they  are  all 
sworn  subjects  to  the  United  States.  I  read  in  the  Kentish 
'  Gazette '  that  these  people  were  sent  to  Penzance,  to  be 
there  tried  by  the  high  courts  of  Admiralty  for  Piracy, 
because  they  were  Irishmen,  or  subjects  to  great  Britain. 
Messrs.  Jn°  and  Thos  Kirwan,  of  London,  to  whom  I  send 
a  ransom  bill  for  recovery,  a  Prize  to  this  American  priva 
teer,  answered  me  that  the  '  Black  Prince  '  is  looked  upon 
there  as  a  Pirate  ship,  because  she  is  manned  with  their 
own  subjects." 


LETTER  TO  VERGENNES.  315 

With  Vergennes  and  Sartine  Franklin  had  several  dis 
cussions  on  different  points  suggested  by  these  privateers. 
The  reader  of  the  following  letter  will  remember  that  it 
was  at  just  this  time  that  Katharine  of  Eussia  had  pro 
pounded  the  principles  of  the  First  Armed  Neutrality,  of 
which  the  chief  was  that  "  free  ships  make  free  goods," 
and  that  France  and  Spain,  as  well  as  various  other 
European  nations,  had  concurred  therein. 


Franklin  to  Vergennes. 

PASSY,  June  18,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  your  excellency  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  the  17  of  this  month,  together 
with  the  letters  inclos'd,  of  Mr.  de  Sartine  and  of  the 
Ambassador  of  Holland,  concerning  the  ship  "Flora,"  which 
had  been  brought  into  Cherbourg  by  the  "  Black  Prince," 
privateer.  Your  excellency  will  see  by  the  enclosed  paper 
that  I  had  already  given  orders  for  the  release  of  the  ves 
sel  with  payment  of  damages,  before  M.  the  Ambassa 
dor's  complaint  was  made.  And  by  my  letter  to  the 
owners  may  be  seen  what  my  sentiments  are  with  regard 
to  the  principle  about  to  be  established  by  neutral  powers. 
This  single  cargo  I  nevertheless  condenm'd  to  the  use  of 
the  captors,  excepting  what  should  be  reclaim'd  on  oath  by 
the  subjects  of  Holland.  My  reasons  for  doing  so  were,  — 

1.  Because  the  law  has  been  settled  in  America  that 
enemy's  property,  found  in  neutral  ships,  might  be  taken 
out  of  the  same,  paying  the  freight  that  would  have  been 
due  if  the  ships  had  compleated  their  voyages,  together 
with  all  costs  and  damages.  Of  this  there  has  been  already 
several  instances ;  and  foreign  owners  have  been  so  well 
satisfy'd  with  the  handsome  treatment  their  ships  met  with, 


316  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

when  carried  into  our  ports  on  such  occasions,  that  I  never 
heard  of  any  complaint. 

2.  Because  the  English  have  always  condemned  and 
confiscated  American  property  found   in    such  ships,  of 
which  there  have  been,  as  I  am  inform'd,  many  instances 
in  America ;  and  neither  the  Dutch  captains  or  owners 
have  ever  complain'd  of  this  as  a  violation  of  the  flag  of 
their  nation,  nor  claim'd  its  right  of  protecting  our  goods 
in  their  ships,  but  have  deliver'd  them  up  to  the  English 
on  receiving  their  freight. 

3.  Because  a  treaty  has  long  since  been  offered  in  behalf 
of  the  United  States  to  Holland,  in  which  there  was  an  arti 
cle  that  free  ships  should  make  free  goods ;  but  no  notice  has 
been  taken  of  that  offer.     And  it  was  understood  that,  till 
such  a  treaty  was  entered  into,  the  old  law  of  nations  took 
place,  by  which  the  property  of  an  enemy  was  deem'd  a 
good  prize  wherever  found.     And  this  vessel,  charg'd  with 
English  property,  being  brought  in,  on  the  captain's  volun 
tary  declaration  that  it  was  such,  before  the  intention  of 
the  Neutral  Powers  to  change  that  law  could  be  known,  it 
was  thought  that  the  captors'  right  to  the  cargo  could  not 
fairly  be  refused. 

I  hope  these  reasons  and  the  orders  I  have  given  will 
be  satisfactory  to  his  excellency  the  Ambassador  of  their 
High  Mightinesses,  whom  I  highly  esteem  and  respect. 
I  am  perfectly  convinc'd  of  the  wisdom  of  your  excellency's 
reflections  on  the  subject;  and  you  will  always  find  me 
pursuing  a  conduct  conformable  to  those  just  sentiments. 

With  regard  to  the  observation  of  Mr.  de  Sartine  on  the 
"  inconveniences  resulting  from  American  privateers  fitted 
out  as  the  '  Black  Prince '  is  by  Frenchmen,  and  yet  not 
subject  to  the  same  forms  and  laws  with  your  privateers," 
I  beg  leave  to  observe  that,  by  the  express  words  of  the 
Commission  granted  to  them,  they  are  directed  to  submit 


THE  CASE  OF  THE  "BLACK  PRINCE."      317 

the  prizes  they  shall  carry  into  any  port  in  the  dominions 
of  a  Foreign  State  to  the  judgement  of  the  Admiralty 
Courts  established  in  such  ports  or  states,  and  according  to 
the  usages  there  in  force.  Several  of  our  first  prizes  brought 
into  France  were,  if  I  mistake  not,  so  judged ;  and  it  was 
not  upon  any  request  of  mine  that  such  causes  were  after 
wards  referred  to  me,  nor  am  I  desirous  of  continuing  to 
exercise  that  jurisdiction.  If,  therefore,  the  judgement  I 
have  given  in  the  case  of  the  "  Flora "  is  not  approved, 
and  the  Council  of  Prizes  will  take  the  trouble  of  re- 
examining  and  trying  that  cause,  and  those  of  all  other 
prizes  to  be  brought  in  hereafter  by  American  cruisers,  it 
will  be  very  agreeable  to  me,  and  from  the  very  terms 
above  mentioned  of  the  commission,  I  think  it  will  also  be 
agreeable  to  Congress.  Nor  do  I  desire  to  encourage  the 
fitting  out  of  privateers  in  France  by  the  King's  subjects 
with  American  commissions.  I  have  had  many  applica 
tions  of  the  kind  which  I  have  refused,  advising  the 
owners  to  apply  for  the  commissions  of  his  Majesty.  The 
case  of  the  "  Black  Prince  "  was  particular.  She  had  been 
an  old  smuggler  on  the  coasts  of  England  and  Ireland, 
was  taken  as  such,  and  carried  into  Dublin ;  where  her 
crew  found  means  to  break  prison,  cut  their  vessel  out  of 
the  harbour,  and  escaped  with  her  to  Dunkerque.  It  was 
represented  to  me  that  the  people,  being  all  English  and 
Irish,  were  afraid  to  continue  their  smuggling  business, 
least,  if  they  should  be  again  taken,  they  might  be  pun 
ished  as  British  subjects  for  their  crime  at  Dublin ;  and 
that  they  were  willing  to  go  privateering  against  the  Eng 
lish  ;  but  speaking  no  other  language,  they  imagined  they 
might,  if  taken,  better  pass  as  Americans,  if  they  had  an 
American  commission,  than  as  Frenchmen,  if  under  a 
French  commission.  On  these  grounds  I  was  applied  to 
for  a  commission,  which  I  granted,  believing  that  such 


318  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

a  swift  vessel,  with  a  crew  that  know  so  well  all  the  ports 
of  the  enemy's  coasts,  might  greatly  molest  their  coasting 
trade.  Her  first  success  occasioned  adding  the  "Black 
Princess,"  by  the  same  owners ;  and  between  them  they 
have  taken  and  sent  in,  or  ransom'd,  or  destroy' d,  an  amaz 
ing  number  of  vessels,  I  think  near  80.  But  I  shall  con 
tinue  to  refuse  granting  any  more  commissions,  except  to 
American  vessels ;  and  if,  under  the  circumstances  above 
represented,  it  is  thought,  nevertheless,  inconvenient  that 
the  commissions  of  the  "  Black  Prince  "  and  "  Princess  " 
should  continue,  I  will  immediately  recall  them. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

CAPTAIN   LANDAIS. 

Franklin  to  the  Navy  Board  for  the  Eastern  Department. 

PASSY,  15  Mar.  1780. 

GENTLEMEN,  —  I  acquainted  you  in  a  former  letter  that 
there  were  great  misunderstandings  between  Capt.  Lan- 
dais  and  the  other  officers  of  his  ship.  These  differences 
arose  to  such  a  height,  that  the  Captain  once  wrote  me  he 
would  quit  the  command  rather  than  continue  with  them. 
Some  of  them  leaving  the  ship,  that  disturbance  seem'd 
to  be  quieted.  But  there  has  since  arisen  another  violent 
quarrel  between  him  and  Captain  Jones.  These  things 
give  me  great  trouble,  particularly  the  latter,  the  circum 
stances  of  which  I  am  under  a  necessity  of  communicating 
to  you,  that  measures  may  be  taken  for  putting  properly 
an  end  to  it  by  a  Court  Martial,  if  you  find  that  step 
necessary. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  our  little  squadron  in  the 
Texel,  I  had  a  letter  from  Commander  Jones,  complaining 
highly  of  Capt.  Landais,  and  mentioning  that  he  was  ad 
vised  to  put  him  under  arrest  in  order  to  take  his  trial 
by  a  Court  Martial,  for  which,  however,  there  was  not  a 
sufficient  number  of  officers  in  Europe,  but  he  would  do 
nothing  in  it  till  he  heard  from  me.  I  had  another  from 
Captain  Landais  complaining  of  Commodore  Jones,  and 
begging  me  to  order  an  inquiry  into  the  matter  as  soon 


320  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

as  possible.  I  received  also  a  letter  from  the  Minister  of 
Marine,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract,  viz. :  — 

"  I  am  persuaded,  Sir,  that  you  are  not  less  moved  than 
I  am  by  the  great  number  of  the  killed  and  wounded  of 
the  French  volunteers  on  board  the  "  Bon  Homme  Rich 
ard  "  in  her  combat  with  the  English  ship,  the  "  Serapis." 
This  occurrence  is  the  more  grievous,  in  that  it  appears 
that,  if  the  American  frigate,  the  "  Alliance,"  had  seconded 
the  "  Bon  Homme  Richard,"  in  giving  battle  at  the  same 
time,  the  advantage  gained  by  Commodore  Jones  would 
have  been  more  prompt,  would  have  cost  less  men,  and 
would  not  have  put  the  "  Bon  Homme  Richard  "  into  such 
a  state  as  to  sink  about  thirty -six  hours  after  the  battle. 
The  captain  of  this  frigate,  having  conducted  himself  in 
this  extraordinary  manner,  I  do  not  doubt,  Sir,  that  you 
will  command  him  to  repair  hither  to  give  an  account  of 
himself ;  and  in  case  you  shall  discover  that  it  was  owing 
to  him  that  the  victory  was  so  costly,  I  doubt  not  that 
you  will  consider  it  proper  to  inform  Congress  of  it,  that 
it  may  remove  this  captain  from  its  naval  list." 

Upon  this,  and  with  the  advice  of  a  very  respectable 
friend  of  Capt.  Landais,  M.  de  Chaumont,  who  thought 
sending  for  him  to  come  to  Paris  in  order  to  an  enquiry 
into  his  conduct  would  prevent  many  inconveniences  to 
the  service  that  might  attend  a  more  public  discussion,  I 
wrote  to  him,  Oct.  15,  acquainting  him  with  the  principal 
charges  against  him,  and  directing  him  to  render  himself 
here,  bringing  with  him  such  papers  and  testimonies  as 
he  might  think  useful  in  his  justification.  I  wrote  at  the 
same  time  to  Comm'e  Jones  to  send  up  such  proofs  as  he 
might  have  in  support  of  the  charges  against  the  Captain, 
that  I  might  be  enabled  to  give  a  just  account  of  the 
affair  to  Congress.  In  two  or  three  weeks  Capt.  Landais 
came  to  Paris,  but  I  received  no  answer  from  Com'e 


LETTER  TO  THE  NAVY  BOARD.  321 

Jones.  After  waiting  some  days,  I  concluded  to  hear 
Capt.  Landais  on  the  15  of  November  without  longer 
delay ;  and  that  the  impartiality  of  the  enquiry  might  be 
more  clear,  I  requested  the  above-named,  a  friend  of  Capt. 
Landais,  and  Dr.  Bancroft,  a  friend  of  Comm'e  Jones,  to 
be  present. 

With  this  I  send  the  minutes  that  were  taken  on  that 
occasion.1 

The  justification  Capt.  Landais  offers  in  answer  to  the 
charge  of  disobedience  of  the  Commodore's  orders,  seems 
to  call  upon  me  for  an  explanation  of  w^hat  relates  to 
those  I  had  given  Capt.  Landais.  The  armament  was 
made  at  1'Orient;  M.  de  Chaumont  was  present  there 
and  had  the  care  of  it.  I  was  necessarily  at  a  great 
distance,  and  could  not  be  consulted  on  every  occasion, 
and  I  was  not  on  the  following :  A  convoy  being  wanted 
for  some  merchant  ships  to  Bordeaux,  and  our  squadron 
being  ready,  and  there  being  time  sufficient,  it  was  em 
ploy 'd  in  and  performed  that  occasional  service.  The 
"Alliance"  and  "Bonhomme  Eichard"  afterwards,  at 
sea,  ran  foul  of  each  other  in  the  night,  and  all  return 'd 
to  I'Orient.  The  state  of  the  crew,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  ship,  making  it  at  first  doubtful  whether  the  "  Bon 
homme  Eichard"  might  not  be  long  detained  in  port,  I 
was  apply'd  to  for  the  conditional  order  I  gave  on  the 
28th  of  July  to  Capt.  Landais.  I  could  not  foresee  that 
he  would  think  a  cruise,  for  which  he  was  to  take  on 
board  six  months  provisions,  and  during  which  he  was  to 
be  under  the  orders  of  Comm'e  Jones,  was  accomplished 
by  the  little  trip  to  Bordeaux  and  the  return  above  men- 
tion'd,  and  that  he  wTas  therefore  no  longer  under  those 
orders.  Nor  could  I  imagine  that  a  conditional  order  for 
cruising  alone,  in  case  the  "  Bonhomme "  could  not  be 

1  This  is,  unfortunately,  lost. 
21 


322  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ready  in  time,  would,  if  she  was  ready,  and  they  sail'd 
together,  be  construed  into  an  exemption  from  that  subor 
dination,  in  a  squadron,  which  regular  discipline  and  the 
good  of  the  service  requires ;  otherwise,  I  should  certainly 
have  removed  those  misapprehensions  by  fresh  and  very 
explicit  orders.  How  far  Capt.  Landais  is  justifiable  in 
these  interpretations  and  his  consequent  conduct,  must  be 
left  to  his  proper  judges. 

The  absence  of  Commodore  Jones  and  of  all  the  wit 
nesses  (so  that  none  of  them  could  be  cross-examined) 
have  made  this  inquiry  very  imperfect.  You  will  per 
ceive  that  contradictions  appear  in  the  evidence  on  both 
sides  in  some  very  material  points.  These,  with  my 
ignorance  in  the  manoeuvring  of  ships  engag'd  and  their 
possible  operations  under  sail,  the  variety  of  circumstances 
that  wind,  tide,  and  the  situation  afford,  make  it  as  im 
practicable  for  me  to  form,  as  it  would  be  improper  for  me 
without  authority  to  give,  a  judgement  in  this  affair.  I 
will  only  take  the  liberty  of  saying  in  favour  of  Capt. 
Landais  that,  notwithstanding  the  mortal  quarrel  rose 
between  them  at  sea,  it  does  not  appear  to  me  at  all  prob 
able  that  he  fired  into  the  "Bonhomme  Eichard"  with 
design  to  kill  Capt.  Jones.  The  enquiry,  tho'  imperfect, 
and  the  length  of  it,  have,  however,  had  one  good  effect, 
in  preventing  hitherto  a  duel  between  the  parties,  that 
would  have  given  much  scandal ;  and  which  I  believe  will 
now  not  take  place,  as  both  expect  justice  from  a  court 
martial  in  America. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Gentlemen,  &c.. 

It  will  be  seen  from  this  letter  that,  of  all  the  trouble 
which  Franklin  had  received  from  the  various  sea-cap 
tains  of  the  United  States  Navy,  that  brought  on  him  by 
Pierre  Landais  outweighed  all  the  rest.  Indeed,  Captains 


LANDAIS  TO  FRANKLIN.  323 

Wickes,  Conyngham,  and  Jones,  although  they  occasioned 
some  annoyance  to  Franklin,  did  so  in  the  most  innocent 
manner  imaginable,  each  one  of  them  having  for  the 
Doctor  very  great  reverence,  esteem,  and  affection.  With 
Landais  it  was  different.  He  was  of  a  different  disposi 
tion  in  many  ways.  He  was  no  countryman  of  Frank 
lin's.  He  was  a  tremendous  stickler  for  his  own  honor 
and  his  own  rights.  "  I  find  him,"  wrote  Franklin  to 
Jones,  of  Landais,  "  so  exceedingly  captious  and  critical, 
and  so  apt  to  misconstrue  as  an  intended  injustice  every 
expression  in  our  language  he  does  not  immediately  under 
stand,  that  I  am  tired  of  writing  anything  for  him  or 
about  him,  and  am  determined  to  have  nothing  further  to 
do  with  him." 

And  this  affair  was  particularly  vexatious.  Franklin's 
sympathies  would  have  led  him  to  side  with  Jones,  and 
this  perhaps  had  the  effect  of  rendering  him  too  lenient 
with  Landais.  At  least,  it  gave  a  very  troublesome  turn 
to  the  whole  business.  It  is  difficult  now  to  come  to  a 
judgment.  Unquestionably,  Landais  was  to  blame.  The 
question  seems  to  be  just  how  far  was  he  in  the  wrong  ? 
And  this  probably  can  never  be  settled  with  absolute 
certainty.  At  all  events,  the  matter  was  not  settled  in 
the  winter  of  1779-80.  Landais  remained  in  Paris,  doing 
we  know  not  what.  On  the  10th  of  February  he  wrote  to 
Franklin  as  follows  :  — • 

PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY,  —  I  have  been,  ever  since 
January  15th,  waiting  for  the  favour  of  your  answer  to  the 
letter  I  had  the  honour  to  send  you  the  same  day ;  and  for 
the  copy  of  the  letter  from  Monsieur  de  Sartine  to  you,1 
in  consequence  of  which  you  ordered  me  to  come  to  Paris, 
which  you  was  so  obliging  to  tell  me  you  would  send  me, 

1  From  which  was  quoted  the  passage  on  p.  320. 


324  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

as  I  do  want  it  for  to  write  my  justification  to  that  minis 
ter.  I  beg  if  you  would  send  it,  with  your  order  to  stay  in 
Paris  till  the  time  you  11  procure  me  a  proper  passage  to 
go  to  America,  while  the  frigate  "  Alliance  "  will  be  there, 
for  to  be  tryed  by  a  Court-martial,  being  the  only  judges 
that  I  can  have  on  such  occasion. 

I  have  been  detained  here  for  nothing,  T  find,  these  three 
months  past.  When  I  came  from  Holland  I  expected  some 
justice  should  be  done,  and  I  should  be  sent  back  (with  the 
deserved  glory  of  having,  by  my  conduct  in  the  engage 
ment  of  the  23d  Sep.  last,  not  only  prevented  the  "  Bon 
Homme  Bichard "  of  being  taken  by  the  "  Serapis,"  but 
also  reduced  and  made  strike  the  last  ship,  &c.,)  to  take 
the  command  again  of  the  "  Alliance,"  and  that  the  malig 
nant  should  be  punished  for  his  having  calomniated  me ; 
but  it  has  been  quite  the  contrary.  To  what  is  it  owed  to  ? 
The  command  of  the  frigate  has  been  took  from  me;  and 
when  I  parted  from  Texel  for  Paris,  according  to  your 
order,  I  brought  with  me  only  the  necessary  papers  for  my 
justification,  and  few  clothes ;  and  left  on  board  the  frigate 
four  trunks,  containing  my  clothes,  linen,  bed,  books,  sea- 
charts,  maps,  mathematics,  optics,  astronomies-instruments, 
all  the  Ships  papers,  my  own  private  papers  and  great 
many  plans,  as  I  must  go  as  soon  as  possible  for  to  crave 
justice;  and  since  I  cannot  go  there  without  the  most 
necessary  of  those  things,  I  hope  you  wTill  procure  me  with 
the  money  necessary  to  buy  them,  having  been  deprived 
of  those  I  had  in  following  your  order.  Beside,  I  want 
some  money,  as  I  told  you  the  last  time,  for  my  dayly 
expenses.  I  beg  as  a  favour  you  would  send  me  the  answer 
by  the  bearer. 

I  am  with  respect, 

Your  Excellency's  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

P.  LANDAIS. 


FRANKLIN'S   REPLY.  325 

To  this  epistle  Franklin  sent  the  following  reply :  — 

PASSY,  Feb.  12,  1780. 

SIR,  —  You  are  pleased  to  blame  me  for  your  long  stay 
in  Paris.  I  have  not  heard  of  any  opportunity  you  have 
had  of  going  to  America;  and  if  you  had  been  there,  you 
must  have  waited  as  long  for  the  arrival  of  the  "Alliance" 
before  you  could  have  had  the  courtmartial  you  desire. 
There  seems,  then,  to  have  been  no  time  lost. 

When  you  desired  me  formerly  to  order  your  things  to 
be  taken  out  of  the  "  Alliance,"  I  answered  that  if  you 
chose  to  have  them  taken  out,  it  was  proper  for  you  to  give 
such  orders,  and  appoint  some  friend  in  Holland  to  receive 
and  take  care  of  them  for  you.  The  ship  lay  there  a  long 
time  after.  I  now  acquaint  you  that  she  is  probably  at 
L'Orient,  where  you  may  take  the  same  step  if  you 
approve  of  it. 

You  received  money  for  your  expences  to  Paris  from 
Mr.  Neufville.  You  have  since  had  a  considerable  sum  for 
your  expenses  here  of  M.  de  Chaumont,  and  will  undoubt 
edly  receive  more  if  necessary  for  that  purpose  ;  but  as  to 
furnishing  you  with  money  to  buy  things  you  say  you  have 
lost,  and  which  you  might  have  had  and  may  probably 
still  have  for  asking,  I  do  not  see  the  necessity  or  the 
reasonableness  of  it. 

If  you  call  on  Monday  morning  for  the  remaining  papers, 
and  bring  with  you  those  I  have  already  certified,  that  I 
may  have  them  all  tacked  together  under  one  seal,  you 
will  then  be  possessed  of  the  whole  you  ask. 
I  am,  sir,  &c , 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Just  what  was  done  does  not  appear,  —  probably  noth 
ing;  for  about  a  month  later  the  following  exchange  of 
notes  took  place :  — 


326  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Landais  to  Franklin. 

PARIS,  March  11,  1780. 

PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY,  —  You  called  me  by  your 
order  from  the  command  of  the  American  Frigate  "  Alli 
ance,"  which  the  Honorable  Congress  had  confided  the 
command  of  to  me,  upon  some  accusations  that  none  but 
a  Court-martial  can  judge,  and  you  have  given  the  said 
command  to  my  accuser.  You  have  kept  me  here  these 
four  months  past,  I  don't  know  what  for.  As  it  could  be 
said  in  America  't  is  my  fault  if  I  had  not  the  same  com 
mand  again  by  not  having  not  askt  it  should  be  given  me 
back,  may  be  that  it  was  offered  to  me.  I  therefore  beg 
as  a  right,  your  Excellency,  give  me  the  command  of  the 
"  Alliance  "  again,  or  give  me  your  refusal  of  doing  it  in 
writing  from  your  hand,  that  I  may  have  it  to  show 
to  Congress.  I  know  the  Officers  and  crew  of  the  "  Alli 
ance"  wishes  for  me,  and  hate  their  present  unlawful 
Commander. 

I  beg  as  a  favour  you  '11  be  so  good  to  send  me  a  positive 
and  clear  answer  upon  the  subject. 

Franklin  to  Landais. 

PASSY,  March  12,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  this  day  the  two  letters  you  did  me 
the  honour  of  writing  to  me,  dated  the  10th  and  llth 
instant. 

Having  already  twice  answered  very  clearly  and  expli 
citly  your  demand  about  your  things,  it  seems  unnecessary 
to  say  anything  farther  on  that  head.  I  have  written  long 
since  to  Capt.  Jones  to  deliver  them  to  any  person  you 
may  authorize  to  demand  and  receive  them.  If  you  please, 
you  may  give  that  authority  to  the  agent  you  mention. 
I  have  also  already  often  answered  your  demand  of  my 
procuring  for  you  a  passage  to  America. 


LETTER  TO  LANDAIS.  327 

M.  de  Chaumont,  having  had  the  payment  of  all  expences 
in  equipping  the  squadron,  will,  I  suppose,  have  the  pay 
ment  of  the  prize  money.  None  of  it  will  pass  thro'  my 
hands. 

After  the  continual  quarrels  between  you  and  the  people 
of  the  "  Alliance  "  from  the  time  of  your  taking  command 
of  her  at  Boston ;  after  the  repeated  written  complaints 
made  to  me  of  the  officers,  and  by  the  officers  of  you,  dur 
ing  all  the  time  from  your  arrival  in  Europe  to  your  de 
parture  on  your  last  cruise ;  after  having  acquainted  me  in 
writing  with  your  resolution  not  to  continue  in  the  com 
mand  with  such  officers,  and-expressing  the  same  disposition 
in  discourse  to  Mr.  Chaumont ;  after  being,  as  you  say,  4 
months  in  Paris,  in  all  which  time  you  never  gave  the 
least  intimation  of  a  wish  to  return  to  her,  nor  desired 
anything  of  ine  relating  to  her  but  to  have  your  things  out 
of  her,  —  it  is  really  surprising  to  be  now  told  that  the 
officers  and  crew  like  you  for  their  Captain,  and  that  they 
hate  their  present  commander,  —  of  whom,  however,  they 
have  not  made  to  me  the  slightest  complaint,  —  and  to  have 
now,  for  the  first  time,  a  demand  from  you  of  being  replac'd 
in  that  ship,  made  only  when  you  know  she  is  just  on  the 
point  of  sailing.  The  demand,  however,  may  perhaps  be 
made  chiefly  for  the  sake  of  obtaining  a  refusal,  of  which 
you  seem  more  earnestly  desirous,  as  the  having  it  to  pro 
duce  may  be  of  service  to  you  in  America.  I  will  not, 
therefore,  deny  it  to  you,  and  it  shall  be  as  positive  and 
clear  as  you  require  it.  No  one  has  ever  learnt  from  me 
the  opinion  I  formed  of  you  from  the  enquiry  made  into 
your  conduct.  I  kept  it  entirely  to  myself.  I  have  not 
even  hinted  it  in  my  letters  to  America,  because  I  would 
not  hazard  giving  any  one  a  bias  to  your  prejudice.  By 
communicating  a  part  of  that  opinion  privately  to  you  it 
can  do  you  no  harm,  for  you  may  burn  it.  I  should  not 


328  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

give  you  the  pain  of  reading  it  if  your  demand  did  not 
make  it  necessary.  I  think  you,  then,  so  imprudent,  so 
litigious,  and  quarrelsome  a  man,  even  with  your  best 
friends,  that  peace  and  good  order,  and  consequently  the 
quiet  and  regular  subordination  so  necessary  to  success, 
are,  where  you  preside,  impossible.  These  are  matters 
within  my  observation  and  comprehension ;  your  military 
operations  I  leave  to  more  capable  judges.  If,  therefore, 
I  had  20  ships-of-war  in  my  disposition,  I  should  not  give 
one  of  them  to  Captain  Landais.  The  same  temper  which 
excluded  him  from  the  French  Marine  would  weigh  equally 
with  me.  Of  course  I  shall  not  replace  him  in  the 
"  Alliance." 

I  am  assur'd,  however,  that  as  captain  of  a  merchant- 
ship  you  have  two  very  good  qualities,  highly  useful  to 
your  owners,  viz.,  economy  and  integrity.  For  these  I 
esteem  you,  and  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  &c. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

P.  S.  I  have  passed  over  all  the  charges  made  or  insin 
uated  against  me  in  your  letters  and  angry  conversations, 
because  I  would  avoid  continuing  an  altercation  for  which 
I  have  neither  time  nor  inclination.  You  will  carry  them 
to  America,  where  I  must  be  accountable  for  my  conduct 
towards  you,  and  where  it  will  be  my  duty,  if  I  cannot 
justify  myself,  to  submit  to  any  censures  I  may  have 
merited.  Our  correspondence,  which  cannot  be  pleasant 
to  either  of  us,  may  therefore,  if  you  please,  end  here. 

On  receipt  of  this  sufficiently  explicit  letter,  Landais 
went  down  to  L'Orient  to  take  command  of  the  "Alliance." 
We  have  not  much  evidence  as  to  what  he  did  there.  We 
may  imagine,  however,  that  by  this  time  Landais  had  got 
very  well  acquainted  with  another  man  of  much  the  same 


LANDAIS  TO  FRANKLIN.  329 

stamp  as  himself,  —  Mr.  Arthur  Lee,  —  who  was  at  this 
time  at  L'Orient,  waiting  for  a  chance  to  sail  for  America, 
where  he  was  anxious,  among  other  duties,  to  give  the  value 
of  his  own  personal  presence  to  the  furtherance  of  his 
attacks  on  Franklin  and  others.  In  Landais  he  undoubt 
edly  thought  he  saw  a  man  most  unjustly  treated,  and  at 
once  went  to  work  to  help  him.1  This,  however,  we  can 
only  surmise  from  various  expressions  in  letters  written  at 
about  this  time,  some  of  which  will  come  in  later.  How 
ever  this  may  be,  Landais  was  at  L'Orient  for  about  two 
months,  when  he  again  wrote  to  Franklin  :  — 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY,  —  I  have  been 
waiting  ever  since  I  came  to  L'Orient  for  your  order  to  me 
to  retake  command  of  the  Frigate  "Alliance,"  thinking 
you  would  have  reflected  how  she  was  taken  from  me. 

I  should  look  upon  myself  culpable  to  remain  a  tame 
spectator,  while  my  authority  on  board  her  is  usurped  by 
another.  Since  I  have  been  placed  to  that  command  by  a 
resolve  of  the  Honble  Congress,  it  appears  to  me  upon 
consideration  that  nothing  can  authorize  your  Ex.  to  this 
proceeding  of  displacing  me.  I  am  persuaded  that  even 
the  Congress  themselves  would  never  pretend  to  exercise 
a  power  so  arbitrary  as  to  overthrow  their  officers  without 
trial,  were  their  reasons  ever  so  well  founded,  much  less 
on  a  parcel  of  scandalous  charges  intended  to  cover  the 
ignorance  and  misbehavior  of  a  man  who  would  freely 
sacrifice  the  reputation  of  the  officers  and  men  of  a  whole 
fleet  to  establish  himself. 

I  consider  it  my  duty  to  return  to  my  station  on  board 
her.  I  know  of  nothing  that  I  have  done  that  can  justify 

1  That  this  view  was  not  extraordinary  one  may  see  from  reading  the 
opinion  delivered  by  John  Adams,  printed  a  few  pages  later,  from  which  we 
must  recognize  that  there  was  some  sense  in  Landais's  position,  though  the 
method  of  pressing  his  claim  was  not  the  best  one. 


330  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

your  detaining  me  from  this.  I  am  responsible  to  them 
that  intrusted  the  ship  to  my  charge  to  return  her  to  them 
again.  If  you  have  any  express  authority  for  depriving 
me  of  my  command,  I  must  beg  a  copy  of  it,  and  I  will 
pay  due  obedience  to  it ;  otherwise  I  must  consider  myself 
as  Capt.  of  the  ship,  and  I  beg  that  Dr.  Franklin  will  not 
encourage  anybody  to  interfere  with  me  in  my  duty,  but 
give  me  all  the  assistance  in  his  power.  It  appears,  more 
over,  that  I  am  considered  as  Capn  of  the  "  Alliance  "  by 
the  Admiralty  office  of  the  United  States,  by  the  letter 
I  have  the  honour  to  enclose  your  Excellency  a  copy.  I 
must  beg  a  speedy  answer  to  this  ;  and  if  your  Excy  is  still 
determined  to  withhold  me  from  my  station,  you  must  be 
answerable  for  any  disagreeable  consequences  that  may 
take  place,  which  I  should  wish  to  avoid. 

I  arn,  &c., 

P.  LANDAIS. 

L'OniENT,  May  29,  1780. 

Franklin  answered  as  follows  :  — 

PASSY,  June  7,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  yours  of  the  29th  past,  and  after  the 
manner  in  which  you  quitted  the  ship,  my  clear  and  posi 
tive  refusal  of  replacing  you  contained  in  mine  of  March 
the  12th,  and  my  furnishing  you  with  a  considerable  sum 
to  enable  you  to  go  to  America  for  a  trial,  I  am  surprised 
to  find  you  at  L'Orient,  when  I  thought  you  had  long  since 
been  on  your  voyage ;  and  to  be  told  that  "  you  had  been 
waiting  ever  since  your  arrival  for  m^j  orders  to  retake  the 
command  of  the  '  Alliance,' "  when  I  had  never  heard  of 
your  being  there,  or  given  you  the  least  expectation  of  the 
kind.  The  whole  affair  between  us  will  be  laid  before  our 
superiors,  who  will  judge  justly  of  the  consistency  and 
propriety  of  your  conduct  and  of  mine.  I  waive,  therefore, 
any  farther  dispute  with  you.  But  I  charge  you  not  to 


LETTER  TO  PAUL  JONES.  331 

meddle  with  the  "  Alliance  "  or  create  any  disturbance  on 
board  her,  as  you  will  answer  the  contrary  at  your  peril. 
I  am,  Sir,  Yours,  &c., 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Franklin  also  wrote  to  Paul  Jones,  who  was  at  that 
time  on  board  the  "Alliance"  at  L'Orient : — • 

PASSY,  June  12,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Saturday  morning  last  I  received  a  letter, 
signed  by  about  115  of  the  sailors  of  the  "Alliance,"  de 
claring  that  they  would  not  raise  the  anchor  nor  depart 
from  L'Orient  till  they  had  six  months'  wages  paid  them 
and  the  utmost  farthing  of  their  prize  money,  including 
the  ships  sent  into  Norway,  and  until  their  legal  captain, 
P.  Landais  is  restored  to  them,  —  or  to  that  effect,  for  I 
have  not  the  letter  before  me.  This  mutiny  has  undoubt 
edly  been  excited  by  that  captain,  probably  by  making 
them  believe  that  satisfaction  has  been  received  for  those 
Norway  prizes  deliver'd  up  to  the  English,  which  God 
knows  is  not  true,  the  Court  of  Denmark  not  having  yet 
resolved  to  give  us  a  shilling  on  that  account.  That  he  is 
concern'd  in  this  mutiny  he  has  been  foolish  enough  to 
furnish  us  with  proofs,  —  the  sailors'  letter  being  not  only 
enclosed  under  a  cover  directed  to  me  in  his  handwriting, 
but  he  has  also  in  the  same  writing  interlin'd  the  words, 
their  legal  captain,  P»  Landais,  which  happen  to  contain 
his  signature.  I  went  immediately  to  Versailles  to  demand 
the  assistance  of  Government ;  and  on  showing  the  letter, 
by  which  his  guilt  plainly  appear' d,  an  order  was  immedi 
ately  granted  and  sent  away  the  same  evening  for  appre 
hending  and  imprisoning  him;  and  orders  were  promis'd 
to  be  given  at  the  same  time  to  the  Commissary  of  the 
Port  to  afford  you  all  kind  of  assistance  to  facilitate  your 
depart.  M.  de  Chaumont  being  with  me,  and  assisting 


3-32  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

warmly  in  obtaining  these  orders,  we  thought  it  best  at  the 
same  time  to  give  directions  that  those  sailors  who  have 
signed  his  letter  should  not  be  favour'd  with  receiving  any 
part  of  the  money  order' d  to  be  advanced  in  part  of  what 
it  is  supposed  the  "  Serapis  "  and  "  Countis  "  may  be  sold 
for,  unless  to  such  as  express  their  sorrow  for  having  been 
so  misled  and  willingness  to  do  their  duty.  And  that  they 
may  be  known,  their  letter  was  sent  down  to  M.  de  Mont- 
plaisir ;  but  care  should  be  taken  that  it  be  ret  urn 'd,  as  it 
contains  the  proofs  above  mentioned  against  Landais,  who 
will  probably  be  try'd  for  his  life,  being  considered  by  the 
Ministers  as  an  emigrant  without  the  King's  permission, 
and  therefore  still  a  Frenchman,  and  when  found  in  France 
still  subject  to  its  laws.  When  that  advance  was  ordered, 
it  was  suppos'd  the  vessels  might  have  been  got  away  with 
out  waiting  for  the  sale,  and  that  the  people  who  had  a 
right  to  share  them,  receiving  this  in  part  to  relieve  their 
present  necessities,  might  have  appointed  some  agent  to 
receive  and  remit  the  rest  to  them  in  America ;  but  the 
delays  have  been  so  great  that  the  time  of  sale  now  ap 
proaches,  and  perhaps  the  produce  may  be  known  before 
you  can  be  ready  to  depart  with  the  "  Ariel,"  and  if  ready 
money  is  paid,  the  division  may  be  made  at  once.  If  any 
unforseen  difficulties  should  arise  to  prevent  this,  I  see  no 
other  way  but  to  separate  those  who  cannot  trust  to  their 
Country  to  do  them  justice,  and  put  them  on  shore,  and 
let  them  wait  for  their  shares  at  their  own  expense ;  for 
't  is  unreasonable  to  keep  the  ship  here  at  so  monstrous  an 
expense  to  the  public  for  their  private  advantage  or  humors. 
As  to  wages,  I  have  no  authority  or  means  of  paying  wages 
here,  and  I  believe  that  all  maritime  states  pay  their  ships 
at  home ;  for  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  pay-offices  are  to 
be  kept  in  every  part  of  the  world  to  which  ships  may 
happen  to  go ;  besides  it  cannot  be  known  here  what  their 


LANDAIS   TO   FRANKLIN.  833 

families  or  attorneys  have  received  for  them.  I  see  you 
are  likely  to  have  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  It  requires  pru 
dence.  I  wish  you  well  thro'  it.  You  have  shown  your 
abilities  in  fighting.  You  have  now  an  opportunity  of 
showing  the  other  necessary  part  in  the  character  of  a 
great  chief,  —  your  abilities  in  governing.  Adieu. 
Yours  sincerely, 

B.  F. 

Landau  to  Franklin. 

PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY,  —  I  wrote  you  a  letter  of 
the  29th  May  and  duplicates,  and  have  received  no  answer. 
I  beg'd  your  Excellency  would  inform  me  by  what  authority 
I  was  kept  from  my  ship.  I  enclosed  a  copy  of  a  letter 
from  the  Secretary  of  the  Honble  Navy  Board,  Philadelphia, 
the  purport  of  which  was,  to  take  in  a  few  goods  for  his 
use,  as  the  ship  was  ordered  home  by  Congress.  My  offi 
cers  and  crew  inform  me  they  have  also  wrote  to  your 
Excellency,  begging  that  their  lawful  commander  might  be 
restored  to  them  again,  as  they  knew  of  no  other  commander 
but  me.  They  inform  me  that  no  answer  has  come  to  their 
hands. 

I  have  also,  with  the  advice  of  the  principal  Americans 
and  the  desire  of  my  officers  and  crew,  taken  the  command 
yesterday,  as  was  my  right,  and  am  determined  to  keep  her 
and  carry  her  to  America,  as  required  by  Congress  in  the 
letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Honble  Navy  Board  that 
I  enclose  to  you.  I  therefore  beg  you  will  have  the  offi 
cers  and  crew  paid  their  prize  money  and  send  me  your 
despatches,  that  I  may  fulfil  the  .orders  of  Congress.  On 
my  going  on  board  my  officers  and  men  received  me  very 
cheerfully,  and  acknowledged  me  to  be  their  lawful  com 
mander,  and  no  other  till  they  see  a  resolve  of  Congress 
for  another  captain. 


334  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

I  am  ready  to  sail  whenever  you  will  be  pleased  to  pay 
my  people  and  send  me  your  despatches. 

L'OfiiENT,  14  June,  1780. 

The  enclosed  letter  from  John  Brown,  Secretary,  is 
directed  to  Landais  as  Captain  of  the  "Alliance,"  and 
says :  "  The  Board  of  Admiralty  of  the  U.  S.  having  given 
orders  that  the  Continental  Frigate  "  Alliance  "  should  re 
turn  to  this  port/'  —  and  goes  on  to  ask  Landais  to  bring 
with  him  when  he  sails  certain  freight.  It  was  written 
some  time  before  this. 

On  receipt  of  this  Franklin  at  once  wrote  these  two 

letters :  — 

VERSAILLES,  June  16,  1780. 
Captain  Landais  : 

SIR,  —  I  am  much  surprised  to  learn  that  you  have, 
contrary  to  the  express  orders  contained  in  mine  of  the 
7th  instant,  taken  on  yourself  the  command  of  the  frigate. 
I  do  hereby  repeat  those  orders,  and  charge  you  to  quit  the 
ship  immediately. 

I  am,  sir,  yours,  &c., 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

VERSAILLES,  June  16,  1780. 
To  the  Officers  and  Seamen  of  the  "Alliance"  Frigate : 

GENTLEMEN,  —  Having  judg'd  fit  for  the  service  of  the 
United  States  to  appoint  Comme  Jones  to  the  command 
of  the  "Alliance"  in  her  present  intended  voyage  to 
America,  I  hereby  direct  you  to  obey  him  as  your  cap 
tain,  till  farther  orders  shall  be  given  by  the  honourable 
Congress. 

I  am,  gentlemen, 

Your  friend  and  humble  servant, 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN, 
Min.  Plen.  for  the  U.  S. 


JONES  TO  FRANKLIN.  335 

This  performance  of  Landais  was  a  master-stroke  on  his 
part,  and  his  enemies  were  confounded  at  it.  They  at 
once  wrote  to  Franklin.  "  I  think  it  my  duty  as  an  Amer 
ican  citizen,"  says  Jonathan  Nesbit,  "  to  give  you  my 
opinion  on  this  affair,  —  which  is  that  Landais  has  been 
instigated  to  take  the  present  measure  by  some  designing 
person,  (an  enemy  to  his  country)  whose  design  it  is  to 
throw  everything  into  confusion,  and  to  prevent  if  possi 
ble  the  supply  now  going  to  America  from  getting  there 
in  due  time."  And  he  goes  on  to  ask  pardon  for  intruding 
his  own  private  affairs  upon  Franklin,  and  to  say,  that  if 
Landais  is  continued  in  command  of  the  "Alliance,"  he 
shall  not  believe  it  safe  for  the  "  Lucerne,"  under  his  care, 
to  go  under  her  convoy.  Francis  Wharton  also  wrote, 
pointing  out  Lee  as  the  enemy  to  his  country,  in  much 
clearer  language.  Paul  Jones  also  wrote  as  follows  :  — 

L'ORIENT,  June  13th,  1780. 

SIR,  —  On  my  arrival  here 1  I  found  that  Captain  Lan 
dais,  encouraged,  as  I  believe,  by  Mr.  Lee  and  Mr.  Gillan, 
had  raised  a  party  spirit  on  board  the  "  Alliance."  I  have 
been,  however,  a  considerable  part  of  the  time  since  my 
return,  and  have  always  been  well  received  and  duly 
obeyed.  As  I  found  that  my  commission  and  authority 
had  been  called  in  question,  I  had  a  copy  of  my  commis 
sion  as  well  as  your  orders  read  on  board  yesterday  for 
the  satisfaction  of  every  Person ;  and  I  soon  afterwards 
discovered  that  Captain  Landais  had  written  the  within 
letter  to  lieutenant  Degge,  which  he  had  read  to  the 
crew,  and  which  I  communicated  last  night  to  the  Com 
mandant.  This  day  I  came  ashore  in  the  forenoon  to 
make  some  necessary  arrangements  with  the  Command- 

1  He  had  been  to  Versailles. 


336  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ant,  respecting  the  despatch  of  the  "Ariel."  In  my 
absence  from  the  "Alliance,"  Captain  Landais  went  on 
board,  declaring  that  he  came  to  take  command  of  the 
ship,  and  was  determined  to  support  himself  by  force 
against  any  person  who  would  dispute  his  authority.  I 
thought  it  the  most  prudent  method  to  make  the  within 
written  application  to  the  Commandant  of  the  Marine, 
who,  with  the  Commandant  of  the  Eoad,  advises  me  to 
send  an  account  of  the  matter  to  your  Excellency  by 
express,  and  to  wait  your  orders  in  consequence,  in  con 
currence  with  the  orders  of  Government. 

Several  of  the  brave  officers  who  served  with  me  in  the 
"  Bon  Homme  Eichard "  have  already  been  treated  with 
indignity  on  board,  and  my  first  lieutenant,  Mr.  Dale,  this 
moment  tells  me  that  himself  and  some  others  have  been 
turned  ashore.  Before  I  came  ashore  this  forenoon,  the 
crew  being  assembled,  I  demanded  whether  any  one  of 
them  could  say  a  word  to  my  disadvantage.  They  an 
swered  they  could  not.  There  was  then  every  appearance 
of  general  contentment  and  subordination.  I  am  certain 
the  people  in  general  love  arid  would  readily  obey  me.  .  .  . 

My  conduct  of  the  affair  will,  I  hope,  meet  with  your 
Excellency's  approbation.  I  have  strictly  followed  the 
advice  I  have  received  from  the  two  commandants  here. 
I  have  communicated  to  them  the  verbal  orders  you  gave 
me  at  parting  to  ask  their  assistance  in  case  it  should  be 
wanted;  but  they  cannot,  they  say,  act  without  written 
orders  from  you  in  concurrence  with  the  court. 

I  have  the  honour,  &c. 

Franklin  at  once  took  steps  in  the  matter.  He  applied 
to  the  French  government  for  orders  to  stop  Landais  at 
L' Orient  by  force  if  necessary.  Jones  too  came  to  Ver 
sailles  to  press  the  application,  —  and  rather  unadvisedly 


FRANKLIN  TO   WHARTON.  337 

perhaps ;  for  in  the  state  in  which  affairs  then  stood,  pos 
session  was  nine  points  of  the  law;  and  Landais  having 
possession  of  the  ship,  proceeded  to  get  the  "  Alliance  "  to 
rights  as  soon  as  possible,  and  to  have  her  towed  out  into 
the  road,  that  she  might  set  sail  at  any  moment.  Here 
he  was  checked  by  the  orders  of  the  commander  of  the 
French  fort,  under  whose  guns  he  lay,  which  were  at  this 
moment  to  blow  the  "Alliance"  out  of  the  water  if  she 
should  attempt  to  set  sail.  This,  however,  was  a  day  or 
two  later.  Jones,  who  had  hurried  to  Versailles,  had  by 
this  time  returned  to  L' Orient,  and  busied  himself  to  pre 
vent  any  such  catastrophe.  Landais,  however,  was  firm. 
He  was  the  rightful  commander,  he  said,  he  waited  only 
for  his  prize  money,  and  then  he  would  set  sail  for  Amer 
ica.  Arthur  Lee  proffered  his  advice  to  Jones,  who  was 
on  shore,  —  "  though  I,"  remarked  Jones,  "  had  never  even 
hinted  that  his  opinion  or  advice  would  be  accepted.  He 
has,  however,  pulled  off  the  masque,  and  I  am  convinced 
is  not  a  little  disappointed  that  his  operations  here  have 
not  produced  bloodshed  between  the  subjects  of  France 
and  America,  —  poor  man." 

Franklin  says,  in  writing  to  Wharton  about  Landais,  "  I 
have  no  doubt  but  your  suspicion  of  his  adviser  is  well 
founded.  That  genius  must  either  find  or  make  a  quarrel 
wherever  he  is.  The  only  excuse  for  him  that  his  con 
duct  will  admit  of,  is  his  being  at  times  out  of  his  senses. 
This  I  always  allow,  and  am  persuaded  that  if  some  of 
the  many  enemies  he  provokes  do  not  kill  him  sooner,  he 
will  die  in  a  mad-house.  As  to  Capt.  Landais,  I  have  no 
other  powers  relating  to  the  "  Alliance  "  than  what  are 
imply'd  in  my  Ministerial  office.  He  was  instructed 
strictly  by  the  admiralty  in  America  to  obey  my  orders. 
He  disobeyed  them.  It  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  these 
matters  here.  We  are  accountable  at  home.  I  am  heart- 

22 


338  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ily  sorry  that  you  have  been  so  long  detained.  I  have 
done  everything  in  my  power  to  prevent  it.  You  can 
have  no  conception  of  the  vexation  these  maritime  affairs 
occasion  me.  It  is  hard  that  I  who  give  others  no  trouble 
with  my  quarrels,  should  be  plagued  with  all  the  per 
versities  of  those  who  think  fit  to  wrangle  with  one 
another.  I  wish  you  a  good  voyage  at  last,  and  that  I 
could  mend  your  company. 

Adieu.     1  am  ever, 

Y.  aff.,  B.  F. 

The  matter  had  by  this  time  about  come  to  an  end.  A 
few  days  after  Franklin  writes  to  Jones  :  — 

PASSY,  June  27,  1780. 
6  P.M. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  this  minute  received  yours  of  the 
23rd.  The  letter  you  mention  having  sent  me  by  the  last 
post,  inclosing  the  necessary  papers  to  explain  circum 
stances,  is  not  come  to  hand,  so  that  I  am  much  in  the 
dark  about  your  present  situation.  I  only  learn  by  other 
means  that  the  "  Alliance  "  is  gone  out  of  port,  and  that 
you  are  not  likely  to  recover,  and  have  relinquish'd  the 
command  of  her ;  so  that  affair  is  over.  And  the  business 
is  now  to  get  the  goods  out  as  well  as  we  can.  I  am 
perfectly  bewildered  with  the  different  schemes  that  have 
been  proposed  to  me  for  this  purpose  by  Mr.  Williams, 
Mr.  Eoss,  yourself,  and  Mr.  de  Chaumont.  Mr.  Williams 
was  for  purchasing  ships.  I  told  him  I  had  not  the 
money ;  but  he  still  urges  it.  You  and  Mr.  Koss  proposed 
borrowing  the  "  Ariel."  I  joined  in  the  application  for 
that  ship.  We  obtained  her.  She  was  to  carry  all  that  the 
"  Alliance  "  could  not  take.  Now  you  find  her  insufficient. 
An  additional  ship  has  already  been  asked,  and  could  not 
be  obtained.  I  think,  therefore,  it  will  be  best  that  you 


LANDAIS   SAILS.  339 

take  as  much  in  the  "  Ariel "  as  you  can,  and  depart  with 
it.  For  the  rest  I  must  apply  to  the  government  to  con 
trive  some  means  of  transporting  it  in  their  own  ships. 
This  is  my  present  opinion.  And  when  I  have  once  got 
rid  of  this  business,  no  consideration  shall  tempt  me  to 
meddle  again  with  such  matters. 

BENJAMIN  FKANKLIN. 

And  a  few  days  afterward  the  "  Alliance,"  Captain  Lan- 
dais,  sails  for  America  with  this  parting  shot :  — 

"  ALLIANCE"  AT  GROA,  7th  July,  1780. 

MAY  IT  PLEASE  YOUR  EXCELLENCY,  —  I  have  waited 
till  now  for  your  order  for  sailing  as  you  announced  me 
another  letter,  in  yours  of  the  24th  June,  to  come  by  the 
next  post ;  but  since  you  have  wrote  me  nothing,  and  that 
you  charged  me  in  that  letter  with  the  prejudicial  delay 
of  the  sailing  of  the  "Alliance,"  and  given  no  hopes  of 
having  my  people  righted,  I  have  prevayled  upon  them  to 
go  to  our  own  country  to  seek  justice. 

I  have  for  my  own  part  been  treated  very  ill,  and  my 
purser  has  been  put  into  prison,  but  I  hope  we  will  have 
satisfaction  for  the  injuries,  and  I  now  acquaint  you  that 
I  am  getting  under  sail  to  go  to  America. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c., 

P.  LANDAIS,  Captain  of  the  "  Alliance" 

On  the  voyage  home,  as  is  well  known,  the  erratic 
captain  showed  such  signs  of  insanity  that  his  officers 
disarmed  him,  and  brought  him  home  in  confinement 
thus  justifying  Franklin's  constant  opinion  as  to  his 
unbalanced  intellect.  And  it  may  be  proper  to  close  the 
account  of  the  episode  with  the  calm  views  of  John 
Adams  on  the  matter. 


340  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

June  26,  '80. 

I  have  read  over  all  the  Papers  in  the  bundle  left  with 
me,  numbered  to  thirty-seven.  I  have  also  read  the  three 
queries  stated  to  me. 

These  queries  I  apprehend  can  legally  be  answered  by 
Congress  or  a  Court  martial,  and  therefore  it  would  be 
improper  in  me  to  give  any  answer  to  them,  because  the 
papers  will  appear  before  Congress  or  a  Court  martial, 
who  can  judge  of  them  better  than  I.  They  will  also  hear 
Captain  Landais,  which  I  cannot  do.  My  opinion  there 
fore  would  have  no  weight  either  before  the  one  or  the 
other  tribunal.  Or,  supposing  it  to  be  admitted  to  be 
read  and  to  have  any  weight,  it  ought  not  to  be  given, 
because  I  cannot  be  legally  either  a  witness  or  a  judge. 

I  cannot,  however,  think  that  the  instructions  of  the 
Navy  Board  to  Captain  Landais  to  obey  the  orders  of  the 
Minister  plenipotentiary,  contain  authority  to  remove 
him,  without  his  consent,  from  the  command  of  a  ship 
committed  to  him  by  Congress,  because  the  Navy  Board 
themselves  had  not  as  I  apprehend  such  authority.  Since 
those  instructions  were  given,  as  I  was  informed  at  Bos 
ton,  Congress  have  given  to  the  Navy  Board  power,  upon 
any  misbehavior  of  an  officer,  to  suspend  him,  stating  to 
Congress  at  the  same  time  a  regular  charge  against  him. 
But  I  do  not  find  among  these  papers  such  authority 
given  to  anybody  in  Europe,  nor  do  I  find  that  any  regular 
charge  against  Captain  Landais  has  ever  been  stated  to 
Congress. 

There  has  seldom  if  ever  been  in  France  a  sufficient 
number  of  officers  at  a  time  to  constitute  a  courtmartial, 
and  our  code  of  admiralty  laws  is  so  inadequate  to  the 
government  of  frigates  for  any  time  in  Europe,  that  it  is 
presumed  Congress  in  future  will  either  omit  to  put 
frigates  under  any  direction  in  Europe,  or  make  some 


JOHN  ADAMS'S  OPINION.  341 

addition  to  the  laws  of  the  admiralty  adapted  to  such 
cases;  for  there  is  an  end  of  all  order,  discipline,  arid 
decency,  when  disputes  arise  and  there  is  no  Tribunal  to 
decide  them,  and  when  crimes  are  committed  or  alledged 
and  there  is  no  authority  to  try  or  punish  them. 

I  have  not  observed  among  these  papers  any  clear  evi 
dence  of  Captain  Landais  consent  to  leave  the  command 
of  the  ship ;  and  therefore,  upon  the  whole,  rather  than 
bring  the  present  disputes  about  the  "Alliance"  to  any 
critical  and  dangerous  decision  here,  where  the  Law  is  so 
much  at  a  loose,  and  there  can  be  no  legal  Tribunal  to 
decide,  I  should  think  your  Excellency  would  be  most 
likely  to  be  justified  in  pursuing  the  mildest  measures,  by 
transmitting  all  the  papers  and  evidence  to  Congress  or 
the  Navy  Board  for  a  trial  by  a  Court  Martial,  and  order 
ing  the  commanding  officer  of  the  "Alliance"  with  the 
Stores  and  Convoy  as  soon  as  possible  to  America. 

I  give  this  opinion  to  your  Excellency  to  make  what 
use  of  it  you  think  proper. 

I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  sir,  your 
most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

PARIS,  June  26,  1780. 


CHAPTEE  XVIII. 

THE   AMERICAN   PRISONERS. 

"  T  SEE  by  your  newspapers,"  writes  Franklin  to  Hartley 
•*•  during  the  summer  of  1779,  "  that  Capt.  Cunningham, 
one  of  our  cruisers,  is  at  length  taken  and  carried  prisoner 
into  England,  where  it  is  proposed  to  try  him  as  a  pirate, 
on  the  pretence  that  he  had  no  commission.  As  I  am 
well  acquainted  with  the  fact,  I  can  assure  you  that  he 
really  had  a  Congress  commission.  And  I  cannot  believe 
that  mere  resentment,  occasioned  by  this  uncommon  suc 
cess,  will  attempt  to  sacrifice  a  brave  man,  who  has  always 
behaved  as  a  generous  enemy,  —  witness  his  treatment  of 
his  prisoners  taken  in  the  Harwich  pacquet,  and  all  after 
wards  that  fell  into  his  hands.  I  know  I  shall  not  offend 
you  recommending  him  warmly  to  your  protection." 

This  was,  of  course,  the  famous  Captain  Gustavus 
Conynghani  of  the  cutter  "  Eevenge,"  from  Dunkirk,  whose 
proceedings  had  made  such  a  noise  for  a  time  the  year 
before,  as  will  be  remembered.  He  had  cruised  about, 
through  the  fall  and  winter,  capturing  some  prizes  and 
sending  them  where  he  could  until  the  spring,  when  he 
was  captured  by  the  enemy  and  carried  into  New  York  as 
prisoner.  The  word  "  pirate  "  was  applied  to  him,  as  may 
be  remembered,  by  no  less  authorities  than  King  George 
III.,  and  Lord  North,  and  indeed  by  very  many  of  the 
English  at  this  time.  The  charge  could  not  be  sustained 
against  him,  any  better  than  could  the  charge  of  treason 


LETTER   TO   CONYNGHAM.  343 

be  maintained  against  all  American  sailors  taken  in  arms 
against  the  English.  Captured  in  arms  against  the  Eng 
lish  ships  of  war,  Paul  Jones  was  also  called  a  pirate.  That 
Conyngham  had  a  commission  in  his  first  cruise  cannot 
be  doubted,  although  he  unfortunately  lost  it  at  Dunkirk 
when  put  into  prison  there.  And  as  the  Americans  were 
de  facto  belligerents,  their  commissions  necessarily  relieved 
their  captains  from  the  charge  of  piracy.  As  to  whether 
the  lugger  which  took  the  Harwich  packet  and  the  "  Re 
venge  "  are  to  be  regarded  as  public  men-of-war  or  as  pri 
vateers,  there  is  some  doubt.  We  find,  however,  in  the 
Stevens  Collection,  the  following  sketch  of  a  letter  to 
Captain  Conyngham  :  — 

[No  date.] 

SIR,  —  The  interest  which  the  public  has  in  the  vessel 
you  command,  makes  us  regard  her  as  a  continental  ship 
of  war.  Mr.  Hodge  and  Mr.  Eoss  have  therefore  no  right 
to  direct  or  control  you,  neither  had  Mr.  Deane  alone  any 
right  to  dispose  of  the  prizes  you  made,  as  Mnsr.  Lagonese 
informs  us  he  has  done.  You  will  give  us  an  account  for 
the  future  of  your  plans  and  proceedings ;  and  the  individ 
uals  who  may  be  concerned  in  her,  —  for  we  know  not 
who  they  are,  nor  how  far  they  have  contributed,  —  will 
have  their  share  when  they  prove  their  right. 

There  seems  little  doubt,  however,  that  private  persons 
were  concerned  in  the  fitting  out,  particularly  Mr.  Deane 
and  Mr.  Hodge  who  was  put  into  the  Bastile  for  it.  But 
at  the  time  of  Deane's  recall,  it  seemed  to  be  an  unsettled 
question  as  to  whether  the  private  persons  who  were  con 
cerned  in  the  enterprise,  and  who  expected  to  share  in  the 
profits  to  accrue  from  the  sale  of  prizes,  did  or  did  not 
provide  any  of  the  funds  for  the  fitting  out  of  the  vessels. 
These  were  matters  which  were  dark  even  when  contem 
porary,  and  time  has  pushed  them  farther  into  obscurity. 


344  FKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

The  question  has  little  enough  to  do  with  Conyngham's 
position.  Whether  a  naval  officer  or  a  privateersman,  he 
had  his  Congress  commission  as  his  warrant,  and  proba 
bly  was  never  in  any  serious  danger  of  being  tried  for  a 
pirate. 

However  this  may  be,  Conyngham  could  hardly  have 
been  worse  treated,  had  he  sailed  on  no  commission  but 
his  own  sweet  will  and  flung  out  the  Jolly  Eoger,  like 
Ned  Teach  of  Bristol  in  former  days,  instead  of  the  new 
American  flag. 

Franklin,  on  hearing  of  his  imprisonment,  at  once  wrote 
to  Digges,  as  well  as  to  his  friend  Hartley. 

PASSY,  Atigt  20,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  hear  Capt.  Cunningham  is  confined  in 
England  a  prisoner.  I  desire  you  would  take  care  to  sup 
ply  him  with  necessaries,  that  a  brave  man  may  not  suffer 
for  want  of  assistance  in  his  distress.  I  ordered  payment 
of  your  bill,  but  it  has  not  yet  appeared. 

I  am  ever 

Four  affectionate  B.  F. 

As  the  fall  advanced,  the  news  that  Conyngham  was 
taken  became  more  widely  known.  Jonathan  Nesbit  and 
Franklin  exchanged  letters  on  the  matter. 

L 'ORIENT,  Sept.  22d,  1779. 

SIR,  —  By  the  Brig  "  Eetaliation,"  Capt.  Kolloch,  which 
left  Philadelphia  the  10th  August,  I  have  received  letters 
informing  me  that  Capt.  G.  Conyngham,  late  commander 
of  the  Cutter  "Kevenge,"  had  the  misfortune  to  be  taken  last 
spring  by  the  "  Galatea  "  and  sent  into  New  York,  from 
whence  he  has  been  sent  to  England  with  a  design  to  have 
him  tryed  for  Piracy.  They  pretend  to  say  that  he  took 
the  Harwich  Packet  without  having  any  commission,  which 


LETTER  TO   NESBIT.  345 

your  excellency  must  know  to  be  false,  —  as  I  believe  you 
were  in  Paris  at  the  time  that  his  Commission  and  orders 
were  delivered  him.  The  Commission  under  which  he 
acted  as  Captn  of  the  "  Revenge "  is  dated,  I  apprehend, 
after  the  taking  of  the  Harwich  packet.1  It  is  on  this  cir 
cumstance,  no  doubt,  that  the  charge  of  piracy  is  founded. 
His  first  commission  was  taken  from  him  in  Dunkirk  after 
he  was  put  in  gaol,  and  sent  up  to  Paris,  arid  I  think  was 
lodged  in  the  hands  of  Monsr  le  Comte  de  Vergennes.  I 
have  to  request  that  your  Excellency  will  do  everything 
in  your  power  to  prevent  this  poor  fellow  from  suffering. 
Considering  the  suiallness  of  his  vessel  and  the  difficulty 
he  labored  under  when  he  first  left  France,  he  has  done  a 
great  deal  for  the  service  of  his  country.  He  has  done  so 
much  harm  to  the  enemy  that  he  can  expect  no  mercy  at 
their  hands,  and  if  they  can  find  any  pretence  whatever, 
they  will  certainly  destroy  him.  Capt.  Kolloch  informs 
me  that  he  was  sent  home  in  irons.  I  should  certainly 
have  heard  from  him  was  he  not  already  confined.  I  once 
more  take  the  liberty  to  recommend  the  unhappy  man's 
case  to  your  excellency's  particular  attention. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be  wth  great  respect, 

JONATHAN  NESBIT. 

To  Mr.  Neslit. 

FASSY,  Sept.  29,  1779. 

SIR,  —  Capt.  Conyngham  has  not  been  neglected.  As 
soon  as  I  heard  of  his  arrival  in  England,  I  wrote  to  a 
friend  to  furnish  him  with  what  money  he  might  want,  and 
to  assure  him  that  he  had  never  acted  without  a  commis 
sion.  I  have  been  made  to  understand  in  answer  that  there 

1  Nesbit  is  here  wrong.  The  first  commission  was  dated  March  1, 
1777,  the  second  May  2  of  the  same  year.  The  Harwich  packet  was 
taken  on  May  7.  COOPER'S  Naval  History,  i.  114,  115. 


346  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

is  no  intention  to  prosecute  him,  and  that  he  was  accord 
ingly  removed  from  Pendennis  Castle  and  put  among  the 
common  prisoners  at  Plymouth,  to  take  his  turn  for  ex 
change.  The  Congress,  hearing  of  the  threats  to  sacrifice 
him,  put  3  officers  in  close  confinement  to  abide  his  fate, 
and  acquainted  Sir  George  Collier  with  their  determination, 
who  probably  wrote  to  the  British  Ministers.  I  thank  you 
for  informing  me  what  became  of  his  first  commission.  I 
suppose  I  can  now  easily  recover  it,  to  produce  on  occa 
sion.  Probably  the  date  of  that  taken  with  him,  being 
posterior  to  his  capture  of  the  pacquet,  made  the  enemy 
think  they  had  an  advantage  against  him.  But  when  the 
English  government  have  encouraged  our  sailors  intrusted 
with  our  vessels  to  betray  that  trust,  run  away  with  the 
vessels,  and  bring  them  into  English  ports,  giving  such 
traitors  the  value  as  if  good  and  lawful  prizes,  it  was 
foolish  imprudence  in  the  English  commodore  to  talk  of 
hanging  one  of  our  captains  for  taking  a  prize  without 
commission. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  esteem,  sir, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

So  also  did  Thomas  Wharton  write  to  urge  that  some 
thing  be  done  for  Conyngham,  and  to  him  as  well  did 
Franklin  write  that  the  Captain's  interests  were  being  at 
tended  to.  This  was  toward  the  end  of  September. 
October  passed  and  nothing  was  heard  from  the  prisoner, 
save  occasional  notice  in  letters  from  Hartley  and  Digges, 
until  toward  the  middle  of  November,  when  Franklin 
began  to  hear  rumors  and  accounts,  which  were  soon  con 
firmed  by  a  letter  from  the  worthy  and  gallant  Captain 

himself. 

AMSTERDAM,  Nov.  18,^  1779. 

DR  SIR,  —  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that 
on  the  3d  instant,  with  about  50  of  our  unfortunate 


LETTER  TO  CONYNGHAM.  347 

countrymen,  broke  out  of  Mill  prison.  I  brought  3  offi 
cers  with  me.  I  came  by  the  way  of  London,  it  being  the 
safest.  At  London  we  meet  with  our  good  friend  Mr. 
Digges,  who  did  everything  in  his  power  to  serve  me  and 
all  his  countrymen  that  chance  to  fall  in  his  way. 
Happy  we  to  have  such  a  man  among  that  set  of  tyrants 
they  have  in  that  country.  The  treatment  I  have  re 
ceived  is  unparalleled.  Irons,  dungeons,  hunger,  the  hang- 
mans  cart  I  have  experienced.  I  shall  set  off  from  here 
the  19th  for  Dunkirk.  There  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear 
from  you.  I  shall  always  be  ready  to  serve  my  country, 
and  happy  should  I  be  to  be  able  to  come  alongside  some 
of  those  petty  tyrants.  I  find  something  of  the  effects  of 
my  confinement.  In  a  short  time  will  be  able  to  retaliate. 
I  should  at  this  time  go  out  with  Capt.  Jones  or  in  the 
squadron,  could  I  have  heard  from  you.  I  should  be  glad 
to  go  for  the  Continent  if  a  good  opportunity  served. 
Tn  this  I  shall  take  your  advice,  and  act  accordingly. 
The  cash  Mr.  Digges  supplied  me  with,  and  some  necessa 
ries  I  got  at  Plymouth  the  amt  could  not  procure;  the 
friend  we  have  at  Plymouth  is  obliged  to  act  with  the 
greatest  caution.  Mr.  Eedmond  Conyngham,  in  Ireland, 
has  ordered  me  some  little  supply  through  the  hands  of 
David  Hartley  of  London,  a  inortel  enemy  of  America  by 
all  accounts.  From  your  most  obet.  and  very  humble 
servt.,  G.  CONYNGHAM. 

Franklin  to  Capt.  Conyngham. 

PASSY,  Nov.  22,  1779. 

SIR,  —  It  gave  me  great  pleasure  to  hear  of  your  escape 
out  of  prison,  which  I  first  learnt  from  6  of  the  men 
who  broke  out  with  you  and  came  to  France  in  a  boat. 
I  was  then  anxious  lest  you  should  be  retaken,  and  I  am 
very  glad  indeed  to  hear  of  your  safe  arrival  at  Amster- 


348  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

dam.  I  think  it  will  be  best  for  you  to  stay  awhile  at 
Dunkirk,  till  we  see  what  becomes  of  the  little  squadron 
from  Holland,  for  which  it  is  said  the  English  are  lying 
in  wait  with  a  superior  force.  The  Congress  resented  ex 
ceedingly  the  inhuman  treatment  you  met  with,  and  it 
ordered  three  English  officers  to  be  confined  in  the  same 
manner,  to  abide  your  fate. 

There  are  some  Frenchmen  returned  to  Dunkirk  who 
were  put  by  you  into  one  of  your  first  prizes,  which  was 
afterwards  carried  into  England.  I  wish  you  would  ad 
just  their  claims  of  wages,  prize  money,  &c.,  and  put  them 
in  a  way  of  getting  what  may  be  due  to  them. 

I  write  to  Mr.  Coffyn  by  this  post,  to  supply  you  with 
necessaries.     You  will  be   as  frugal   as  possible,  money 
being  scarce  with  me,  and  the  calls  upon  me  abundant. 
With  great  esteem  I  have,  &c. 

Capt.  Conyngham  to  Franklin. 

TEXEL  ROAD,  Decembr  1,  79. 

HONOURABLE  SIR,  —  I  wrote  you  last  from  Amsterdam. 
At  that  time  informed  of  my  going  to  Dunkirk ;  but  meet 
ing  with  Comd.  Jones  prevented  me,  and  supposing  the 
"Alliance  "  will  be  ordered  home  as  soon  as  she  may  get  to 
France.  The  hurry  I  was  obliged  to  leave  England  could 
not  get  my  account  with  me.  Mr.  Digges  was  to  send  it 
to  Dunkirk  as  soon  as  he  could  get  it  from  Plymouth.  I 
hope  ere  this  you  have  a  settlement  from  the  Geoine  of 
the  prizes  left  in  care  of  Mr.  Lagoanese  &  Co.  Should  be 
glad  to  know  the  result  in  that  quarter.  The  two  west 
india  men  that  was  given  up  by  the  Court  of  France, 
they  paying  the  captors.  I  must  think  we  have  an  un 
doubted  right  to  be  paid  for  the  packet  and  Brig  of  —  — . 
The  Brig  had  a  valuable  cargo.  In  reality  they  should  [pay] 


CONYNGHAM'S  NARRATIVE.  349 

for  the  confinement  we  were  under.  I  shall  acquaint  you 
of  the  many  favours  I  received  since  I  became  a  captive. 
1st,  in  New  York,  that  Sir  George  Collier  ordered  irons  on 
my  legs,  with  a  centry  on  board  the  ship.  Mr.  Collier  going 
on  an  expedition  ordered  me  to  jaole,  there  put  me  into 
the  condemned  room.  The  first  night  a  cold  plank  my 
bed,  a  stone  for  a  pillow.  2d  night  allowed  a  something  to 
lay  on ;  in  this  horrid  room  was  kept  for  eight  days  with 
out  the  least  morsel  of  bread,  or  anything  but  water,  from 
the  keeper  of  the  prison.  After  many  notes,  &c.,  sent  to 
the  jailer,  at  last  he  made  his  appearance.  After  expos 
tulating  of  the  impropriety  of  such  treatment  he  told  me 
he  had  such  orders,  but  would  take  it  upon  himself  to  re 
lease  me  on  my  giving  him  my  strongest  assurances  I 
would  not  make  my  escape.  I  readily  consented, —  it  not 
being  in  the  power  of  man  to  get  out  of  the  condemned 
room.  By  all  accounts  this  [is]  the  first  instance  of  this 
jailers  humanity.  A  creature  after  Clinton's  own  heart. 
In  the  prison  of  New  York  I  continued  till  that  tyrant 
Collier  returned.  A  stranger  to  his  mode  of  war  would 
be  certain  he  was  from  Gambia,  or  that  quarter.  Then  I 
was  told  to  get  ready  to  go  on  board  the  prison-ship,  was 
moved  to  a  separate  apartment  in  the  prison ;  then  a  pair 
of  criminal  irons  put  on  my  legs,  weight  50  pounds  ;  at  the 
door,  put  into  the  hangman's  cart,  —  all  in  form  as  if  bound 
to  the  gallows.  I  was  then  put  into  a  boat  and  took 
alongside  of  the  "  Eaisonable  "  [and]  then  showed  a  paper, 
signed  Commd.  Jones,  ordering  me  to  be  sent  to  England 
in  the  packet.  In  those  Irons  I  was  brought  to  Penden- 
nis  Castle.  Then  not  contented,  they  manacled  my  hands 
with  a  new  fashioned  pair  of  ruffels  fitted  very  tite.  In 
this  condition  I  was  kept  there  15  or  16  days,  then  brought 
to  Plymouth  and  lodged  in  the  black  hole  for  eight  days, 
before  they  would  do  me  the  honour  of  committing  me  on 


350  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

suspicion  of  high  treason  on  his  majesties  high  seas ;  then 
put  into  Mill  prison,  where  we  committed  treason  through 
his  earth  and  made  our  escape.  This,  Sir,  is  an  account  of 
their  favors,  insults  excepted.  I  must  acquaint  your  ex 
cellency  that  the  poor  unfortunate  prisoners  in  Plymouth 
are  in  a  most  distressed  situation.  The  donation,  when  I 
left  that,  had  been  at  6d  per  week.  I  am  afraid  could 
they  not  be  exchanged  soon,  will  be  obliged  to  enter  in 
their  service.  They  cannot  live  on  the  Government  al 
lowance.  I  hope  to  have  the  favour  of  a  letter  from  you. 
I  am,  sir, 

Your  most  obdt.  Servt., 

G.  CONYNGHAM. 

So  much  for  the  after-adventures  of  Conyngham.  He 
remained  with  Jones  for  the  winter  and  spring,  but  did 
not  sail  on  the  "  Ariel "  with  that  officer  for  America.  Why 
he  was  not  recognized  in  some  manner,  we  cannot  say. 
The  latest  note  we  have  of  him  is  that  he  was  re-captured 
by  his  old  enemies  the  next  year. 

By  this  time  two  exchanges  had  been  made,  making  a 
few  more  than  two  hundred  American  prisoners  released  in 
this  manner.  As  many  more  had  probably  been  released 
in  the  summary  manner  made  use  of  by  Conyngham. 
There  were  perhaps  five  hundred  left  in  prison.  To  ex 
change  these,  Franklin  had  only  about  a  hundred  prisoners 
at  Brest  and  L  'Orient.  But  he  had  paroles  given  by  over 
two  hundred  English  prisoners  who  had  been  released  at 
sea,  and  he  anticipated  that  a  large  number  of  English 
would  be  brought  in  by  Paul  Jones ;  and  here  he  was  not 
disappointed.  The  business  continued  through  the  winter^ 
dragging  on  in  a  most  unsatisfactory  manner.  Hartley 
was  busy  in  Parliament,  and  could  not  give  his  time  to 
the  matter.  So  the  later  letters  in  the  correspondence  are 


LETTERS   TO   HODGSON.  351 

directed  to  Mr.  William  Hodgson,  a  London  merchant  who 
had  before  this  time  given  great  assistance  to  Franklin  in 
this  very  matter. 

To  William  Hodgson. 

I  send  you  enclosed  copies  of  the  engagements  of  a 
number  of  prisoners  we  have  discharged  at  sea.  Tho  orig 
inals  shall  be  sent  when  required.  One  of  Commodore 
Jones's  little  squadron,  which  parted  with  him  on  the 
coast  of  Ireland,  is  returned,  I  hear,  with  a  number  of 
prizes  and  some  hundreds  of  prisoners.  If  the  Commodore 
himself  gets  safe  into  France  with  his  prizes,  there  will  be 
another  very  considerable  number.  I  have  not  yet  received 
the  accounts  I  have  wrote  for  from  Spain,  but  expect  them 
daily. 

M.  de  Sartine  seems  disposed  to  grant  a  passport  to  the 
cartel  for  Morlaix,  but  desired  me  to  make  the  proposition 
to  him  in  writing,  that  he  might  lay  it  before  the  King. 
I  did  so  a  few  days  since,  but  have  not  received  an 
answer. 

With  the  highest  esteem,  I  am  ever,  my  dear  friend, 

B.  F. 

P.  S.  Oct.  10.  We  have  just  received  advice  of  the 
safe  arrival  of  Commodore  Jones  in  the  Texel,  with  400 
prisoners.  If  therefore  the  Board  would  send  their  cartels 
thither  with  an  equal  number,  it  would  save  a  great  deal 
of  misery  to  your  poor  people,  which  their  confinement  in 
the  ships  till  they  can  be  lodged  in  French  prisons  must 
occasion. 

To  the  Same. 

PASSY,  Oct.  19,  1779. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Having  just  received  the  passport  desired 
for  the  cartel  to  make  use  of  the  port  of  Morlaix,  I  take 


352  FKANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

this  first  opportunity  of  sending  it  to  you,  in  hopes  of 
releasing  by  more  expeditious  voyages,  the  poor  prisoners 
on  both  sides,  before  the  severity  of  winter  comes  on. 
Besides  those  released  on  parole,  we  have  no  more  English 
prisoners  than  you  have  American.  On  those  releases  we 
have  relied,  on  the  honour  and  humanity  of  the  Board,  and 
I  am  persuaded  that  we  shall  not  find  ourselves  deceived. 
You  will  always  find  me  ready  in  every  step  that  may 
soften  the  rigours  of  war,  to  give  the  first  demonstrations 
of  that  confidence  which  naturally  opens  by  degrees  the 
way  to  peace. 

With  great  esteem  and  affection, 

I  am  ever,  dear  sir,  &c. 

B.  F. 

To  the  Same. 

PASSY,  Jan.  20,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  am  much  obliged  by  your  kind  letter, 
informing  me  of  the  good  disposition  of  the  Commissioners 
for  the  sick  and  wounded.  I  believe  they  would  do  all 
things  what  is  humane,  just,  and  honourable,  but  I  have  not 
so  good  an  opinion  of  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty,  from 
whom  Mr.  Hartley  had  never  been  able  to  obtain  a  yes  or 
no  on  the  plain  question,  whether  the  written  paroles  or 
engagements  of  English  prisoners  set  at  liberty  by  our 
cruisers  were  to  be  comply 'd  with.  By  the  resolution 
which  you  inform  me  is  now  taken,  not  to  send  any  more 
men  to  Morlaix  than  there  shall  be  assembled  there  to  ex 
change  them  with,  I  perceive  they  have  determined  that 
such  paroles  are  not  to  be  regarded ;  I  must  therefore  give 
notice  to  our  people  to  trust  no  more  to  them,  but  to  bring 
and  lodge  all  their  prisoners  in  French  jails.  How  much 
human  misery  might  be  saved  by  continuing  the  other 
method.  I  thought  confidence,  if  it  had  not  begot  confi 
dence,  would  at  last  have  produced  justice;  but  I  was 


LETTER   TO  HODGSON.  353 

mistaken.  The  English  navy  has  had  the  service  of  more 
than  200  seamen  so  released  ever  since  May  last.  Had 
like  confidence  been  placed  in  us,  or  even  had  those  en 
gagements  been  executed,  I  should  have  sent  over  di 
rectly  from  Holland  in  Dutch  bottoms,  without  writing 
for  a  passport,  the  prisoners  brought  in  by  Commodore 
Jones,  which  exceeded  500,  and  without  waiting  for  the 
agreement  made  a  long  time  after  between  the  French  and 
English  Embassadors  for  their  exchange.  It  is  surprising 
on  how  slight  grounds  Englishmen  can  think  themselves 
disengaged  from  their  paroles  given  to  Americans.  There 
is  a  Captain  Tatnall  who,  with  all  his  ship's  company,  was 
released  at  Boston,  on  his  promise  to  obtain  in  England 
the  release  of  a  Capt.  Robinson  and  his  company,  who 
were  an  equal  number.  On  his  arrival  in  England,  he 
found  Capt.  Eobinson  already  exchanged,  and  therefore,  as 
Mr.  Hartley  informs  me,  judges  himself  quit  of  his  engage 
ment  ;  and  it  seems  we  are  then  to  have  no  men  in 
exchange  for  those  given  for  Capt.  Robinson  and  his 
people.  Probably  we  shall  have  none  neither  for  those 
brought  over  upon  British  faith  with  two  flags  of  truce 
from  Boston.  Comm.  Jones  released  on  their  written 
paroles,  they  being  in  bad  health,  John  Brownell,  master's 
mate,  and  Samuel  Wightman,  Lieutenant  of  marines,  both 
of  the  "  Serapis,"  soon  after  their  arrival  in  Holland.  Their 
paroles  with  many  others  are  in  my  hands.  I  have  not 
yet  been  able  to  obtain  an  account  of  the  prisoners  we 
have  in  Spain.  There  are  48  at  L 'Orient,  and  36  or  38  at 
Brest,  which  may  all  soon  be  rendered  at  Morlaix,  if  a 
cartel  should  arrive  there.  Inclosed  I  send  a  second  pass 
for  that  place.  I  trouble  you  with  it,  as  I  apprehend  that 
Mr.  Hartley,  who  wrote  for  it,  may  be  out  of  town.  I  am 
persuaded,  too,  that  if  you  can  procure  any  favourable 
change  in  the  sentiments  of  their  Lordships  of  the  Admi- 

23 


354  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ralty  relating  to  parole  prisoners,  of  which  I  should  be  glad 
to  hear,  it  will  be  a  pleasure  to  your  benevolent  mind. 

I  rejoice  to  learn  the  friends  I  esteemed  and  loved  when 
in  England  continue  well.  Be  pleased  to  remember  me 
to  them  affectionately.  With  great  esteem, 

I  am  ever,  dear  sir,  &c. 

B.  F. 
To  the  Same. 

PASSY,  Feb.  14,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  this  moment  received  your  favour 
of  Jany  28.  I  had  written  to  you  the  20th  of  the  same 
month  and  enclosed  a  second  pass  for  Morlaix.  I  hope  to 
hear  of  its  being  come  to  hand,  tho'  it  was  not  when  you 
wrote.  I  have  written  also  lately  to  Mr.  Hartley  and  Mr. 
Digges  on  the  subject  of  our  prisoners.  I  shall  give  orders 
this  day  for  the  sending  away  in  the  English  Cartel,  the 
"  Happy,"  now  at  L'  Orient,  48  English  prisoners,  brought  in 
there  by  the  "  Black  Prince."  If  all  our  people  are  directly 
sent  over,  it  may  be  depended  on  that  an  equal  number  of 
English  shall  be  returned.  Our  agent  at  Morlaix  is  Mr. 
Pilot,  merchant  there.  If  I  do  not  hear  before  next  post 
that  my  letter  to  you  came  to  hand  I  shall  send  a  copy. 
I  shall  also  send  you  a  100£  bill,  to  be  disposed  of  in  re 
lieving  the  most  distressed  among  our  confined  country 
men  who  were  to  have  been  exchang'd  for  the  English 
carried  into  Holland ;  and  I  have  not  yet  learnt  how  that 
matter  came  to  be  mismanaged.  At  present  I  have  only 
time  to  add,  that  I  am,  with  great  and  sincere  esteem,  &c. 

B.  F. 

Franklin  to  M.  de  Sartine. 

PASSY,  Feby.  13r  1780. 

SIR,  —  Enclosed  is  the  order  your  excellency  required 
of  me  in  the  letter  you  yesterday  did  me  the  honour  of 


LETTER   TO   SARTINE.  355 

writing  to  me,  relating  to  the  English  prisoners  brought 
into  1'Orient  by  the  "  Black  Prince  "  and  other  American 
privateers. 

I  beg  leave  to  mention  to  your  Excell'y  that  there  are 
still  remaining  in  the  English  prisons  410  Americans, 
some  of  whom  have  languish'd  there  near  three  years. 
They  had  great  hopes  of  obtaining  their  liberty  in  ex 
change  for  those  taken  by  the  squadron  under  Commodore 
Jones,  a  great  part  of  which  were  taken  by  the  "Alliance" 
and  delivered  to  Mr.  le  Due  de  la  Vauguyon,  under  a 
kind  of  promise  made  by  him  to  M.  Jones  that  they 
should  be  exchanged  for  Americans.  I  have  not  heard 
that  anything  has  .been  done  in  that  respect,  and  i  fear 
they  will  be  in  despair  if  not  speedily  releas'd.  I  there 
fore  intreat  your  Excellency  to  take  that  matter  into 
consideration,  and  favour  rne  with  as  many  English 
prisoners  as  may  serve  to  exchange  these  poor  people, 
when  they  shall  be  brought  over  in  the  cartels  expected 
at  Morlaix. 

The  "Black  Prince,"  the  "Black  Princess"  and  the  "Fear- 
not,"  American  privateers,  are,  I  suppose,  now  on  a  new 
cruise,  and  will,  I  hope,  bring  in  more  English  prisoners ;  I 
hope  the  same  also  from  the  "  Alliance  "  now  at  Corunna. 
If  we  once  had  our  prisoners  from  England,  several  other 
privateers  would  immediately  be  mann'd  with  them,  and 
probably  give  as  much  trouble  to  the  English  as  those 
above  mention'd. 

There  were  38  English  and  Irishmen  said  to  be  con- 
cern'd  in  the  conspiracy  on  board  the  "  Alliance "  when  the 
Marquis  de  la  Fayette  came  over.  They  were  left  in 
prison  at  Brest.  I  do  not  see  any  probability  of  these 
being  ever  brought  to  a  trial ;  and  perhaps  the  best  thing 
that  can  be  done  with  them  is  to  exchange  them  for 
honester  men.  If  your  excellency  approves  of  it,  I  will 


356  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

give  the  same  orders  relating  to  them,  when  you  send  any 
prisoners  from  that  port.     With  greatest  respect,  I  am,  &c. 

BENJAMIN  FRANKLIN. 

Sartine  to  Franklin. 

VERSAILLES,  February  21,  1780. 

I  have  received,  Sir,  with  your  favour  of  the  13th  of  this 
month,  the  letter  which  you  wrote  to  the  Agent  of  the 
United  States  at  L'Orient,  and  I  have  hastened  to  forward 
it  to  the  Commissary  of  the  Marine  in  that  port.  I  doubt 
not  but  that  it  will  arrive  with  sufficient  promptness  that 
the  Agent  may  deliver  to  the  Captain  of  the  English  Car 
tel  the  prisoners  made  by  the  "Black  Prince,"  Privateer, 
under  the  American  flag. 

In  regard  to  the  reclamation  which  you  address  me  in 
regard  to  the  478  prisoners  delivered  to  the  Duke  de  la 
Vauguyon,  I  shall  have  the  honor  of  answering  in  a  later 
note. 

The  following  note  to  Vergennes  relates  to  the  same 
affair :  — 

Note  for  his  excellency  Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Vergennes. 

16  May,  1780. 

When  the  "  Alliance "  frigate  arrived  in  France,  Mr. 
Franklin  was  desirous  of  employing  her  in  annoying  the 
English  trade,  and  obtaining  prisoners  to  exchange  for  the 
Americans  who  had  long  languished  in  the  prisons  of 
England. 

A  cruise  with  a  small  squadron,  under  Commodore 
Jones,  round  the  coast  of  Britain  being  about  that  time 
intended,  M.  Franklin  was  requested  by  his  excellency 
the  Minister  of  Marine  to  join  the  "  Alliance "  to  that 
squadron.  He  cheerfully  complied  with  that  request ;  and 


NOTE  FOR   VERGENNES.  357 

in  his  instructions  to  Capt.  Jones  he  encouraged  him  by 
the  hopes  of  his  being  useful  to  his  country  in  delivering 
so  many  poor  prisoners  from  their  captivity. 

As  the  squadron  acted  under  American  commission  and 
colours,  was  commanded  by  an  American  chief,  and  thence 
understood  to  be  American,  our  countrymen  in  the  British 
prisons  rejoict  to  hear  of  its  success,  and  that  500  English 
were  made  prisoners  in  the  cruise ;  by  an  exchange  with 
whom  they  hoped  to  obtain  their  liberty,  and  to  return  to 
their  families  and  country. 

The  "  Alliance  "  alone  took  vessels  containing  near  200 
of  those  English  prisoners.  The  "Bonhomme  Eichard," 
which  was  mann'd  chiefly  by  Americans,  took  in  the 
"  Serapis  "  a  great  part  of  the  remainder. 

The  Ambassador  of  France  at  the  Hague  applied  to 
Comm'e  Jones  for  the  prisoners,  in  order  to  execute  a 
cartel  enter'd  into  with  the  Ambassador  of  England. 
Comm'e  Jones  declined  delivering  them  without  orders 
from  Mr.  Franklin.  The  Ambassador  did  Mr.  F.  the 
honour  of  writing  to  him  on  the  subject,  acquainting  him 
that  Mr.  Jones  had  urged  the  exchanging  them  for 
Americans,  and  promising  to  use  his  endeavours  for  that 
purpose. 

Mr.  Franklin  thereupon  immediately  sent  the  orders 
desired,  expressing  at  the  same  time  his  confidence  in  the 
Ambassador's  promise. 

The  prisoners  were  accordingly  deliver'd;  but  they 
were  actually  exchang'd  for  French. 

His  excellency  M.  de  Sartine  afterwards  acquainted 
Mr.  Franklin  that  he  had  not  English  prisoners  enough 
at  1'Orient  to  fill  an  English  cartel  then  there.  Mr.  F. 
gave  orders  that  48  he  had  in  that  port  should  be  de 
livered  \up  for  that  purpose,  38  others  at  Brest  to  be 
employed  in  the  same  manner. 


358  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Mr.  Franklin  was  afterwards  informed  by  M.  de  Chau- 
mont,  that  M.  de  Sartine  had  assured  him  that  other 
English  prisoners  should  be  furnished  to  exchange  for 
those  so  given  up,  in  Holland  and  in  France. 

Mr.  Franklin  wrote  accordingly  to  England,  and  a 
cartel  vessel  was  thereupon  ordered  from  Plymouth  to 
Morlaix  with  100  Americans.  As  soon  as  Mr.  F.  was  ac 
quainted  with  this,  he  applied  thro'  M.  de  Chaumont 
to  M.  de  Sartine  for  an  equal  number  of  English;  who 
readily  agreed  to  furnish  them,  and  promised  to  send  orders 
immediately  to  march  100  from  Saumur  to  Morlaix. 

The  cartel  arrived,  landed  the  100  Americans,  but  was 
sent  back  empty,  with  only  a  receipt  from  the  commissary 
of  the  port,  no  English  being  arrived  for  the  exchange. 

Mr.  F.  has  since  received  letters  from  England  ac 
quainting  him  that  he  is  charged  with  breach  of  faith, 
and  with  deceiving  the  Board  which  had  the  charge  of 
managing  the  exchange  of  prisoners ;  and  a  stop  is  put  to 
that  exchange  in  consequence. 

The  poor  American  prisoners  there,  many  of  whom 
have  been  confined  two  or  three  years,  and  have  bravely 
resisted  all  the  temptations,  accompanied  with  threats, 
and  follow'd  by  ill  usage,  to  induce  them  to  enter  into 
the  English  service,  are  now  in  despair,  seeing  their  hopes 
of  speedy  liberty  ruined  by  this  failure. 

His  excellency  M.  de  Sartine  has  kindly  and  repeat 
edly  promised  by  Mr.  de  Chaumont,  to  furnish  the  number 
wanted,  about  400,  for  exchanging  the  said  Americans. 

But  it  is  now  said  that  the  king's  order  is  necessary  to 
be  first  obtained. 

Mr.  Franklin  therefore  earnestly  requests  his  excellency 
M.  le  Cornte  de  Yergennes,  to  support  the  proposition  in 
Council,  and  therefore  obtain  liberty  for  those  unfortunate 
people. 


LETTER   TO   MR.   WREN.  359 

Meanwhile  the  miserable  condition  of  the  prisoners  was 
in  a  small  measure  alleviated  through  the  efforts  of  Frank 
lin  and  his  English  friends.  Franklin  himself  sent  some 
money,  and  some  was  subscribed  and  put  by  Mr.  Hodgson 
into  the  hands  of  Mr.  Wren,  a  dissenting  minister  at  Ply 
mouth,  and  into  the  hands  of  friends  at  Portsmouth. 

To  Mr.  Wren  Franklin  writes  as  follows :  — 

PASSY,  Feb.  26,  1780. 

EEVD.  SIR, — Your  great  attention  to  the  wants  of  our 
poor  captived  countrymen,  and  your  kind  and  charitable 
care  of  them  in  their  sickness  and  other  distresses,  I  have 
often  heard  spoken  of  by  such  as  have  escaped  and  passed 
through  this  place,  in  the  strongest  terms  of  grateful 
acknowledgement.  I  beg  you  to  accept  among  the  rest 
my  sincere  and  hearty  thanks,  and  my  best  wishes  for 
your  health  and  prosperity. 

I  have  put  a  little  money  lately  into  the  hands  of  Mr. 
Digges,  and  now  some  into  those  of  Mr.  Hodgson,  for  the 
relief  of  the  most  pressing  necessities  of  the  remaining 
prisoners.  These  gentlemen  will,  I  suppose,  request  your 
assistance  in  the  disposition  of  it.  I  should  have  done  it 
when  I  heard  the  subscription  was  near  exhausted,  if  I 
had  not  been  flattered  with  the  hope  that  they  would 
sooner  have  been  exchanged,  —  first  on  account  of  the 
solemn  paroles  in  writing  given  by  numbers  of  English 
men  taken  by  our  vessels  and  set  at  liberty,  and  then 
against  those  carried  into  Holland ;  but  the  paroles,  after 
long  indecision,  I  am  lately  told  are  rejected,  and  the  ex 
change  I  proposed  in  Holland  was  refused,  at  first  on  the 
expectation  of  retaking  them  in  their  way  to  France,  and 
tho'  afterwards  agreed  to,  it  was  through  another  channel, 
and  for  other  prisoners.  These  delays  have  not  been 
owing  to  any  neglect  of  mine,  as  the  prisoners  of  Forton 


360  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

in  a  letter  to  me  of  the  3d  instant  inform  me  they  are 
frequently  assured.  On  enquiring  I  did  not  find  that  we 
had  actually  here  a  sufficient  number  of  English  to  an 
swer  another  cartel,  unless  the  British  government  would 
have  allowed  the  paroles.  I  kept  the  "  Alliance  "  in  Europe, 
and  joined  her  to  the  little  squadron  under  Oapt.  Jones, 
principally  in  hope  of  obtaining  more  prisoners  to  corn- 
pleat  the  exchange,  and  I  can  now  inform  our  people  that 
this  latter  view  will  be  accomplished,  the  Minister  of  Ma 
rine  here  having  given  me  assurances  that  the  cartels 
bringing  over  Americans  shall  immediately  have  the  same 
number  of  English  in  exchange  to  the  amount  of  500. 
We  have  also  two  or  three  privateers  out,  who  have  al 
ready  brought  in  near  100,  and  are  daily  making  more 
prisoners ;  so  that  I  hope  their  confinement  of  our  people 
now  nearly  at  an  end.  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  them  at 
liberty  in  France,  and  will  assist  them  what  I  can  in  re 
turning  to  their  native  country.  I  have  some  reason  to 
think  the  delays  were  rather  occasioned  by  the  weakness 
or  impatience  of  those  prisoners  who  basely  deserted  the 
cause  of  their  country,  and  entered  with  their  enemies ; 
this  naturally  gave  hopes  that  more  might  do  the  same, 
and  that  the  longer  confinement  the  greater  would  be  the 
defection.  Probably  and  thence  the  determination  relat 
ing  to  the  paroles  was  kept  back,  and  I  had  no  positive 
answer  till  within  these  two  weeks. 

The  prisoners  not  having  signed  their  above-mentioned 
letters  with  any  names,  but  requesting  me  to  answer  it 
in  a  letter  to  you,  occasions  my  desiring  that  you  would 
be  so  good  as  to  communicate  to  them  the  contents  in 
such  manner  as  you  shall  judge  best. 

With  very  great  esteem  and  respect,  which  I  shall  re 
joice  in  an  opportunity  of  demonstrating,  I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  &c.,  &c.  B.  F. 


LETTER  TO  HODGSON.  361 

Franklin  to  Hodgson. 

PASSY,  April  11,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  received  your  favours  of  the  10th  and 
28th  of  March.  The  method  you  propose  of  managing 
the  money  for  the  prisoners  is  perfectly  agreeable  to  me. 
You  desired  in  your  last  that  I  would  explain  how  it 
happened  that  no  prisoners  went  back  in  the  last  cartel. 
I  did  not  till  this  day  well  understand  it  myself,  or  I 
should  have  answered  sooner.  When  our  little  squadron 
brought  near  500  English  prisoners  into  the  Texel,  I 
would  have  exchanged  them  then  for  Americans,  but  I 
was  told  that  would  not  be  agreed  to  in  England,  as  there 
was  a  chance  of  retaking  them  in  their  passage  to  France. 
But  a  cartel  being  treated  of,  as  I  understand,  by  the  am 
bassadors  of  England  and  France  at  the  Hague,  the 
French  Ambassador  applied  to  Commodore  Jones  for 
those  prisoners  to  be  exchanged  then;  who  would  not 
deliver  them  up  without  my  orders,  and  a  promise  of  ex 
changing  them  for  Americans.  The  Ambassador  there 
upon  wrote  to  me  requesting  such  orders ;  which  I  sent 
accordingly,  expressing  my  reliance  that  an  equal  num 
ber,  472,  of  other  English  would  be  delivered  me  at  Mor- 
laix  to  be  exchanged  there  for  Americans.  After  this,  at 
the  instance  of  Mr.  de  Sartine,  I  gave  orders  to  our  agent 
at  L'Orient  to  deliver  a  number  of  other  prisoners  we  had 
there  to  the  captain  of  the  "  Happy  "  cartel,  in  exchange  for 
so  many  Frenchmen,  with  the  same  reliance  as  above 
mentioned.  As  soon  as  I  received  your  information  that 
the  cartel  was  sailed  from  Plymouth  with  100  Americans, 
I  applied  for  100  English  to  be  rendered  at  Morlaix  for 
the  exchange,  and  was  told  that  orders  should  be  that  day 
given  to  inarch  them  thither  from  Saumur  for  that  pur 
pose.  I  imagined  it  had  been  done,  and  the  exchange 


•362  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

made,  till  I  heard  the  contrary  from  you.  To-day  I  learn 
that  they  were  not  arrived  while  the  cartel  was  there ;  and 
I  have  now  desired  of  M.  de  Sartine  that  two  hundred 
may  be  immediately  sent  over,  —  one  to  pay  for  the  100 
Americans  received,  and  the  other  to  exchange  a  fresh 
parcel.  His  verbal  answer  is  that  the  request  is  just, 
and  shall  be  complied  with ;  and  he  will  write  a  letter  to 
me  to-morrow,  which  I  may  send  over  to  be  shown  to  the 
Board  of  Sick  and  Hurt,  that  will  explain  the  matter,  and 
clear  me  from  any  charge  of  bad  faith.  He  added  that 
he  would  also  take  the  first  opportunity  of  sending  the 
remainder  to  equal  the  number  delivered  in  Holland,  in 
order  to  exchange  for  Americans,  —  having  no  scruple  of 
doing  this  by  advance,  the  Board  having  shewn  the  great 
est  honour  and  exactitude  in  all  their  proceedings.  I  am 
sure  it  has  been  my  intention  to  do  the  same ;  and  I  shall 
alwas  act  accordingly.  Tho  I  am  not  insensible  of  the 
injustice  towards  us  of  the  Boston  cartels  formerly  men 
tioned.  I  shall  write  to  Mr.  Hartley,  from  whom  I  have 
just  received  copies  of  the  French  certificates,  &c.,  per  next 
post  after  I  receive  the  letter  from  M.  de  Sartine.  In  the 
meantime  I  wish  you  would  be  so  good  as  to  communi 
cate  to  him  the  contents  of  this  with  my  respects. 

I  should  be  glad  to  hear  some  more  particulars  about 
Mr.  W.,  and  the  reasons  of  discarding  him.  I  hope  the 
rest  of  that  worthy  society  are  well  and  happy. 

With  great  esteem  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c. 

B.  F. 


CHAPTEK  XIX. 

MINISTER   PLENIPOTENTIARY. 

A  LARGE  print,  widely  circulated  in  America,  repre 
sents  a  beautiful  lady  crowning  Dr.  Franklin  with 
laurel,  as  he  sits  in  the  midst  of  an  elegant  assembly  of 
ladies  and  gentlemen,  prominent  among  whom  are  Louis 
XVI.,  and  Marie  Antoinette.  The  authority  of  this  pic 
ture  —  which  is  recent  —  is  in  the  following  passage  in 
Madame  Campan's  memoirs  :  — 

"Elegant  fetes  were  given  to  Dr.  Franklin,  who  united 
the  renown  of  one  of  the  most  skilful  naturalists,  with  the 
patriotic  virtues  which  had  made  him  embrace  the  noble 
role  of  Apostle  of  Liberty.  I  was  present  at  one  of  these 
fetes,  where  the  most  beautiful  of  three  hundred  women 
was  designated  to  go  and  place  on  the  philosopher's  white 
locks  a  crown  of  laurel,  and  to  give  the  old  man  two 
kisses  on  his  cheeks." 

It  will  be  observed  that  Madame  Cam  pan  does  not  say 
that  the  King  and  Queen  were  present,  and  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose  that  they  were.  In  the  "  Memoires,"  — 
which  relate  specially  to  the  Court,  as  distinguished  from  the 
Government,  or  from  life  in  Paris,  or  general  politics, — 
very  little  reference  is  made  to  American  politics,  and 
almost  none  to  Franklin  or  his  associates.  Within  a  few 
years  past  the  correspondence  of  Maria  Theresa  with  her 
unfortunate  daughter,  and  with  Mercy,  the  Austrian  min 
ister,  has  been  printed  in  full.  It  is  a  most  melancholy 


364  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

disclosure  of  the  frivolity  of  the  life  of  this  undisciplined 
young  woman,  then  in  the  first  excitement  of  her  career 
as  wife  of  a  king  who  adored  her,  and  who  supposed 
himself  to  be  an  absolute  monarch.  In  1780  —  the  year 
to  which  we  have  now  come  —  she  was  twenty-five  years 
old,  and  had  been  ten  years  married.  Poor  Mercy  writes 
of  her  to  her  mother :  "  Any  impression  made  upon  this 
august  and  charming  princess  is  so  fleeting  that,  with 
all  the  esprit  possible,  —  with  all  possible  judgment  and 
good  faith,  —  she  is  constantly  torn  out  from  her  true 
self,  even  though  she  knows  she  is  led  into  error."  In 
these  very  years,  the  gambling  at  Court,  where  she  was 
herself  partner  in  a  faro  bank,  was  such  as  terrified  him 
and  Maria  Theresa;  and  Marie  Antoinette  herself  de 
scends  to  flat  falsehood  in  pretending  to  her  mother  that 
she  has  suppressed  it. 

In  this  year  the  Government  of  France,  having  laid 
aside  its  plans  for  invading  England,  determined  to  send 
out  Eochambeau,  with  an  allied  army,  to  America.  To 
this  force  Marie  Antoinette  alludes  once  or  twice  in  her 
letters  to  her  mother,  —  and  these  make  all  her  references 
to  the  American  Eevolution. 

In  the  correspondence  between  mother  and  daughter, 
the  first  reference  to  the  American  struggle  is  made  by 
Maria  Theresa,  in  a  letter  in  which  she  tells  her  daughter 
that  she  must  now  pay  more  attention  to  affairs  of  state : l 
"These  reflections  of  a  good  old  mamma  and  sovereign, 
have  led  me  to  give  new  instructions  to  Mercy.  I  have 
told  him  that  he  must  inform  you  about  public  affairs, 
and  arrange  with  you  what  views  you  must  take  with 
your  ministers.  These  are  the  most  important  objects,  — 
which  I  speak  of  only  in  passing.  The  dissensions  be 
tween  the  Turks  and  Eussians,  those  between  Spain  and 

1  February  3,  1777. 


MAKIE  ANTOINETTE.  365 

Portugal,  as  well  as  the  war  in  America,  may  very  easily 
cause  a  conflagration,  into  which  I  might  be  drawn  in 
spite  of  myself." 

Marie  Antoinette  never  alludes  to  the  American  war, 
nor  to  the  envoys,  until  the  18th  of  March,  1778,  when 
she  says  :  "The  King  has  directed  that  the  King  of  England 
shall  be  told  that  he  has  made  a  treaty  with  the  Ameri 
cans.  Mylord  Storm  out  received  on  Sunday  the  orders 
of  his  Court  to  leave  France.  It  seems  as  if  our  marine, 
about  which  much  has  been  done  for  a  long  time,  will 
soon  be  in  action.  God  grant  that  all  these  movements 
may  not  bring  on  war  on  land  ! "  She  goes  on  to  speak 
of  the  duel  between  the  Count  d'Artois  and  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy. 

Two  years  after,  on  the  16th  of  March,  1780:  "We 
were  arranging  to  send  eight  or  ten  thousand  good  troops 
to  America,  at  the  end  of  the  month,  —  they  are  to  be 
collected  in  Brittany,  —  but  I  believe  that  this  news  will 
defer  the  embarcation.  We  cannot  risk  this  great  force 
without  being  sure  of  the  sea,  —  it  would  be  frightful  to 
sustain  more  misfortunes  there;  I  own  to  you  I  cannot 
think  of  it  coolly.  I  hope  Mme.  de  Starkemburg  will 
be  pleased  with  what  I  have  done  [for  her]  brother;  I 
have  procured  a  place  for  him  in  this  expedition.  This 
brother  was  Prince  Emmanuel  de  Salm." 

On  the  13th  of  April  she  says,  "The  troops  destined 
for  the  islands  are  on  board,  and  only  await  a  favorable 
wind."  This  was  Kochambeau's  expedition.  Her  allu 
sion  to  the  islands  may  not  be  bad  geography,  for  they 
went  by  way  of  the  West  Indies.  "  God  grant  that  they 
arrive  happily."  And  on  the  13th  of  July  she  writes, 
"  The  loss  of  Charleston  is  very  annoying,  on  account  of 
the  advantage  which  it  will  give  to  the  English,  and  their 
boasting  about  it ;  it  is  perhaps  worse  on  account  of  the 


366  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

bad  defence  of  the  Americans,  —  nothing  can  be  hoped 
from  such  bad  troops."  These  are  her  only  allusions  to 
the  alliance.  Her  mother  died  on  the  29th  of  November, 
1780,  and  this  curious  and  valuable  correspondence  comes 
to  an  end  at  that  date. 

Early  in  the  year  1780,  Franklin  received  the  orders  of 
Congress  to  procure  some  medals  for  officers  who  had  dis 
tinguished  themselves  in  its  service.  These  medals  are 
frequently  alluded  to  in  the  letters,  and  are  well  known 
to  numismatists.  Gerard  returned  from  Philadelphia, 
where  Luzerne  took  his  place.  And  on  the  4th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1780,  Mr.  John  Adams,  with  Mr.  Dana  and  Mr. 
Thaxter,  arrived  in  Paris,  having  landed  at  Corunna.  He 
had  been  sent  out  with  a  commission  to  negotiate  a  peace 
whenever  England  might  propose  it.  The  suggestion  had 
been  made  by  Ge'rard  to  Congress,  and  renewed  by  Lu 
zerne.  Both  of  these  gentlemen,  and  Yergennes,  from 
whom  it  came,  expected  that  Franklin  would  be  named. 
Here  Congress  disappointed  them,  as  Mr.  Adams  says,  and 
lie  adds  that  in  giving  him  a  commission  to  negotiate  a 
treaty  of  commerce  with  England,  Congress  went  farther 
than  the  French  Court  meant  or  desired.  Mr.  Adams 
remained  in  Paris  with  his  two  sons  until  July,  when  he 
repaired  to  Amsterdam,  and  began  upon  his  negotiations 
there.  While  in  Paris  he  was  not,  as  before,  a  colleague 
with  Franklin.  He  was  engaged  in  a  curious  discussion 
with  Vergennes,  as  to  his  reception  at  Court  and  the  pub 
licity  which  should  be  given  to  his  commission,  in  which 
Vergennes  offended  him  by  a  tone  of  presumption,  which 
even  so  skilful  a  diplomatist  could  not  avoid,  with  the  na 
tion  whoSe  strength  he  did  not  yet  know. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year,  Paul  Jones  came  up  to 
Paris,  as  has  been  said.  He  was  received  with  enthu 
siasm  everywhere,  especially  at  the  opera.  By  a  curious 


LIFE   AT  PASSY.  367 

bit  of  stage  effect,  a  wreath  of  laurel  was  arranged  over 
the  seat  assigned  to  him  at  one  of  the  theatres,  which  was 
made  to  descend  at  the  proper  moment  upon  his  head. 
The  English  journals  had  so  persistently  called  him  by 
bad  names,  and  represented  him  as  the  black  pirate  of 
romance,  that  surprise  was  excited  by  his  courtesy  of 
bearing.  "  This  brave  cruiser,"  says  Grimm,  "  who  has 
given  so  many  proofs  of  the  strongest  heart  and  the  most 
determined  courage,  is  none  the  less  a  man  of  the  world, 
of  great  intelligence  and  sweetness.  It  is  a  curious  thing 
that  he  makes  many  verses,  full  of  grace  and  tenderness, 
—  that  the  sort  of  poetry  which  seems  to  have  most  charm 
for  his  genius  is  elegy  and  eclogue.  The  Masonic  Lodge 
of  the  Nine-Sisters  has  engaged  Houdon  to  make  his  bust." 
And  this  bust  was  exhibited  at  the  Salon  the  next  year. 

In  an  earlier  chapter  the  reader  has  seen  how  intimate 
were  the  friendly  relations  between  Franklin  and  his 
neighbor  Mad.  Helvetius.  It  is  at  the  beginning  of  the 
year  1780  that  there  was  circulated  in  Paris  the  funny 
account  of  Franklin's  visit  to  the  Elysian  Fields,  and  his 
meeting  with  her  husband  the  philosopher.  To  these 
years  of  comparative  confidence  we  are  to  refer  some  of  his 
best  minor  essays  on  subjects  not  referring  to  politics.  The 
"Story  of  the  Whistle"  was  addressed  to  Madame  Brillon, 
whom  Franklin  used  to  call  the  "  brillante  aimable."  The 
family  of  M.  Brillon  lived  near  him,  and  he  was  very 
intimate  there.  The  "  Dialogue  with  the  Gout "  is  another 
of  these  bagatelles,  as  he  called  them.  He  amused  him 
self  with  his  types,  and  was  beginning  to  experiment  with 
the  copying  press,  —  since  so  largely  used  in  duplicating 
correspondence.  The  American  public  officers  received  it 
through  him. 

From  his  press,  perhaps,  were  circulated  in  Paris  Frank 
lin's  "Twelve  Principles,"  to  which  he  had  reduced  the 


368  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

whole  system  of  the  Economists.  They  still  make  a  good 
epitome  of  that  system,  with  its  good  sense  and  its  errors. 
They  could  have  been  printed  on  a  small  broad-side,  and 
probably  were  so  circulated  in  Paris ;  but  we  have  found 
no  copy  in  that  form. 

From  the  tenor  of  all  Franklin's  correspondence  of  the 
year  1780,  that  which  has  been  printed  heretofore  and 
the  letters  now  open  to  us,  it  is  clear  that  the  year  was  a 
more  agreeable  year  than  either  of  those  which  had  passed 
before.  Success  in  the  great  contest  was  only  a  matter  of 
time.  With  the  departure  of  Lee,  and  with  Franklin's 
own  appointment  as  Plenipotentiary,  the  pettinesses  of 
domestic  quarrel  were  over.  He  was  known  and  beloved 
in  Paris,  and  had  won  the  respect  of  circles  which  at  first 
distrusted  him.  A  writer  of  the  time  says  that  his  like 
ness  was  everywhere.  He  himself  sends  to  Mrs.  Jay  in 
Madrid  one  of  the  prints,  probably  that  with  Turgot's 
famous  verse,  "Eripuit  coelo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tyran- 
nis,"  and  says  it  is  one  of  five  or  six  which  have  been 
published.  Nogaret,  a  Frenchman,  who  sent  him  a  trans 
lation  of  this  verse,  says  the  print  had  made  the  fortune 
of  the  engraver. 

With  these  explanations  we  may  print  with  hardly  any 
other  comment,  some  letters  for  the  year ;  not  for  their 
illustration  of  serious  or  contested  points  of  history,  but 
for  the  broken  lights  which  they  give  us  as  to  his  own 
personal  life  or  some  custom  of  the  time. 

Franklin  to  Jonathan  Williams. 

PASSY,  Jan.  9,  1780. 

DEAR  JONATHAN,  —  I  received  your  letters,  with  the 
samples  of  Cloths,  but  the  shirt  and  stockings  are  not 
arriv'd.  Having  no  kind  of  judgement  in  such  commodi- 


LETTER  TO   ADAMOLI.  369 

ties,  I  can  make  no  choice.  You  have  the  precise  and 
particular  orders  of  the  Committee  of  Congress  relating  to 
the  soldiers'  dress,  to  which  you  must  conform  as  exactly 
as  possible.  I  do  not  chuse  to  make  a  contract  with  you 
for  the  Cloathes  at  fix'd  prices.  That  method  could  he 
subject  to  many  malevolent  reflections.  It  is  better  that 
you  should  buy  the  materials  and  employ  the  work-folks 
on  the  best  terms  you  can  for  the  publick,  and  content 
yourself  with  the  commission  of  1-J  p  cent,  which  I  agree  to 
allow  you,  in  consideration  of  its  being  a  business  consist 
ing  of  so  many  particulars  as  to  require  a  good  deal  of 
attention,  and  take  up  a  great  deal  of  your  time  in  the 
execution,  and  in  keeping  the  accounts.  I  depend  much 
on  your  integrity  and  diligence  in  this  affair,  and  I  flatter 
myself  that  you  will  so  conduct  it  as  to  do  honour  to 
yourself  and  to  me.  Mr.  de  Chaumont  will  acquaint  you 
what  quantity  of  hats,  shirts,  stockings,  and  shoes  are  to 
be  furnished.  As  the  funds  come  to  hand  quarterly,  I 
can  only  pay  quarterly.  You  will  therefore  make  all 
your  purchases  on  those  terms,  to  be  paid  -J  in  May, 
another  in  August,  a  third  November,  and  the  fourth  in 
February,  1781.  Your  bills  drawn  on  and  after  the  15th 
of  each  of  those  months,  for  those  quarterly  payments,  at 
10  days'  sight  will  be  punctually  honoured. 
The  provision  is  to  be  for  15,000  men. 

My  love  to  the  good  girls.     I  am  ever 

Your  affectionate  uncle,  &c., 


Franklin  to  M.  Adamoli,  [Rue  des  Vieux  Augustins, 
Hdtel  de  Chartres]. 

PASSY,  Jan.  29,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  did  me  the  honour  of 
writing  to  me  the  22  instant,  with  a  copy  of  the  verses 

24 


370  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

in  which  I  find  myself  mention'd  but  too  advantageously. 
Please  to  accept  my  thankful  acknowledgements. 

I  do  not  perfectly  comprehend  your  plan  of  finding  the 
different  relations  of  weights,  measures,  &c.,  by  means  of 
compass.  But  I  believe  the  English  Society  of  Emulation 
makes  no  distinction  of  nations  in  the  premiums  they 
offer.  I  should  however  think  that  as  there  is  a  Society 
of  the  same  kind  existing  in  France,  it  might  be  well  to 
propose  it  first  to  them.  But  of  this  you  can  best  judge. 
The  English  society  has  lately  offered  a  reward  for  the 
discovery  of  a  fixed  universal  measure.  I  enclose  a  copy 
of  the  papers ;  and  have  the  honour  to  be  with  great 
regard,  Sir,  &c. 

The  following  memorandum  in  French,  of  the  date 
of  Feb.  17,  1780,  introduces  to  us  the  matter  of  the 
medals :  — 

Liste  des  medailles  accord^es  par  les  Etats  Unis  de 
1'Ame'rique  depuis  le  commencement  de  la  guerre  jusqu'en 
1780,  —  six  medailles  :  — 

No)ns.  Actions.  Annies. 

Son  Excellence  le  Pour  la  prise  de 

General  Washington.  Boston,  1776. 

Son  Excellence  le  Pour  la  prise  de 

General  Gates.  1'Armee  de  Bur- 

goyne  a  Saratoga,     1777. 

Son  Excellence  le  Pour  la  prise  de 

Ge'ne'ral  Wayne  (blessd).       Stony  Pointe,  1779. 

L'honorable  Lt.  Col.  Pour  la  prise  de 

de  Fleury.  Stony  Pointe,  1779. 

L'honorable  Lt.  Col.  Pour  la  prise  de 

Steward  (tud).  Stony  Pointe,  1779. 

L'honorable  Lt.  Col.  Pour  la  prise  du 

Lee.  Fort  Paulus  Hook,  1779. 


LETTER  TO  FLEURY.  371 

PASSY,  Jan.  29,  1780. 

M.  le  Colonel  Fleury,  Hotel  de  Picardy,  Hue  de  Seine  : 

SIR,  —  Having  as  yet  had  no  medal  struck  here,  I  am 
not  acquainted  with  any  artist  of  that  sort.  If  you  can 
find  one,  and  bring  him  to  me,  I  will  endeavour  to  agree 
with  him  to  get  it  done  as  soon  as  may  be ;  but  I  cannot 
imagine  it  possible  in  so  short  a  time  as  you  mention.  I 
cannot  state  any  certain  sum  till  I  have  talked  with  the 
artist.  I  thought  to  enquire  of  Mr.  Tillet,  Hotel  des 
Monnoies,  who  must  be  acquainted  with  such  artists. 
He  is  your  neighbour,  and  I  wish  you  would  request 
him,  as  from  rne,  to  recommend  one. 

With  the  greatest  esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c. 


Franklin  to  Fleury. 

PASSY,  Feb.  26,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  am  sorry  you  were  disappointed  in  meeting  me 
at  Versailles.  In  all  your  billets,  except  that  of  yesterday, 
you  omitted  mentioning  where  you  lodged ;  otherwise  I 
could  have  acquainted  you  that  I  should  not  be  at  Court 
on  the  day  you  expected  me. 

I  suppose  you  will  acquaint  the  Congress  or  General 
Washington  with  your  reasons  for  desiring  a  prolongation 
of  your  furlow.  As  you  have  not  communicated  them  to 
me,  I  know  not  what  to  say  in  order  to  enforce  them  ;  I 
can  therefore  only  forward  your  request,  and  pray  that 
it  may  be  favourably  considered,  which  I  shall  do.  I 
imagine,  however,  that  the  Congress  have  so  high  an  opin 
ion  of  your  merit  as  an  officer,  and  the  importance  of  hav 
ing  you  in  actual  service,  that  the  request  will  not  be 
lightly  granted. 

With  great  esteem,  &c. 


372  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Franklin  to  John  Adams. 

PASSY,  April  22,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  The  letter  your  excellency  did  me  the 
honour  of  writing  to  me  yesterday,  gives  me  the  first 
information  of  the  resolution  mentioned  as  taken  by  the 
State  of  Maryland  relating  to  their  money  in  England. 
If  there  is  no  mistake  in  the  intelligence,  which  I  ap 
prehend  there  may  be,  and  such  a  power  as  is  suppos'd 
should  come  to  my  handsj  I  shall  then  take  your  Excel 
lency's  recommendation  —  which  has  great  weight  with  me 
—  into  consideration.  At  present  I  can  only  say  that  I 
shall  not  name  my  nephew  Mr.  Williams ;  for  tho'  I  have 
a  great  opinion  of  his  ability  and  integrity,  and  think  that 
by  his  early  declaration  and  attachment  to  our  cause,  and 
activity  in  its  service,  he  has  a  good  deal  of  merit  with 
the  States  in  general,  I  know  of  none  that  he  has  with 
Maryland  in  particular;  and  as  the  other  four  are  natives 
of  that  state,  I  think  the  choice  ought  to  be  from  among 
them.  Mr.  Williams  will  however  be  very  sensible  of 
the  honour  done  him  by  being  put  into  the  nomination. 
With  the  greatest  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be 

Your  excellency's  most  obedient 

and  most  humble  servant,     B.  F. 

[Upon  a  separate  paper.] 

Mr.  Franklin  presents  his  compts.  to  Mr.  Adams,  and 
requests  he  would  send  him  by  the  bearer  the  book  of 
treaties,  which  he  has  just  now  occasion  to  consult,  but 
will  return  in  a  day  or  two. 

Franklin  to  Messrs.  Van  de  Perre  and  Meyners 
[Merchants  at  Middltburg,  Holland]. 

PASSY,  April  23,  '80. 

GENTLEMEN, — I  duly  received  the  letter  you  did  me 
the  honour  of  writing  to  me  the  6th  instant.  I  took  the 


LETTER  TO  BACHE.  373 

first  opportunity  of  communicating  it  to  Commodore 
Jones,  and  I  send  you  enclosed  the  answer  I  have  re 
ceived  from  him,  by  which  you  will  perceive  that  he 
absolutely  denies  his  having  used  any  force  to  obtain 
from  your  captain  the  declaration  he  made  that  the  cargo 
was  English  property ;  but  asserts  that  the  said  declara 
tion  was  voluntarily  made,  the  captain  supposing  him  and 
his  ship,  the  "Alliance,"  to  be  English.  However  this  may 
be,  I  shall  communicate  your  demand  to  the  Congress, 
and  as  we  have  good  laws,  and  regular  courts  of  Admi 
ralty  in  all  the  States,  for  the  trial  of  such  causes,  I  have 
no  doubt  of  your  obtaining  that  justice  which  your  cause 
shall  appear  to  merit.  You  will  see  by  the  enclos'd 
papers  an  instance  of  the  regard  to  Justice  shown  by  the 
Congress  to  the  subjects  of  Portugal,  a  nation  which  has 
been  not  only  unfriendly  to  us,  but  whose  king,  in  the 
beginning  of  our  troubles,  issued  a  very  severe  edict 
against  us.  There  is,  therefore,  no  probability  that  like 
justice  will  be  refused  to  the  subjects  of  their  High 
Mightinesses,  whom  the  United  States  highly  respect,  and 
with  whom  they  desire  to  maintain  a  good  understanding, 
with  a  friendly  and  free  commerce  between  the  two 
nations.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  respectful 
consideration,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Bache  [his  son-in-law]. 

PASSY,  June  3,  1780. 

DEAR  SON,  —  I  seldom  hear  from  you  or  Sally,  but  I 
have  lately  had  the  satisfaction  of  hearing  of  you,  that 
you  and  yours  were  all  well  the  beginning  of  April  last. 
I  send  you  in  a  parcel  by  this  opportunity  some  of  the 
correspondence  between  Ben  and  me.  He  was  well  a  few 
weeks  since,  and  very  kindly  notic'd  where  he  is  by  some 


374  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

respectable  people.     I  continue,  thanks  to  God,  well  and 
hearty,  and  am  ever 

Your  affectionate  father. 

My  love  to  Will  and  the  little  ones. 

Franklin  to  Robt.  Troup  [Secretary  to  the  Board  of 
Treasury]. 

PASSY,  Aug.  10,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  the  letter  you  wrote  me  by  order  of 
the  Board  of  Treasury,  dated  Sept.  29,  1779,  requesting 
me  to  procure  medals  to  be  struck  here,  agreeable  to  the 
several  resolutions  of  Congress  you  enclosed  to  me.  I 
have  got  one  of  them  finished,  that  in  silver  for  Colonel 
Fleury,  and  two  others  with  the  same  devices  relating  to 
Stony  Point,  one  for  Major  General  Wayne  in  gold,  and 
one  for  Major  Stuart  in  silver.  They  are  well  done  by 
the  King's  medallist,  but  the  price  is  high,  each  die  cost 
ing  1000  livres.  Col.  Fleury 's  is  deliver'd  to  his  order 
here,  he  being  return'd  to  America.  The  other  two  will 
go  by  the  first  good  opportunity.  I  shall  also  forward  the 
engraving  of  the  others  as  fast  as  possible.  Be  pleased  to 
present  my  respects  to  the  Board,  who  I  wish  had  fur 
nished  me  with  the  devices  proper  for  the  other  medals ; 
the  difficulty  of  pleasing  myself  with  regard  to  them 
occasioning  some  delay. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir,  &c. 

Franklin   to  S.  Huntingdon  [President  of  Congress]. 

PASSY,  Aug.  10.  1780. 

SIR,  —  Having  but  just  been  acquainted  with  this  op 
portunity,  which  goes  directly,  I  have  only  time  to  write 
a  few  lines,  and  only  leave  to  send  a  letter,  without  any 
pacquets  of  newspapers. 


LETTER   TO   THE   PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS.      375 

Count  D'Estaing  is  gone  to  Spain  to  take  the  command 
of  the  united  fleet. 

The  important  alliance  of  the  neutral  powers  for  the 
protection  of  trade  is  nearly  compleated.  It  has  met 
with  some  delays  and  obstructions  in  Holland  thro'  Eng 
lish  influence,  tho'  the  plan  is  more  particularly  to  the 
advantage  of  the  state,  wch  subsists  by  commerce  and 
carriage. 

The  Emperor  is  gone  to  Eussia  on  a  visit  to  that 
Empress. 

The  disposition  of  this  Court  towards  us  continues  as 
favourable  as  ever,  tho'  some  displeasure  had  lately  been 
unluckily  given  to  it,  which  perhaps  will  be  explained  to 
you  by  M.  le  Chevalier  de  la  Luzerne.1 

The  departure  of  the  supplies  obtained  here  last  spring 
have  met  with  delays  from  various  unforeseen  causes. 
Some  are,  however,  gone  in  the  "Alliance;"  more  will  go  in 
the  "Ariel,"  Comme.  Jones,  and  the  rest  being  the  greatest 
part  in  a  large  ship  we  have  chartered. 

There  is,  in  all,  clothing  made  up  for  10,000  men,  15,000 
stand  of  arms,  2,000  barrels  of  gunpowder,  some  cannon, 
and  a  good  deal  of  cloth,  &c.,  unmade  up.  I  hope  all  will 
safely  arrive  before  winter. 

The  "Ariel"  will  sail  next  week  with  my  fuller  de 
spatches. 

I  have  furnished  Messrs.  Jay  and  Adams  with  the 
moneys  you  ordered,  and  more  since,  those  sums  being  ex 
pended  and  no  supplies  arrived  to  them. 

I  have  paid  the  interest  bills  to  M.  Beauinarchais.  I 
continue  to  pay  punctually  your  loan  interest  bills,  and  I 
have  to  prevent  their  being  protested  ;  promised  payment 
of  those  bills  arrived  in  Holland,  drawn  on  Mr.  Laurens, 

1  The  reference  is  to  Mr.  Adams's  difficulty  with  Vergennes.  See  the 
letter  at  the  end  of  this  chapter. 


376  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

who  has  not  yet  appeared.  I  am  anxious  to  support 
the  credit  of  the  Congress.  They  will  not  suffer  me  to 
lose  my  own,  but  if  these  extra  demands  are  multi 
plied  upon  me  and  no  supplies  sent,  I  must  become  a 
bankrupt,  for  I  cannot  continually  worry  the  Court  for 
more  money. 

The  privateers,  "  Black  Prince  "  and  "  Black  Princess," 
with  Congress  commissions  issued  here  by  me,  and  mann'd 
partly  by  Americans,  have  greatly  harassed  the  English 
coasting  trade,  having  taken  in  18  months  near  120  sail. 
The  Prince  was  wreck'd  on  this  coast,  the  men  saved. 
The  Princess  still  reigns,  and  in  a  late  cruise  of  20  days, 
between  June  20  and  July  10,  took  28  prizes,  some  very 
valuable. 

I  must  repeat  my  motion  that  the  Congress  would  ap 
point  consuls  in  the  principal  ports,  to  take  care  of  their 
maritime  and  commercial  affairs ;  and  beg  earnestly  that 
no  more  frigates  may  be  sent  here  to  my  care. 

Much  clamour  has  been  made  here  about  the  deprecia 
tion  of  our  money,  but  it  is  a  good  deal  abated.  I  wish, 
however,  to  be  furnished  with  authentic  informations  of 
the  intentions  of  Congress  relative  to  that  matter. 

Mr.  Adams  is  gone  to  Holland,  for  a  few  weeks.  Mr. 
Dana  remains  here. 

I  am  told  complaints  are  likely  to  be  made  against  me 
by  Messrs.  Lee  and  Izard,  and  Capt.  Landais.  If  such 
should  be  laid  before  Congress,  I  wish  to  receive  copies  of 
them ;  and  knowing  the  uprightness  and  cleanness  of  my 
own  conduct,  I  have  no  doubt  of  answering  them  to  sat 
isfaction.  I  hear  you  have  already  had  some  sheets  of 
the  kind  from  Mr.  Lee. 

Be  pleased  to  present  my  dutiful  respects  to  Congress, 
and  assure  them  of  my  most  faithful  services. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  great  respect,  &c.,  &c. 


AMERICAN  DRAFTS.  377 

P.  S.  The  "  Tier  Eodrigue,"  with  her  convoy  from  Vir 
ginia,  are  all  safe  arrived,  except  one  vessel  that  foundered 
at  sea,  —  the  men  saved. 

The  letters  from  Franklin  home  will  be  better  understood 
hereafter  by  reading  them  in  connection  with  the  informa 
tion  given  to  him  by  James  Lovell,  Secretary  to  Congress. 

[Aug.  15,  80.]  Lovell  notifies  him  that  bills  were  to 
be  drawn  upon  him  to  the  amount  of  100,000  dollars. 
"  The  breaches  upon  our  forces  at  the  southward  by  the 
possession  which  the  enemy  have  there,  made  this  disa 
greeable  step  necessary  for  the  express  purpose  of  sup 
porting  Gen.  Gates  in  that  department." 

[Sep.  7,  1780,  same  to  the  sa/ne.]  Stating  the  case  a  little 
more  fully,  and  promising  not  to  do  so  again,  with  the 
information  of  cession  by  New  York  of  her  western  lands, 
and  a  tax  laid  of  3,000,000  in  silver. 

[In  Congress,  19  May,  1780.]  Resolved,  That  bills  be 
immediately  drawn  on  the  Honble.  Doer.  B  Franklin  for 
25,000  dollars,  payable  at  60  days'  sight.1 

That  the  money  arising  from  the  sale  be  appropriated 
and  applied  solely  to  the  bringing  the  army  into  the  field 
and  forwarding  their  supplies  in  such  manner  as  the  exi 
gency  and  nature  of  the  service  may  require. 

[August  9th.]     Resolved,  That  the  Board  of  Treasury 
be  directed  to  prepare  bills  of  exchange  of  suitable  denom 
inations  upon  the  Honble  Benjamin  Franklin,  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  at  the  Court  of  Versailles,  for  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  in  specie. 

That  the  bills  be  made  payable  at  ninety  days'  sight. 

[August  15.]  Detailing  the  manner  of  cashing  the  bills, 
and  the  mode  of  expenditure  of  the  returns  for  "  the  pur 
chase  of  provisions  and  other  supplies  absolutely  necessary 
for  the  subsistence  of  the  southern  army." 

1  They  drew  on  Jay  for  the  same  sum  at  the  same  time. 


878  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

Franklin  to  Ross. 

PASSY,  Sept.  18,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  llth  with  the 
accounts,  bill  of  lading,  &c.,  of  the  goods  you  have 
shipped.  If  you  remember  right,  I  promised  only  to 
assist  you  in  the  freight,  but  you  have  drawn  upon  me 
for  almost  an  equal  sum  over  and  above,  on  an  account  of 
charges,  commissions,  &c.  These  kind  of  encroachments 
are  disagreeable,  as  well  as  inconvenient.  I  have,  how 
ever,  accepted  your  bills ;  but  do  not  try  me  any  more  in 
that  way. 

I  never  could  understand  the  delay  in  payment  of  the 
prize  money,  &c.  I  never  had  anything  to  do  with  that 
money  ;  and  as  it  seemed  to  have  some  connection  with  a 
quarrel  between  two  of  my  friends,  M.  de  Chaumont  and 
Capt.  Jones,  I  did  not  incline  to  meddle  with  the  affair, 
because  I  would  not  be  drawn  into  the  dispute.  It  would 
have  been  right,  I  think,  if  Capt.  Jones  had  applied 
directly  to  M.  de  Sartine. 

With  great  esteem,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Digges. 

PASSY,  Oct.  9,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  the  china  portrait  of  Washing 
ton  in  good  order,  but  no  other  you  mention.  Nor  has 
the  picture  of  the  good  bishop  ever  yet  appeared.  I  begin 
to  be  in  pain  about  it,  having  heard  nothing  of  it  from 
any  place  on  this  side  of  the  water,  and  I  have  more  than 
one  reason  for  setting  a  high  value  on  it. 

Your  favour  of  the  20  and  29th  past  came  duly  to 
hand,  and  are  very  pleasing.  Inclosed  is  my  answer  to  a 
letter  from  some  persons  recommended  by  you. 


ADAMS  AND   VERGENNES.  379 

I  have  already  written  to  you  about  Goddard's  bill,  and 
I  sent  you  Jones's,  which  I  hope  you  received. 

I  have  been  made  happy  by  visits  from  your  two 
friends.  I  send  this  by  them,  and  hope  they  will  have  a 
prosperous  journey.  They  are  worthy  and  amiable  men. 

There  is  no  news  here  at  present  but  what  comes  in 
your  newspapers.  I  am,  with  great  regard,  &c.,  &c. 

Mr.  John  Adams  remained  in  Paris  till  midsummer,  as 
has  been  said.  He  was  commissioned  to  negotiate  peace, 
with  England.  When  he  notified  Vergennes  of  his  arri 
val,  and  proposed  to  consult  him  regarding  his  mission, 
Vergennes  replied  by  saying  that  he  could  do  this  better 
when  he  had  received  a  copy  of  Mr.  Adams's  instructions, 
which  M.  Luzerne  would  undoubtedly  send  him  from 
Philadelphia.  This  was  certainly  very  careless,  if  not 
very  arrogant  language  on  the  part  of  Vergennes.  It 
intimated,  only  too  directly,  that  the  French  Government 
regarded  the  Eepublic  as  simply  a  tool  of  its  own  manu 
facture,  and  that  the  affectation  of  American  independence 
was  only  kept  up  as  a  convenience  of  European  diplo 
macy.  This  letter  did  not  make  Mr.  Adams's  relations 
with  Vergennes  easy  from  the  beginning.  But  Mr. 
Adams  avoided  a  quarrel,  and  as  the  summer  came  on, 
was  in  the  habit  of  communicating  directly  with  him,  and 
sending  to  him  private  information  which  his  American 
correspondents  had  sent  him.  One  of  these  letters  was 
made  by  Vergennes  the  occasion  for  discussing  the  ques 
tions  which  turned  up  under  the  depreciation  of  currency : 
Must  the  foreign  creditors  be  satisfied  with  payments 
at  the  rates  which  the  local  legislatures  placed  on  paper 
money  ?  Mr.  Adams,  in  a  careful  paper,  argued  that  they 
must  be.  Vergennes  indignantly  referred  the  whole  sub 
ject  to  Franklin,  who  in  his  turn  referred  it  all  to  Congress. 


380  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

It  is  this  difficulty  to  which  Franklin  alludes  in  his  letter 
to  Huntington  which  the  reader  has  seen. 

Mr.  Adams  felt,  to  the  day  of  his  death,  that  Franklin 
did  not  show  a  proper  American  spirit  in  this  matter,  and 
that  all  through  the  subsequent  negotiations  he  was  sub 
servient  to  the  French  interest.  "  He  began," 1  as  his 
grandson  says,  "  to  entertain  doubts  of  his  sincerity." 

With  Mr.  Adams's  controversy  with  Vergennes,  we 
have  nothing  here  to  do.  It  made  his  position  in  Paris 
disagreeable,  and  he  soon  left  for  Amsterdam,  where  Con 
gress  soon  commissioned  him,  in  the  place  of  Laurens. 
But  it  is  necessary  for  us  to  note  the  date  of  his  change 
of  view  regarding  Dr.  Franklin,  that  we  may  call  to  our 
readers'  attention  the  date,  which  can  now  be  fixed  quite 
certainly,  when  his  distrust  of  Mr.  Adams  began  to  ap 
proach  Mr.  Adams's  for  him.  On  the  30th  of  August, 
1780,  he  wrote  explicitly  to  Vergennes  in  these  words :  — 

PASSY,  August  30,  1780. 

Sm,  —  It  was  indeed  with  very  great  pleasure  that  I 
received  the  letter  your  Excellency  did  me  the  honour 
of  writing  to  me,  communicating  that  of  the  President 
of  Congress,  and  the  resolutions  of  that  body  relative  to 
the  succours  then  expected ;  for  the  sentiments  therein 
expressed  are  so  different  from  the  language  held  by  Mr. 
Adams  in  his  late  letters  to  your  excellency  as  to  make 
it  clear  that  it  was  from  his  particular  indiscretion  alone, 
and  not  from  any  instructions  received  by  him,  that  he 
has  given  such  just  cause  of  displeasure,  and  that  it  is 
impossible  his  conduct  therein  should  be  approved  by  his 
constituents.  I  am  glad  that  he  has  not  admitted  me  to 
any  participation  of  those  writings,  and  that  he  has  taken 
the  resolution  he  expresses  of  not  communicating  with 

1  Life  and  Works  of  John  Adams,  i.  3'20. 


THE  SHIP  "MAES."  381 

me,  —  or  making  me  of  use  in  his  future  correspondence  ; 
a  resolution  that  I  believe  he  will  keep,  —  as  he  has  never 
yet  communicated  to  me  more  of  his  business  in  Europe 
than  I  have  seen  in  the  newspapers.  I  live  upon  terms 
of  civility  with  him,  but  not  of  intimacy.  I  shall,  as 
you  desire,  lay  before  Congress  the  whole  correspondence 
which  you  have  sent  me  for  that  purpose.  With  the 
greatest  and  most  sincere  respect,  I  am  Sir,  &c.  &c. 

W.  Temple  Franklin  to  Jon.  Williams. 

PASSY,  25  Oct.,  1780. 

DEAR  JONATHAN,  —  My  Grandfather  is  laid  up  with 
the  gout,  and  cannot  write.  He  directs  me  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  17th  inst.  He  is  entirely 
unacquainted  what  the  freight  you  propose  is  worth,  but  in 
order  to  assist  the  ship  "  Mars  "  in  returning  to  Boston,  he 
is  willing  to  advance  twelve  thousand  tons  of  the  military 
stores  now  in  the  arsenal  at  Nantes.  If  Mr.  Austin  thinks 
fit  he  may  take  more.  The  12,000  livres  is  intended  to  be 
on  acct.  of  said  freight ;  the  remainder  to  be  paid  by  Con 
gress  when  they  shall  have  settled  with  state  of  Massa 
chusetts  what  they  are  to  pay  per  ton. 

This  is  all  my  grandfather  can  do,  and  he  desires  me  to 
add  that  he"  hopes  you  will  not  by  any  fresh  propositions 
endeavor  to  get  more  money  from  him. 

We  have  not  as  yet  an  ans.  from  the  Farmers-General 
relative  to  the  order  desired  of  them  for  the  transport  of 
the  saltpetre. 

Your  communicating  this  letter  to  M.  Austin  will  ren 
der  my  writing  to  him  unnecessary.  Please  to  make  him 
my  complts. 

Inclosed  you  have  the  order  you  desired  for  Mr. 
Schweighauser. 


382  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

P.  S.  M.  Chaumont,  who  is  present,  desires  me  to  make 
you  his  coinplts. 

To  the  following  letter  we  have  heretofore  only  had 
Vergennes'  answer :  — 

Franklin  to  Vergennes. 

PASSY,  Nov.  19,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  lately  received  from  America  the  enclosed  let 
ters,  and  resolutions  of  Congress.  Such  unexpected  drafts 
give  me  pain,  as  they  oblige  me  either  to  give  your  excel 
lency  of  such  applications  or  to  support  their  which  would 
much  [sic].  But  your  excellency  will  see  the  pressing  neces 
sity  that  has  driven  the  Congress  into  this  measure  ;  they 
could  not  suddenly  by  any  other  means  raise  the  money 
necessary  to  put  their  troops  in  motion  and  to  co-operate 
with  those  of  the  king ;  and  I  hope  his  majesty,  to  whose 
goodness  we  are  already  so  indebted,  will  in  the  course  of 
the  next  year  enable  me  to  pay  these  bills.  None  of  them 
have  yet  appeared ;  their  times  of  payment  are  two  and 
three  months  after  sight,  and  they  will  probably  be,  many 
of  them,  long  on  their  way,  as  America  bills  often  come 
round  by  the  West  Indies. 

With  the  greatest  respect  I  am,  sir,  &c.,  &c. 

A  formal  memorial  of  Congress  shows  how  humiliating 
was  their  attitude. 

The  United  States  of  America,  in  Congress  assembled,  to  their 
Great,  Faithful,  and  Beloved  Friend  and  Ally,  Louis  the 
IQt/i,  King  of  France  and  Navarre. 

GREAT,  FAITHFUL,  AND  BELOVED  FRIEND  AND  ALLY,  — 
Persuaded  of  your  Majesty's  friendship  and  of  your  ear 
nest  desire  to  prosecute  the  war  with  glory  and  advantage 
to  the  alliance,  we  ought  not  to  conceal  from  your  Majesty 


MEMORIAL  PROM  CONGRESS.  383 

the  embarrassments  which  have  attended  our  national 
affairs,  and  rendered  the  last  campaign  unsuccessful. 

A  naval  superiority  in  the  American  seas  having  en 
abled  the  enemy,  in  the  rnidst  of  last  winter,  to  divide 
their  army  and  extend  the  war  in  the  Southern  States, 
Charles  town  was  subdued  before  a  sufficient  force  could 
be  assembled  for  its  relief. 

With  unabated  ardor  and  at  a  vast  expense  we  prepared 
for  the  succeeding  campaign,  —  a  campaign  from  which,  in 
a  dependence  on  the  co-operation  of  the  squadron  and 
troops  generously  destined  by  your  Majesty  for  our  assist 
ance,  we  had  formed  the  highest  expectations.  Again  the 
enemy  frustrated  our  measures.  Your  Majesty's  succours 
were  confined  within  the  harbour  of  Newport,  while  the 
main  body  of  the  British  army  took  refuge  in  their  for 
tress  arid  under  the  protection  of  their  marine.  Declining 
to  hazard  a  battle  in  the  open  field  and  regardless  of  their 
rank  among  civilised  nations,  they  descended  to  wrage  a 
predatory  war.  Britons  and  savages  united  in  sudden 
irruptions  on  our  northern  and  western  frontiers,  and 
marked  their  progress  with  blood  and  desolation. 

The  acquisition  of  Charlestown  —  with  the  advantages 
gained  in  Georgia,  and  the  defeat  of  a  small  army,  com 
posed  chiefly  of  militia,  which  had  been  hastily  collected 
to  check  their  operations  —  encouraged  the  British  com 
mander  in  that  quarter  to  penetrate  through  South  Caro 
lina  ;  and  the  ordinary  calamities  of  war  were  embittered 
by  implacable  vengeance.  They  did  not,  however,  long 
enjoy  their  triumph.  Instead  of  being  depressed,  impend 
ing  danger  served  only  to  rouse  our  citizens  to  correspond 
ent  exertions ;  and  by  a  series  of  gallant  and  successful 
enterprises  they  compelled  the  enemy  to  retreat  with 
precipitation  and  disgrace. 

They  seem,  however,  resolved  by  all  possible  efforts,  not 


384  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

only  to  retain  their  posts  in  Georgia  and  South  Carolina, 
but  to  renew  their  attempts  on  North  Carolina.  To  divert 
the  reinforcements  destined  for  those  states,  they  are  now 
executing  an  enterprize  against  the  sea-coast  of  Virginia ; 
and  from  their  preparations  at  New  York,  and  intelligence 
from  Europe,  it  is  manifest  that  the  four  Southern  States 
will  now  become  a  principal  object  of  their  hostilities. 

It  is  the  voice  of  the  people  and  the  resolution  of  Con 
gress  to  prosecute  the  war  with  redoubled  vigor,  and  to 
draw  into  the  field  a  permanent  and  well  appointed  army 
of  35,000  regular  troops.  By  this  decisive  effort  we  trust 
that  we  shall  be  able,  under  the  divine  blessing,  so  effectu 
ally  to  co-operate  with  your  Majesty's  marine  and  land 
forces  as  to  expel  the  common  enemy  from  our  country, 
and  render  the  great  object  of  the  alliance  perpetual. 
But  to  accomplish  an  enterprize  of  such  magnitude,  and 
so  interesting  to  both  nations,  whatever  may  be  our  spirit 
and  our  exertions,  we  know  that  our  internal  resources 
must  prove  incompetent.  The  sincerity  of  this  declaration 
will  be  manifest  from  a  short  review  of  our  circumstances. 

Unpractised  in  military  arts  and  unprepared  with  the 
means  of  defence,  we  were  suddenly  invaded  by  a  formi 
dable  and  vindictive  nation.  We  supported  the  unequal 
conflict  for  years  with  very  little  foreign  aid  but  what 
was  derived  from  your  Majesty's  generous  friendship. 
Exertions  uncommon  even  among  the  most  wealthy  and 
most  established  governments  necessarily  exhausted  our 
finances,  plunged  us  into  debt,  and  anticipated  our  taxes; 
while  the  depredations  of  an  active  enemy,  by  sea  and 
land,  made  a  deep  impression  on  our  commerce  and  our 
productions.  Thus  encompassed  with  difficulties,  in  our 
representation  to  your  Majesty  of  the  14th  of  June,  1779, 
we  disclosed  our  wants,  and  requested  your  Majesty  to 
furnish  us  with  Clothing,  arms,  and  ammunition  for  the 


MEMORIAL  FROM   CONGRESS.  385 

last  campaign,  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States.  We 
entertain  a  lively  sense  of  your  Majesty's  friendly  dispo 
sition  in  enabling  our  Minister  to  procure  a  part  of  those 
supplies,  of  which,  through  unfortunate  events,  a  very  small 
proportion  hath  arrived.  The  sufferings  of  our  army  from 
this  disappointment  have  been  so  severe  that  we  must 
rely  on  your  majesty's  attention  to  our  welfare  for  effec 
tual  assistance. 

The  articles  of  the  estimate  transmitted  to  our  Min 
ister  are  essential  to  our  Army,  and  we  natter  ourselves 
that  through  your  Majesty's  interposition  they  will  be 
supplied. 

At  a  time  when  we  feel  ourselves  so  strongly  impressed 
by  the  weight  of  past  obligations,  it  is  with  the  utmost 
reluctance  that  we  yield  to  the  emergency  of  our  affairs 
in  requesting  additional  favours.  An  unreserved  confi 
dence  in  your  Majesty,  and  a  well  grounded  assurance 
that  we  ask  no  more  than  is  necessary  to  enable  us  effec 
tually  to  co-operate  with  your  Majesty  in  terminating  the 
war  with  glory  and  success,  must  be  our  justification.  It 
is  well  known  that  when  the  King  of  Great  Britain  found 
himself  unable  to  subdue  the  populous  states  of  North 
America  by  force,  or  to  seduce  them  by  art  to  relinquish 
the  alliance  with  your  Majesty,  he  resolved  to  protract 
the  war,  in  expectation  that  the  loss  of  our  commerce 
and  the  derangement  of  our  finances  must  eventually 
compel  us  to  submit  to  his  domination.  Apprized  of  the 
necessity  of  foreign  aids  of  money  to  support  us  in  a  con 
test  with  a  nation  so  rich  and  powerful,  we  have  long 
since  authorized  our  ministers  to  borrow  a  sufficient  sum 
in  your  Majesty's  dominions,  and  in  Spain,  and  Holland, 
on  the  credit  of  the  United  States.  We  now  view  the 
prospect  of  a  disappointment ;  as  the  late  misfortunes  in 
the  Southern  States,  and  the  ravages  of  the  northern  and 

25 


386  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

western  frontiers  have  in  a  very  considerable  degree  im 
paired  our  internal  resources.  From  a  full  investigation 
of  our  circumstances  it  is  manifest,  that  in  aid  of  our 
utmost  exertions,  a  foreign  loan  of  specie,  at  least  to  the 
amount  of  twenty-five  millions  of  livres,  will  be  indispen 
sably  necessary  for  a  vigourous  prosecution  of  the  war. 

On  an  occasion  in  which  the  independence  of  these 
United  States  and  your  Majesty's  glory  are  so  intimately 
connected,  we  are  constrained  to  request  your  Majesty 
effectually  to  support  the  applications  of  our  Ministers 
for  that  loan.  So  essential  is  it  to  the  common  cause, 
that  we  shall  without  it  be  pressed  with  wants  and  dis 
tresses  which  may  render  all  our  efforts  languid,  precari 
ous,  and  undecisive.  Whether  it  shall  please  your  Majesty 
to  stipulate  for  this  necessary  aid  as  our  security,  or  to 
advance  it  from  your  royal  coffers,  we  do  hereby  solemnly 
pledge  the  faith  of  these  United  States  to  indemnify  or 
reimburse  your  Majesty  according  to  the  nature  of  the 
case  both  for  principal  and  interest,  in  such  manner  as 
shall  be  agreed  upon  with  our  minister  at  your  Majesty's 
Court. 

We  beseech  the  supreme  disposer  of  events  to  keep 
your  Majesty  in  his  holy  protection,  and  long  to  continue 
to  France  the  blessings  arising  from  the  administration 
of  a  prince  who  nobly  asserts  the  rights  of  mankind. 
Done  at  Philadelphia  the  twenty-second  day  of  No 
vember  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  eighty  and  in  the  fifth  year  of  our 
Independence  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
of  North  America. 

Your  Faithful  Friends  and  Allies. 

SAMUEL  HUNTINGTON,  President. 
Attest,  CHAS.  THOMSON,  Sec'y. 


LETTERS  TO   MARAT  AND   SEARLE.  387 

In  his  reply  to  Franklin,  Vergennes  says  of  this  appeal, 
"  You  can  easily  imagine  my  astonishment  at  your  re 
quest.  .  .  .  Nevertheless,  sir,  I  am  very  desirous  of  assist 
ing  you  out  of  the  embarrassed  situation  in  which  these 
repeated  drafts  of  Congress  have  placed  you,  and  for  this 
purpose  I  shall  endeavor  to  procure  for  you  for  the  next 
year  the  same  aid  that  I  have  been  able  to  furnish  in  the 
course  of  the  present." 

Franklin  to  Marat. 

PASSY,  Nov.  24,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  received  your  obliging  invitation  to  attend 
your  curious  experiments,  on  some 
days  between  the  21  and  30th  of 
this  month;  but  as  I  am  laid  up 
with  the  gout,  and  see  no  pros 
pect  of  being  able  to  go  to  Paris 
within  that  time,  I  can  only  re 
turn  you  my  thanks.  If  you  have 
any  description  of  those  experi 
ments  written,  I  should  be  glad 
to  see  it,  unless  inconvenient  to 

you.     With  great  regard,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Sir, 
&c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Searle. 

PASSY,  Nov.  30,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  20th,  and 
am  very  sensible  of  your  friendship.  Arnold's  baseness 
and  treachery  is  astonishing.  I  thank  you  for  the  ac 
count  you  give  me  of  his  preceding  conduct,  which  I 
never  knew  before,  and  shall  make  a  proper  use  of.  I 
have  just  received  a  very  particular  account  of  his  plot, 
which  is  too  long  to  transcribe  by  this  post,  but  you  will 


388  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

see  it  by  next.  In  the  meantime  Mr.  Adams  will  com 
municate  to  you  an  extract  of  a  comfortable  letter  to  me 
from  New  Port.  General  Washington  was  at  Bergen 
near  New  York  the  19th  October.  I  hope  your  fears  that 
there  may  be  Arnolds  at  Paris  are  groundless.  But  in 
such  time  one  cannot  be  too  much  on  one's  guard,  and  I 
am  obliged  to  you  for  the  caution. 

With  great  esteem,  &c.  &c. 

Franklin  to  Alex.  Small.1 

PASSY,  Dec.  7,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  wrote  you  a  few  days  since,  enclosing  a 
copy  of  the  translations  of  your  paper  on  the  gout.  It 
was  M.  Turgot,  who,  admiring,  got  it  translated  and 
printed,  and  gave  away  numbers  of  copies  to  his  friends 
and  others,  where  I  think  it  may  do  good.  He  is  a 
brother  sufferer  in  that  distemper.  I  wish  to  see  a  copy 
in  which  you  have  made  corrections.  Send  me  at  least 
the  corrections.  I  will  send  you  per  next  opportunity,  for 
your  amusement,  a  dialogue  I  have  lately  written  on  the 
same  subject.  Let  me  know  how  to  direct  to  you. 

I  thank  you  for  the  extract  from  the  "  Berne  Memoirs ;" 
I  shall  add  them,  by  way  of  note,  to  your  paper  on 
hospitals,  &c. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  Mrs  Stevenson  and  Mrs.  Hew- 
son  are  well.  Be  so  good  as  to  forward  the  enclosed  to 
them. 

My  best  respects  to  our  friend.     When  you  write  again 

1  Alexander  Small  was  an  eminent  English  physician,  spoken  of  al 
ready.  He  was  brother  of  Col.  Small,  —  the  same  who  recognized 
Warren  at  Bunker  Hill.  In  July,  1780,  he  passed  through  Paris,  and 
Franklin  then  had  some  correspondence  with  him,  as  "an  old  friend." 
This  matter  of  the  gout  was  then  a  subject  of  correspondence.  See  SPARKS'S 
Franklin,  viii.  481. 


LETTER   TO   LAFAYETTE.  389 

please  to  let  me  know  if  Mr.  Steele  is  still  in  England, 
and  send  me  if  you  can  one  of  his  tracts  containing  the 
manner  of  noting  the  modulation  of  the  voice  in  speaking. 
I  am  ever,  with  sincere  esteem  and  affection,  dear  Sir,  &c. 

Franklin  to  Lafayette. 

PASSY,  Dec.  9,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  very  kind  letter  of  the  9th 
of  October,  dated  at  the  light  camp  on  Passaic  Eiver.  It 
is  the  only  one  of  yours  that  has  yet  come  to  my  hands. 
I  lament  with  you  the  circumstances  that  prevented  the 
placing  a  stronger  naval  force  in  North  America  last 
summer,  and  the  consequences  of  that  failure ;  but  am 
nevertheless  very  sensible  of  the  advantages  that  attended 
the  arrival  of  that  we  have.  The  Minister  you  left  in  the 
Marine  Department  here  is  since  changed ; 1  but  the  good 
disposition  of  the  Court  towards  us  remains  the  same. 
The  faults  common  fame  ascribes  to  him  are  that  he  spent 
too  much  money  on  his  fleet,  and  that  too  little  was  done 
by  it.  I  hope  his  successor  will  furnish  you  the  addition 
you  wish  for. 

There  has  been  a  kind  of  fatality  attending  the  affair  of 
sending  out  the  clothing.  A  number  of  unforeseen  and  un 
accountable  accidents  have  delayed  and  prevented  it  from 
time  to  time.  Part  of  it  is,  however,  at  length  gone  ;  and 
the  rest  in  a  fair  way  of  going  soon,  with  the  arms,  pow 
der,  &c.  You  may  depend  on  my  procuring  and  forward 
ing  all  I  can  that  is  necessary  for  the  operations  of  our 
Army. 

I  congratulate  you  on  your  escape  from  Arnold's 
treachery.  His  character  is,  in  the  sight  of  all  Europe, 
already  on  the  gibbet,  and  will  hang  there  in  chains  for 
ages. 

1  The  Marquis  de  Castries  was  Sartine's  successor. 


390  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

I  wish  you  had  been  more  particular  relating  to  the  plan 
you  mention  of  the  Eastern  States ;  as  I  do  not  understand 
it. 

You  being  upon  the  spot  can  easily  obtain  and  send  me 
all  the  authenticated  accounts  of  the  enemies'  barbarity 
that  are  necessary  for  our  little  book ;  or  what  is  better, 
get  somebody  there  to  write  it,  and  send  me  a  copy  that  I 
may  adapt  the  cuts  to  it.  I  have  found  an  excellent  en 
graver  for  the  purpose. 

My  best  wishes  always  attend  you,  —  being  with  the 
most  perfect  esteem  and  affection,  dear  Sir,  your,  &c. 

P.  S.     My  grandson  presents  his  respects. 

In  this  year  the  neutral  powers  of  the  North  of  Europe, 
were  solicited  by  the  Empress  of  Russia  to  unite  in  the 
rules  regarding  neutrals  which  have  since  become  so  im 
portant  a  part  of  international  law. 

The  American  Congress  readily  gave  its  assent  to  these 
rules  in  the  resolutions  which  follow :  — 

Extract  from  the  Journals  of  Congress,  October  5,  1780. 

Congress  took  into  consideration  the  Eeport  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  the  motion  relating  to  the  propositions  of  the 
Empress  of  Kussia,  and  thereupon  came  to  the  following 
Resolutions :  — 

Her  Imperial  Majesty  of  all  the  Russias,  attentive  to 
the  freedom  of  Commerce,  and  the  Rights  of  Nations,  in 
her  Declaration  to  the  belligerent  and  neutral  Powers, 
having  proposed  regulations,  founded  upon  principles  of 
Justice,  Equity,  and  Moderation,  of  which  their  most 
Christian  and  Catholic  Majesties,  and  most  of  the  neu 
tral  Maritime  Powers  of  Europe,  have  declared  their 
approbation,  — 


EXTRACT  FROM  JOURNALS  OF  CONGRESS.    391 

Congress,  willing  to  testify  their  regard  to  the  Eights  of 
Commerce,  and  their  respect  for  the  Sovereign  who  hath 
proposed,  and  the  Powers  who  have  approved  the  said 
regulation,  Eesolve — 

That  the  Board  of  Admiralty  prepare  and  report  in 
structions  for  the  commanders  of  armed  vessels  commis 
sioned  by  the  United  States,  conformable  to  the  principles 
contained  in  the  Declaration  of  the  Empress  of  All  the 
Eussias  on  the  rights  of  neutral  vessels. 

That  the  Ministers  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States,  if  invited  thereto,  be  and  hereby  are  respectively 
empowered  to  accede  to  such  regulations,  conformable  to 
the  spirit  of  the  said  Declaration,  as  may  be  agreed  upon 
by  the  Congress  expected  to  assemble  i,n  pursuance  of  the 
invitation  of  Her  Imperial  Majesty. 

Ordered,  that  copies  of  the  above  Eesolutions  be  trans 
mitted  to  the  respective  Ministers  of  the  United  States 
at  Foreign  Courts,  and  to  the  Honourable  the  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  France. 


CHAPTEE  XX. 

THE  MADRID   CORRESPONDENCE.  —  1780. 

TN  the  Summer  of  1779  Congress  practically  decided  to 
•*-  send  an  envoy  to  Spain,  who  might  negotiate  a  treaty, 
and  perhaps  a  loan.  Arthur  Lee  had  undertaken  this 
business  two  years  before,  but  had  been  stopped  on  the 
way.  Now,  however,  though  the  time  was  hardly  more 
propitious,  it  seemed  necessary  to  take  some  step.  Spain 
and  France  had  concluded  a  convention  which  was  on 
the  whole  dangerous  to  the  Republic.  France  was  to 
undertake  the  invasion  of  Great  Britain  or  Ireland,  but, 
most  important,  the  two  Courts  bound  themselves  to  con 
tinue  the  war  till  Gibraltar  should  be  given  up.  It  seemed 
to  be  the  desire  of  the  two  Courts  that  America  should 
join  the  alliance,  and  certainly  the  United  States  wTas 
forced  to  do  something.  But  the  views  of  the  three  na 
tions  were  conflicting.  Spain  desired  to  exclude  the 
United  States  from  the  free  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
or  even  from  any  navigation  of  it.  She  saw  in  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States,  a  precedent  to  be  followed 
by  her  own  American  colonies.  France  was  not  unwill 
ing  that  the  United  States  should  remain  a  mere  strip  by 
the  Atlantic  seaboard.  The  United  States,  on  the  other 
hand,  wished  for  a  free  share  in  the  Newfoundland  fish 
eries  ;  and  her  pioneers  had  already  seized  possession  of 
the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  and  were  overrunning  the  north 
west  territory. 


THE   MADRID   CORRESPONDENCE.  393 

Congress  was  at  this  time  considering  bases  of  a  possi 
ble  peace :  territory  to  stretch  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Mississippi,  from  Florida  to  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia;  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi ;  freedom  of  the  Newfound 
land  fisheries.  The  New  Englanders  would  have  the  fish 
eries  insisted  upon  ;  Jay,  and  the  State  of  New  York 
thought  that  they  should  not  be  a  sine  qua  non.  Gerard, 
the  French  minister,  intimated  that  it  was  not  according 
to  the  policy  of  France  that  the  United  States  should 
have  a  share  in  the  fisheries.  Congress  was  about  to  ask 
the  King  of  France  for  a  new  loan,  and  the  right  of  fishery 
was  not  insisted  upon.  The  appointment  of  a  minister  to 
Spain  brought  up  the  question  of  the  Mississippi.  The 
United  States  was  willing  to  guarantee  Florida  to  Spain, 
provided  the  Mississippi  could  remain  open.  At  the  same 
time  the  minister  was  to  expose  to  the  King  of  Spain  the 
miserable  financial  condition,  and  ask  for  a  loan  or  a  guar 
antee.  John  Jay  was  chosen  minister,  against  Adams, 
who  was  afterwards  chosen  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of  peace 
with  England. 

We  now  present  a  great  part  of  the  correspondence 
between  Franklin,  at  Passy,  and  John  Jay,  and  Carmi- 
chael  his  secretary,  in  Spain.  It  gives  an  interesting  pict 
ure  of  the  American  legation  at  Madrid,  as  of  the  relations 
between  France,  Spain,  and  America. 


Jay  to  Franklin. 

CADIZ,  26  Jany.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  You  have  doubtless  been  amused  this 
month  or  two  past  with  various  conjectures  about  the 
fate  of  the  "  Confederacy."  She  left  Chester  (on  the  Dela 
ware)  the  18th  Oct.,  bound  for  France;  was  dismasted  and 
split  her  rudder  the  7th  Nov.  off  the  banks  of  Newfound- 


394  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

land.  On  the  23d  following,  the  officers  of  the  ship  being 
all  of  opinion  that  the  condition  of  her  rudder  forbid  our 
proceeding  to  Europe,  we  steered  for  Martinico ;  and  arriv 
ing  there  the  18  DecT,  we  sailed  from  thence  the  28th  fol 
lowing  in  the  "  Aurora,"  and  expected  to  have  proceeded 
witli  her  to  Toulon;  but  on  arriving  here  the  22  inst.,  we 
heard  of  the  success  of  the  Enemy  in  the  Mediterranean, 
and  of  several  cruisers  near  this  coast  whom  we  had 
fortunately  escaped. 

The  further  prosecution  of  my  voyage  having  thus 
become  improper,  I  gave  notice  of  my  appointment  and 
arrival  to  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez,  the  secretary  of  state 
for  the  department  of  the  Indies,  in  a  letter  of  which  the 
enclosed,  No.  1,  is  a  copy;  and  also  to  Count  de  Vergennes, 
in  a  letter  of  which  the  enclosed,  No.  2,  is  a  copy.  M. 
Carmichael  is  the  bearer  of  the  former,  and  M.  Gerard 
will  be  so  obliging  as  to  take  charge  of  the  latter. 

While  at  Martinico  I  drew  a  bill  upon  you  for  some 
seventy  half-johans  in  favour  of  Mr.  Bingham,1  of  which 
I  gave  advice  by  letter  from  thence,  and  enclosed  a  copy 
of  the  resolution  of  Congress  which  authorized  that 
measure. 

Although  I  had  letters  with  me  to  gentlemen  in  other 
ports  of  Spain,  yet  it  unluckily  happened  that  I  had 
none  to  any  person  here.  You  may  imagine  therefore 
that  I  was  at  first  a  little  embarrassed  on  the  article  of 
money ;  but  it  gives  me  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  the 
polite  and  unsolicited  offers  of  Chevalier  Eoche  and  M. 
Penet,  have  made  me  easy  on  that  head  for  the  present. 
By  their  means  I  obtained  3,912  livres  tournois  from 
Messrs  Quintinkeret  and  Compy,  for  a  bill  on  you  for 
4,079  livres  tournois, —  that  being,  it  seems,  the  difference 
of  exchange. 

1  William  Bingham  was  agent  for  the  United  States  at  Martinique. 


JAY  TO   FRANKLIN.  395 

The  bill  is  dated  the  25th  inst.,  and  is  made  payable  at 
the  expiration  of  sixty  days  from  the  date,  which  they 
tell  me  is  the  manner  of  drawing  bills  here. 

American  credit  suffers  exceedingly  in  this  place  from 
reports  that  our  loan  office  bills  payable  in  France  have 
not  been  duly  honored,  but  have  been  delayed  payment 
upon  various  pretexts,  one  of  which  is  that  it  was  neces 
sary  for  a  whole  set  of  bills  to  arrive  before  the  money 
could  be  paid. 

How  far  you  may  be  in  capacity  to  answer  the  demands 
made  upon  you,  I  cannot  determine ;  but  many  considera 
tions  induce  me  to  in  treat  you  by  all  means  punctually 
to  pay  the  bill  in  question.  Private  honour  forbids  that 
these  gentlemen  should  by  an  act  of  kindness  to  me  ex 
pose  their  friends  to  inconveniences ;  and  public  credit 
demands  that  the  reputation  of  Congress  be  not  destroyed 
by  the  protest  of  bills  drawn  under  their  immediate  au 
thority  for  the  necessary  support  of  their  servants ;  and 
I  might  also  add  that  if  this  bill  should  fail,  there  will 
be  an  end  put  to  my  credit.  On  the  consequences  of  such 
an  event  it  is  neither  necessary  or  pleasant  to  dwell. 

I  have  in  my  possession  several  letters,  or  rather  packets, 
directed  to  you,  and  am  much  at  a  loss  what  to  do  with 
them.  Be  pleased  to  direct  me.  There  are  many  things 
I  wish  to  say  to  you,  but  you  must,  my  dear  sir,  excuse 
my  postponing  them  to  another  opportunity.  I  have  been 
so  confined  since  my  arrival  by  preparing  letters  for 
Madrid,  France,  and  America,  that  I  have  not  yet  been 
two  hours  out  of  my  chamber. 

God  bless  you,  my  dear  sir,  and  long  continue  to  you 
the  blessing  of  health  and  cheerfulness. 

P.  S.  Be  pleased  to  present  my  compliments  to  Mr. 
Adams.  I  shall  do  myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  to  him 


396  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

by  the  next  opportunity.  When  we  left  Philadelphia, 
Mr.  and  Mrs.  Bache,  with  their  children  (which  are  really 
fine  ones),  were  in  perfect  health. 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

[CADIZ]  25  Jany,  1780. 

Sir,  —  I  have  the  honour  of  informing  you  of  our  arrival 
at  this  place  this  day  in  the  Frigate  "  L'Aurore  "  from  Mar- 
tinico,  to  which  island  the  officers  of  the  "Confederacy" 
thought  proper  to  proceed,  in  consequence  of  the  loss  of  all 
our  masts,  and  the  damage  our  rudder  received  on  the  edge 
of  the  banks  of  Newfoundland. 

We  left  Martinico  the  28th  of  December,  and  have  had  a 
most  agreeable  passage,  and  most  fortunately  escaped  the 
enemy,  who  are  now  superior  on  this  coast.  While  in  the 
West  Indies  we  received  no  accounts  from  America,  of 
what  had  passed  since  we  left  Philadelphia,  but  what  were 
very  confused.  Admiral  Arbuthnot,  with  six  ships  of  war 
and  sixteen  regiments,  arrived  at  Barbadoes  the  middle  of 
December,  so  that  the  force  of  the  enemy  on  the  Continent 
cannot  be  very  great.  They  had  in  those  seas,  when  we 
quitted  them,  near  thirty  sail  of  the  line  and  with  the  troops 
which  arrived  at  Barbadoes  were  in  condition  to  attempt 
the  conquest  of  some  of  the  Islands. 

I  should  have  thought  myself  happy  in  being  in  such  a 
situation  as  to  have  profited  daily  by  the  experience  which 
the  world,  even  in  your  life  time,  allows  you  to  possess ; 
but  unfortunately,  circumstances,  which  I  hope  to  have  the 
honour  of  explaining  to  you  in  person,  prevented  it.  I 
write  at  the  same  time  to  Dr.  Bancroft,  who  will  commu 
nicate  in  cypher  anything  that  you  may  think  improper 
to  trust  to  the  common  conveyance.  The  honor  which 
you  have  done  me  in  writing  to  me  while  I  was  in 


CARMICHAEL  AND  JAY.  897 

America  induces  me  to  hope  that  you  will  take  me  under 
your  protection  in  Europe,1  and  from  time  to  time,  by  let 
ters,  give  me  that  advice  and  instruction  which  I  wished  to 
receive  in  person.  I  take  the  liberty  of  intreating  you  to 
mention  me  in  such  a  manner  to  all  those  who  do  me  the 
honour  of  remembering  me,  as  a  grateful  mind  would  be 
solicitous  to  express.  Your  good  host  ought  to  be  at  the 
head  of  the  list.  Mr.  Adams  hath  undoubtedly  given  you 
copies  of  all  the  public  letters  with  which  Mr.  Jay  is 
charged.  Altho'  I  have  not  the  honour  of  being  personally 
known  to  the  first  mentioned  gentleman,  I  shall  be  happy 
to  cultivate  that  good  understanding  which  the  public  in 
terest  would  require,  independant  of  the  esteem  which  his 
character  would  entitle  him.  If  my  friend  Billy  has  an 
inclination  to  visit  Madrid,  he  will  always  find  an  apart 
ment  and  a  cordial  acception. 

P.  S.  I  must  beg  you  to  be  so  obliging  to  forward  a 
credit  of  two  hundred  pound  sterling  to  me  at  Madrid,  to 
the  house  in  which  M.  Gardoqui  is  concerned.  Our  credit 
is  so  low  here,  from  circumstances  which  I  cannot  explain, 
that  I  cannot  negociate  bills  drawn  for  the  interest  of  money 
borrowed  in  America  and  payable  in  Paris ;  which  bills  I 
bought  at  the  same  rate  as  those  of  French  agent,  Mr. 
Holker,  were  sold  for. 

If  you  cannot  take  the  liberty  of  inclosing  under  cover 
to  the  French  minister  at  Madrid,  address  me  at  the  Post 
Office  under  the  name  of  Monsr.  Clement. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

PASSY,  Feb.  22,  1780. 

SIR,  —  It  gave  me  infinite  pleasure  to  hear  of  your  ex 
cellency's  safe  arrival  in  Spain.  Knowing  that  the  "  Con- 

1  Carmichael,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  in  Europe  before,  having 
been  of  use  to  the  Commissioners  on  various  occasions. 


398  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

federacy "  had  sailed  the  28th  of  October,  we  began  to 
despair  of  ever  hearing  more  of  her.  I  received  your  ad 
vice  of  the  bill  drawn  on  me  for  four  thousand  and  seventy 
nine  livres  tournois,  at  sixty  days'  date,  which  I  ordered 
to  be  immediately  paid  as  you  desired. 

I  have  lodged  a  credit  for  you  at  Madrid,  for  24,000 
livres,  deducting  this  bill.  You  will  be  so  good  as  to  fur 
nish  Mr.  Carmichael  with  4,800  livres  of  it,  which  he  has 
desired  of  me. 

Inclosed  is  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  Marquis 
d'Yranda,  with  whom  the  credit  is  placed,  and  whose  ac 
quaintance  and  friendship  may  be  otherwise  of  use  to  you. 

Franklin  to  Carmichael. 

PASSY,  Feb.  22,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  received  with  great  pleasure  yours  of 
the  25  January,  and  shall  write  to  you  fully  by  the  first 
good  opportunity. 

I  cannot  recollect  the  name  of  the  correspondent  you 
mention,  but  have  ordered  a  credit  of  24,000  livres  tour 
nois  to  be  lodged  in  Madrid  for  Mr.  Jay  and  you,  which, 
I  suppose,  you  will  divide  in  proportion  to  your  appoint 
ments.  Inclosed  are  the  letters.  I  do  not  seal  that  for 
Mr.  Jay,  as  I  have  just  heard  that  possibly  he  may  not 
be  gone  to  Madrid,  as  I  imagined,  with  M.  Gerard, — and 
you  may  have  occasion  to  show  it  to  M.  le  Marquis 
D'Yranda. 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  Feb.  19,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  cannot  let  M.  Ge*rard  leave  this  without  a 
letter  for  you,  altho'  probably  he  can  give  you  much 
better  information  of  the  state  of  affairs  here  than  it  is 


CARMICHAEL  TO  FRANKLIN.         399 

in  my  power  to  give.  I  did  myself  the  honor  of  writing 
to  you  from  Cadiz,  and  informed  you  of  Mr.  Jay's  inten 
tions  of  sending  me  to  this  city.  A  letter  from  himself, 
which  M.  Gerard  will  deliver,  will  inform  you  of  the 
steps  he  hath  taken  with  this  court  and  that  of  Versailles. 
I  can  only  add  that  the  manner  in  which  I  have  been 
received  gives  me  great  hopes  that  we  shall  not  negotiate 
with  this  court  at  such  a  distance  as  we  have  hitherto 
done.  I  was  presented,  on  Thursday  last,  to  the  Count  of 
Florida  Blanca  l  and  Don  Joseph  de  Galvez,  and  am  to 
receive  an  answer  to  Mr  Jay's  letter  on  Monday  next; 
in  the  meantime,  I.  am  at  liberty  to  assure  him  that  the 
King  had  ordered  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca  to  receive 
any  overtures  he  had  to  make  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  Some  news  which  I  have  received  here  of  the 
continued  favorable  dispositions  of  the  Court  of  France 
give  me  great  pleasure.  I  hope  this  Court  will  follow  an 
example  by  which  we  profit  so  much.  I  have  pitied  your 
situation  for  some  time  past,  exposed  as  you  have  been  to 
so  many  imprudent  demands,  and  to  so  many  malevolent 
attacks.  The  news  which  I  heard  from  France  makes  me 
hope  that  you  will  be  as  easy  in  that  country  as  you  have 
been  invulnerable  in  America.  In  consequence  of  a  re 
solve  of  Congress  I  beg  you  to  procure  rne  a  credit  here. 
I  did  not  reflect  that  Congress  could  not  by  a  fiat  give 
a  value  to  paper  in  Europe,  when  the  miracle  became 
contested  in  America.  If,  however,  it  can  be  done,  it  will 
be  very  agreeable,  because  it  is  necessary.  We  have  no 
other  news  here  than  the  departure  of  Eodney  from 

1  Florida  Blanca,  the  Spanish  Minister,  was  not  averse  to  the  idea 
of  a  treaty.  He  would  have  given  much  could  he  have  concluded  one 
that  should  have  redounded  highly  to  his  credit ;  and  was  therefore  not 
likely  to  stickle  on  formalities  if  there  were  chance  of  accomplishing 
anything. 


400  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

Gibraltar,  —  some  call  it  an  escape ;  you  may  give  what 
sense  you  please  to  the  word.  I  intreat  you  to  remember 
me  to  Dr.  Bancroft,  to  whom  I  have  already  written,  and 
to  your  grandson. 

MADRID,  13  March,  1780. 

...  I  was  informed  that,  altho'  it  did  not  suit  the 
king's  dignity  or  that  of  Congress  that  Mr.  Jay  should 
appear  in  his  public  character  until  the  object  of  his 
mission  arid  the  interests  of  Spain  had  been  fairly  dis 
cussed  and  decided  on,  yet  that  we  should  be  received  and 
treated  as  strangers  of  distinction ;  and  as  such  might 
appear  at  court.  Accordingly,  I  have  made  use  of  that 
permission,  and  was  present  at  the  Besomanos  on  occa 
sion  of  the  birth  of  the  prince,  and  ranged  myself  in  the 
circle  of  foreign  ministers.  I  have  seen  nothing  but  what 
appears  to  be  reasonable  in  the  conduct  of  the  minister 
with  whom  I  have  had  the  honor  to  converse ;  yet  I  can 
not  help  lamenting  every  circumstance  which  retards  the 
business  on  which  we  are  sent.  .  .  . 

MADRID,  29  Mar.,  1780. 

...  I  cannot  help  repeating  the  satisfaction  I  feel  in 
the  candid  conduct  of  ministers  of  this  court,  which  will 
enable  M.  Jay  immediately  on  his  arrival  to  enter  upon 
the  execution  of  the  business  on  which  he  is  sent.  The 
court  seems  determined  to  prosecute  the  war  and  is 
taking  measures  to  provide  the  funds  necessary  to  support 
it.  It  appears  to  be,  however,  rather  a  war  of  the  court 
than  of  the  nation.  There  is  reason  to  suspect  that  our 
enemies  are  not  idle  here,  and  that  their  communica 
tions  pass  by  the  way  of  Lisbon.  Should  you  have  an 
opportunity  of  obtaining  any  information  on  this  head, 
M.  Jay  will  be  much  obliged  to  you  for  it.  ... 


LETTER  TO  CARMICHAEL.  401 

Franklin  to  Carmichael. 

PASSY,  March  31st,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  by  Mr.  Gerard  your  kind  letter 
written  at  Philadelphia.  His  safe  return  has  given  me 
great  pleasure. 

As  soon  as  I  received  yours  of  Jan.  25  from  Cadiz,  I 
ordered  a  credit  of  1000  louis  d'or  to  be  lodg'd  for  Mr. 
Jay  and  you,  by  Mr.  Grand,  with  his  banker  at  Madrid. 
He  wrote  by  the  next  post.  It  does  not  appear  by 
yours  of  March  13  that  you  had  then  been  acquainted 
with  this,  or  received  my  letter.  This  surprised  me,  and 
I  enquired  of  Mr.  Grand  about  it,  who  tells  me  that  a 
letter  from  his  correspondent,  of  March  12,  mentions  the 
receipt  of  the  order ;  and  he  supposes  that  M.  D'Yranda 
would  soon  find  you  out. 

The  Marquis  de  Lafayette  is  gone  again  to  America. 
He  took  leave  at  Court  in  his  American  Uniform.  He 
carries  with  him  a  warm  heart  for  our  Cause  and  Country. 
Dr.  Bancroft  is  just  returned  here  from  L' Orient,  where  he 
has  been  to  assist  in  getting  one  of  our  Frigates  out,  the 
"  Alliance."  He  will  probably  write  to  you  by  the  next 
post. 

I  thank  you  for  your  intelligence  of  Mr.  Lee's  phil 
ippics  against  me.  Such  they  were  intended.  But  when 
I  consider  him  as  the  most  malicious  enemy  I  ever  had 
(though  without  the  smallest  cause),  that  he  shows  so 
clearly  his  abundant  desire  to  accuse  and  defame  me,  and 
that  all  his  charges  are  so  frivolous,  so  ill  founded,  and 
amount  to  so  little,  I  esteem  them  rather  as  panegyrics 
upon  me  and  satires  against  himself. 

I  am  glad  to  understand  by  yours  of  Feb.  19  and  Mar.  13 
that  you  had  met  with  so  agreeable  a  reception  at  Madrid. 
The  more  so  as  I  once  imagined  that  the  long  delay  of 
that  Court  in  acceding  to  the  Treaty  had  a  dubious  appear- 

26 


402  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ance.  Here  I  have  every  proof  of  the  sincerest  goodwill 
to  us  and  our  Cause.  It  is  true  I  do  not  obtain  all  I 
have  been  directed  to  ask  for.  The  Committee  of  Com 
merce  sent  me  over  an  invoice  of  goods  amounting,  I  guess, 
to  more  than  twelve  millions  of  livres.  I  have  been 
obliged  to  abridge  it  greatly,  the  sum  granted  me  not  suf 
ficing.  I  send,  however,  some  of  the  most  necessary  ar 
ticles,  viz.,  15,000  compleat  dresses  for  soldiers,  15,000  new 
fusils,  and  1,000  barrels  of  gunpowder.  If  Mr.  Jay  can 
obtain  a  sum  from  Spain,  it  may  help  to  supply  the  de 
ficiency.  You  have  reason,  as  you  say,  to  pity  my  situa 
tion.  Too  much  is  expected  from  me,  and  not  only  the 
Congress  draws  upon  me,  often  unexpectedly,  for  large 
sums,  but  all  the  agents  of  the  Committee  of  Commerce, 
in  Europe  and  America,  think  they  may  do  the  same  when 
pinch'd,  alleging  that  it  is  necessary  to  the  credit  of  the 
Congress  that  their  particular  credit  should  be  supported. 
From  the  desire  here  of  carrying  on  the  War  without  levy 
ing  new  taxes,  and  the  extraordinary  expenses  of  the  navy, 
so  much  money  cannot  be  spared  to  us  as  is  imagined  in 
America  ;  but  essential  aid  will  be  given  us  this  campaign, 
either  by  an  actual  junction  of  force  or  concert  of  opera 
tions  in  the  United  States,  or  by  a  powerful  diversion  in  the 
West  Indies,  —  a  very  considerable  armament  of  ships  and 
troops  being  on  the  point  of  departure  for  those  countries. 
Mr.  Adams  is  at  Paris,  with  Mr.  Dana.  We  live  upon 
good  terms  with  each  other,  but  he  has  never  communi 
cated  anything  of  his  business  to  me,  and  I  have  made  no 
enquiries  of  him.  Nor  have  I  any  letters  from  Congress 
explaining  it.  So  that  I  am  in  utter  ignorance.  Indeed, 
the  Congress  seem  very  backward  in  writing  to  me.  I 
have  no  answer  to  a  long  letter  I  wrote  by  the  Chevalier 
de  la  Luzerne,  nor  even  an  acknowledgement  that  it  came 
to  hand  ;  pray  can  you  tell  me  the  reason  ? 


FRANKLIN  TO   CAKMICHAEL.  403 

Friday,  April  7.  Having  met  with  some  interruption  I 
did  not  finish  my  letter  in  time  to  go  by  the  last  post. 
Mr.  Grand  has  since  read  me  part  of  a  letter  from  M.  le 
Marquis  D'Yranda  in  which  he  mentions  his  having  seen 
you;  and  his  willingness  to  serve  Mr.  Jay  and  you,  but 
that  you  appeared  somewhat  reserved.  We  concluded 
that  you  had  not  received  M.  Grand's  letter  which  went 
at  the  same  time  with  mine  (of  which  I  enclose  copies) 
because  he  had  acquainted  you  with  his  having  recom 
mended  you  to  the  Marquis,  and  had  given  you  such  a 
character  of  him  as  would  have  induced  you  to  have  con 
versed  freely  with  him. 

Messrs.  Lee  and  Izard  are  gone  to  L'Orient  in  order  to 
embark  in  the  "  Alliance  "  together,  but  they  did  not  travel 
together  from  hence.  No  soul  regrets  their  departure; 
they  separately  came  to  take  their  leave  of  me,  very  re 
spectfully  offering  their  services  to  carry  any  despatches, 
&c.  We  parted  civilly,  for  I  have  never  acquainted  them 
that  I  knew  of  their  writing  against  me  to  Congress,  but 
I  did  not  give  them  the  trouble  of  my  despatches.  Since 
Mr.  Lee's  being  at  L'Orient  he  has  written  to  Mr.  Grand 
requesting  a  certificate  from  him  in  contradiction  to  some 
thing  you  said  of  him  in  a  paper  delivered  to  Congress.  I 
suppose  Mr.  Grand  will  explain  this  to  you. 

I  retain  my  health  d  merveille  ;  but  what  with  bills  of 
exchange,  cruising  ships,  supplies,  &c.,  besides  the  business 
of  my  station,  I  find  I  have  too  much  to  do.  Your  friend 
Billy  (who  presents  his  respects)  is  a  great  help  to  me,  or 
I  could  not  possibly  go  through  with  it. 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  22nd  April,  1 780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  at  length  the  pleasure  of  being  re 
lieved  from  much  anxiety  by  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of 


404  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

the  31st  of  March  and  7th  of  April.  I  endeavoured  to  recol 
lect  every  circumstance  of  my  conduct  since  I  left  France, 
and  altho'  I  found  in  this  scrutiny  that  I  had  left  many 
things  undone  which  I  ought  to  have  done,  I  brought  my 
self  in  not  guilty,  biased  perhaps  by  that  sort  of  partiality 
we  usually  feel  for  ourselves.  Your  letters  have  un 
doubtedly  met  the  fate  of  several  addressed  to  me  here  by 
others,  either  under  a  fictitious  or  my  real  name.  My  im 
patience  to  hear  from  you  hurried  me  to  the  post-office 
every  day  the  courier  arrived,  and  I  carefully  read  the 
list  of  letters  there,  but  M.  Clement  never  made  his 
appearance. 

The  Ct.  de  Montmorin  soon  after  my  arrival  introduced 
me  to  the  Marquis  D'Yranda,  who  has  been  very  polite  to 
me,  and  to  whom  I  am  not  otherwise  reserved  than  in  for 
bearing  to  go  so  often  as  he  hath  desired  me.  He  informed 
me  that  he  had  received  direction  to  supply  M.  Jay,  but 
not  mentioning  my  name,  I  was  constrained  to  make  use 
of  other  sources.  I  am  afraid  the  gentlemen  you  mention 
left  you  with  respect  in  their  eyes  and  rancor  in  their 
hearts.  If  this  should  be  the  case  I  hope  the  fable  of  the 
Viper  and  the  File  will  be  renewed.  I  should  be  glad  to 
know  from  M.  Grand  the  nature  of  Mr.  Lee's  letter  to 
him,  because  as  the  last-mentioned  gentleman  sometimes 
sees  things  in  a  different  light  from  anyone  else,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  M.  Grand  may  be  led  into  some  error. 
1  have  not  with  me  a  copy  of  the  paper,  which,  in  conse 
quence  of  the  request  of  many  gentlemen  in  the  House,  I 
laid  before  Congress,  but  I  recollect  the  substance  of  it, 
viz.,  that  Mr.  Lee  has  rendered  himself  disagreeable  to  the 
Court  and  individuals  of  the  French  nation,  and  even  sus 
pected  by  the  former,  and  that  I  derived  my  knowledge  of 
this  from  those  who  were  connected  with  the  Court,  and 
named  the  Messrs.  Grand  on  this  occasion.  This  and 


JAY  TO  FRANKLIN.  405 

much  more,  M.  Gerard  and  M.  Holker  confirmed  by  papers 
delivered  either  to  Congress  or  members  of  that  body, 
which,  as  that  written  by  me,  are  in  private  journals  or  files 
of  Congress. 

I  have  heard  with  much  satisfaction  an  account  of  the 
generous  conduct  which  France  continues  to  observe  to 
us.  Our  necessities  are  certainly  great,  and  our  reliance 
on  our  ally  is  in  proportion  to  these  necessities. 

I  always  wished  to  have  it  in  my  power  to  revisit 
France,  and  the  obliging  manner  in  which  you  express  a 
desire  to  see  me  hath  increased  my  wishes.  Perhaps  if 
your  business  should  either  advance  rapidly  or  meet  with 
unexpected  delay,  M.  Jay  may  consent  to  spare  me  a  few 
weeks,  in  which  case  I  do  assure  you  that  I  would  most 
willingly  ride  post  night  and  day.  Several  vessels  have 
lately  arrived  from  America  in  the  ports  of  Spain,  &c.  I 
have  not  yet  received  Dr.  Bancroft's  letter.  Pray  present 
him  my  compliments,  as  also  to  Billy,  whose  copies  set 
me  an  example  I  am  afraid  I  shall  never  be  able  to  imi 
tate.  M.  and  Mrs.  Jay  are  neither  in  the  best  state  of 
health.  They  desire  me  to  make  the  proper  compliments 
for  them  to  you. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  27  April,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  favour  of  the  7th  inst.,  together  with 
a  duplicate  of  that  of  the  22d  Febry.  last,  which  I  have 
never  seen,  are  come  to  hand,  and  give  me  all  that  satis 
faction  which  attends  the  removal  of  apprehensions  of 
neglect  from  those  we  regard  and  esteem. 

I  am  much  obliged  by  the  readiness  with  which  my 
bills  were  accepted  ;  and  am  happy  to  find  that  the  reports 
respecting  the  fate  of  others  are  as  false  as  they  have  been 
injurious.  At  Martinico  the  loan  office  bills  sold  at  a 


406  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

considerable  discount ;  and  indeed  it  was  no  easy  matter  to 
sell  them  at  all.  I  shall  take  the  earliest  opportunity  of 
setting  them  and  others  right  about  that  matter. 

On  my  return  from  Aranjuez,  where  I  propose  to  go 
to-morrow,  I  shall  transmit  the  papers  you  mention,  with 
some  others  equally  interesting.  I  can  easily  believe  that 
your  difficulties  have  been  great  and  various.  They  were 
often  the  subject  of  conversation  in  America,  and  I  am 
sure  your  friends  as  well  as  country  will  rejoice  in  the 
late  important  success  of  your  negotiations.  The  French 
Court,  by  continuing  steady  and  true  to  the  object  of  their 
treaty  with  us,  will  obtain  those  [objects]  which  induced 
them  to  make  it.  Their  conduct  towards  us  hitherto  has, 
I  confess,  attached  me  to  the  whole  nation  in  a  degree 
that  I  could  not  have  thought  myself  capable  of  ten  years 
ago. 

In  my  opinion  Britain  is  to  be  conquered  in  America, 
and  that  it  would  be  more  for  the  interest  of  her  enemies 
to  confine  their  offensive  operations  to  that  point,  than 
enfeeble  their  efforts  by  attention  to  many  lesser  objects. 
Let  America  be  supplied  with  money,  clothes,  and  ammu 
nition,  and  she  will,  by  expelling  her  enemies  and  estab 
lishing  her  independence,  do  more  essential  injury  to 
those  imperious  islanders  than  they  have  sustained  for 
centuries. 

I  have  sent  the  letters  and  packets  I  brought  for  you 
from  America  to  Mr.  Joshua  Johnson  at  Nantes  by 
M.  Boutillier,  a  young  gentleman  of  that  place,  and  have 
desired  Mr.  Johnson  to  send  them  to  you  by  the  first  safe 
conveyance. 

What  aids  this  Court  may  be  pleased  to  afford  us  is  not 
yet  ascertained.  I  hope  they  will  be  such  as  may  be  pro 
portionate  to  the  common  interests,  their  dignity,  and  our 
wants.  The  Minister,  I  am  told,  is  able,  and  we  know  the 


JAY  AND   CARMICHAEL.  407 

king  is  honest;  on  this  ground  I  place  much  dependence, 
for  I  can  hardly  suppose  that  either  of  them  will  omit 
embracing  this  golden  opportunity  of  acquiring  glory  to 
themselves,  and  honor  and  advantage  to  their  nation, 
of  completing  the  division  and  ruin  of  the  British  Empire  ; 
and  that  by  measures  which  will  in  so  great  degree  con 
ciliate  the  affections  as  well  as  esteem  of  America. 

Mrs.  Jay  has  enjoyed  more  health  within  this  fortnight 
than  she  has  been  blessed  with  for  three  months  past. 
She  presents  her  respects  to  you,  and  begs  that  your  next 
letters  to  me  may  enclose  for  her  one  of  the  best  prints  of 
yourself,  which  we  are  told  have  been  published  in  France, 
but  are  not  yet  to  be  had  here.1  I  believe  there  is  no 
man  of  your  age  in  Europe  so  much  a  favourite  with  the 
ladies. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  yours, 

JOHN  JAY. 

P.  S.  I  have  not  received  letters  to  the  Marquis 
D'Yranda,  but  have  seen  him,  and  given  M.  Carmichael 
an  order  on  him  for  the  sum  you  mention. 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

ARANJUEZ,  May  22,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  deferred  writing  to  you  since  my 
last  of  the  27th  ulto.  in  hopes  of  profiting  by  the  Ct.  de 
Montmorin's  courier ;  but  as  it  is  not  certain  when  one  will 
be  despatched  I  venture  to  inform  you  by  the  ordinary 
post  that  Sir  J.  D.2  presented  a  memorial  to  the  Ct.  de 
Florida  Blanca,  containing  certain  propositions  tending  to 
an  accommodation  of  the  present  differences  between  the 
belligerent  nations.  On  application  to  the  Count  de 
Vergennes,  you  will  undoubtedly  be  furnished  with  a 

1  Franklin  complied  with  this  request.  2  Sir  John  Dalrymple. 


408  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

copy  of  his  memorial,  and  from  the  perusal  of  it  will  be 
able  to  judge  whether  it  doth  not  merit  the  derision  with 
which  it  appears  to  have  been  received.  The  author  is 
probably  at  Paris.  I  take  the  liberty  of  advising  you 
that  M.  Jay  means  to  transmit  copies  of  it  to  Congress, 
which  perhaps  you  may  think  proper  to  do.1 

As  the  writer  seems  to  found  his  hopes  of  success  on 
your  interference  and  wisdom,  I  leave  him  with  pleasure 
in  your  hands.  Considering  all  things,  the  operations  for 
this  campaign  have  been  pushed  with  much  vigour  in  this 
Country.  I  shall  not  mention  American  news,  because  I 
am  informed  that  you  have  received  much  later  advices 
than  have  reached  us.  You  will  oblige  me  very  much  by 
permitting  my  friend  and  namesake  to  copy  a  letter 
which  you  wrote  to  a  lady  of  the  Moulin  Jolie2  Several 
people  of  distinction  here  are  desirous  of  seeing  it,  and 
I  own  candidly  that  it  will  give  me  much  pleasure  to 
have  this  proof  of  your  confidence.  M.  Jay  and  family 
are  at  Madrid,  and  therefore  I  cannot  present  to  you  those 
compliments  on  their  part  which  I  intreat  you  to  make 
to  those  for  me  who  do  me  the  honour  of  remembering 
rne.  Yours,  &c.,  &c. 

Jay  to  Florida  Blanca? 

19  June,  1780. 

M.  Jay  presents  his  respectful  compliments  to  his 
excellency  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca,  and  takes  the 

1  Dr.  SPARKS  prints  it  in  vol.  viii.  p.  547. 

2  Franklin,  in  reply  to  this,  sends  the  letter  (see  SPARKS,  ii.  177), 
and  goes  on  :  "  The  Moulin  Joli  is  a  little  island  in  the  Seine  about  two 
leagues  hence,  part  of  the  country  seat  of  another  friend,  where  we  visit 
every  summer,  and  spend  a  day  in  the  pleasing  society  of  the  ingenious, 
learned,  and  very  polite  persons  who  inhabit  it." 

3  This  brings  up  a  subject  which  was  perhaps  the  hardest  the  American 
Commissioners  abroad  had  to  handle.     The  Congress  habitually  drew  bills 


SIR  JOHN  DALRYMPLE.  409 

liberty  of  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  note  he  has  just  received 
respecting  a  bill  drawn  upon  him  for  333  dollars.  From 
this  his  Excellency  will  perceive  the  painful  situation  M. 
Jay  is  in.  He  forbears  making  any  reflections  on  it,  be 
ing  persuaded  that  his  Excellency's  wisdom  and  liberality 
render  them  unnecessary. 

Florida  Blanco,  to  Jay. 

The  Count  de  Florida  Blanca  will  make  no  difficulty  of 
paying  the  note  of  333  dollars  of  which  Mr.  Jay  makes 
mention  in  his  note  of  yesterday,  as  much  because  it  is 
for  a  sum  of  such  small  value  as  that  he  is  pleased  to  be 
able  to  assist  him  in  an  extremity.  But  he  must  repeat 
to  Mr.  Jay  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  him  to  have  the 
same  pleasure  with  regard  to  other  sums  without  consult 
ing  the  will  of  the  king. 

As  the  terms  proposed  up  to  the  present  moment  have 
not  been  regarded  as  acceptable  by  Congress,  others 
must  be  found ;  and  Mr.  Jay  will  of  course  consider  it 
necessary  to  consider  seriously  that  he  may  communicate 
to  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca  all  that  his  wisdom  and 
his  circumstances  may  suggest  to  him. 

ARANJUEZ,  20th  June. 

In  the  midst  of  a  business  letter  from  Jay  to  Franklin, 
all  about  bills  and  so  forth,  we  get  this  little  bit,  with  its 
modest  postscript :  — 

on  their  foreign  representatives  when  they  knew  they  had  no  balance  of 
cash  abroad,  but  hoped  that  their  agents  would  be  able  to  effect  loans 
with  either  the  French  or  Spanish  governments  which  would  enable  them 
to  meet  the  bills.  They  sent,  in  theory,  American  produce  to  Europe  con 
signed  to  their  agents,  but  practically  these  cargoes  did  not  make  a  large 
stock  to  draw  on.  We  shall  meet  later  a  good  many  letters  which  refer  to 
this  "  drawing  on  the  Bank  of  Hope,"  as  Franklin  termed  it. 


410  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Mrs.  Jay  is  much  pleased  with  and  thanks  you  for 
the  print  you  were  so  kind  as  to  send  her.  It  is  a  strik 
ing  likeness.  I  find  that  in  France  great  men,  like  their 
predecessors  of  old,  have  their  bards.  Yours  seem  to  have 
mounted  high-mettled  Pegasus,  and  to  have  been  inspired 
(if  Brydone's  doctrine  be  right)  by  electricised  muses.1 
Your  strictures  are  just,  tho'  a  little  severe.  While  there 
are  young  Telemachuses  and  fascinating  Calypsos  in  the 
world,  fancies,  and  pens,  and  hearts  will  sometimes  run 
riot,  in  spite  of  the  Mentors  now  and  then  to  be  met  with. 

P.  S.  Mrs.  Jay  had  a  daughter  born  the  9  inst.  They 
are  both  well.  Benevolent  minds  enjoy  events  grateful  to 
others ;  I  cannot  forbear  telling  you  this  little  piece  of 
news. 

Brydone,  alluded  to  above,  had  written  books  of  travels 
and  papers  on  electricity.  He  is  the  "  reverend  pilgrim  " 
who  receives  immortality  from  Scott,  in  "  Marmion." 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

ST.  ILDEPHONSO,  Aug.  12,  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  did  myself  the  honour  of  answering  yours 
of  the  17th  of  June,2  by  a  courier  from  the  French 

1  The  allusion  is  probably  to  Turgot's  line,  — 

Eripuit  coelo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tyrannis. 

Grimm  gives  the  line  of  Turgot,  without  Turgot's  name.  He  calls  at 
tention  to  a  line  in  the  Anti-Lucrbcc,  by  Cardinal  de  Polignac,  — 

Eripuitque  Jovi  fulmen,  Phoeboque  sagittas. 
This  line  was  suggested  by  Manilius's  line,  — 

Eripuitque  Jovi  fulmen  viresque  tonandi, 

Et  sonitum  ventis  concessit,  nubibus  ignem,  — 

the  nominative  being  "  docilis  solertia,"  in  a  previous  line. 

There  are  two  notes  on  the  verse  of  Turgot,  by  Franklin  and  Nogaret,  a 
French  correspondent,  in  SPARKS,  viii.  537. 

2  Printed  in  SPARKS,  viii.  471.  "  Sir  John  Dalrymple,"  writes 
Franklin,  ' '  has  been  here  some  time,  but  I  hear  nothing  of  his  political 


JAY  TO   FRANKLIN.  411 

ambassador,  but  not  having  the  copy  of  my  letter  to  you 
with  me  here,  I  cannot  recollect  the  date.  .  .  . 

I  have  been  assured  by  the  gentlemen  I  mentioned  to 
you  in  my  last  letter  that  no  such  manuscripts  exist  in 
the  Escurial  as  those  mentioned  by  Sir  J.  D.  .  .  . 

The  print  you  sent  to  Mrs.  Jay  hath  served  to  excite 
curiosity.  I  know  no  present  that  I  can  make  to  the 
princess  de  Masserano  and  several  others  that  will  be  so 
agreeable.  When  we  are  in  love  with  the  talents  and  repu 
tation  of  any  one,  we  wish  to  know  something  of  his  physi 
ognomy,  and  to  have  frequent  occasions  of  contemplating 
it.  If,  therefore,  my  namesake  will  send  me  a  few  copies 
of  the  same  print,  he  may  command  my  services  to  pro 
cure  him  anything  in  a  similar  way  in  this  country. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

ST.  ILDEFONSO,  8  Sept.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  My  last  to  you  went  under  cover  to  Mons. 
Grand  from  Madrid ;  I  have  not  been  favoured  with  any 
letters  from  you  since  the  one  inclosing  a  letter  of  credit 
in  my  favor  from  M.  Grand  to  M.  d'Yranda. 

M.  Deane  has  been  long  advised,  and  I  have  not  yet 
received  a  letter  from  him.  I  cannot  account  for  this. 
Intelligence  from  America  might  have  been  useful.  I 
have  received  but  one,  and  that  an  unimportant  public 
letter,  since  I  left  Philadelphia ;  you  cannot  conceive  how 

operations.  The  learned  talk  of  the  discovery  he  has  made  in  the 
P^scurial  Library,  of  Forty  Epistles  of  Brutus,  a  missing  part  of  Tacitus, 
and  a  piece  of  Seneca,  that  have  never  yet  been  printed.  He  has  not 
been  with  me,  and  I  am  told  by  one  of  his  friends  that  though  he  wished 
to  see  me,  he  did  not  think  it  prudent.  So  I  suppose  I  shall  have  no 
communication  with  him,  for  I  shall  not  seek  it.  As  Count  de  Vergenues 
has  mentioned  nothing  to  me  of  any  memorial  from  him,  I  suppose  he  has 
not  presented  it,  —  perhaps  discouraged  by  the  reception  it  met  with  in 
Spain.  So  I  wish,  for  curiosity's  sake,  you  would  send  me  a  copy  of  it." 


412  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

little  information  and  how  few  letters  reach  me  from  our 
country.  Whenever  you  write  to  me,  send  your  letters 
either  to  the  French  Ambassador  or  under  cover  of  M. 
d'Yranda.  The  post  is  the  most  precarious  of  all  con 
veniences.  No  letters  suspected  to  be  for  or  from  me 
pass  safely  by  it ;  many  are  suppressed,  and  the  remainder 
inspected. 

Our  affairs  go  on  heavily.  The  treaty  is  impeded  by 
the  affair  of  the  Mississippi,1  and  the  fate  of  my  bills  is 
not  yet  decided.  I  have  been  permitted,  indeed,  [to  ac 
cept]  to  the  amount  of  about  14,000,  and  this  circumstance 
gives  me  more  hopes  for  the  rest  than  anything  else.  The 
fact  is,  there  is  little  coin  in  Egypt.  This  entre  nous. 

Cumberland  is  still  here  ;  his  hopes  and  fears  are 
secret.  He  went  from  hence  a  few  days  ago,  and  is  soon 
expected  back  again ;  to  what  policy  are  we  to  ascribe 
this  ?  I  am  told  we  have  nothing  to  fear.  It  may  be  so, 
but  my  faith  is  seldom  very  exclusive.  If  we  have  noth 
ing  else  to  fear,  we  have  always  danger  to  apprehend 
from  such  a  spy,  so  situated,  so  surrounded  by  inquisitive, 
communicative,  and  some  say,  friendly  Irishmen.  In 
short,  I  wish  you  could  hear  me  think.  But  that,  like 
most  other  wishes,  is  vain,  and  I  must  leave  time  to 
inform  you  of  many  things  which  at  present  must  not  be 
written.  Be  so  kind  as  to  deliver  the  enclosed  letters. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

ST.  ILDEFONSO,  22  Sept.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  lately  written  to  you  several  letters 
Enclosed  is  a  copy  of  one  to  Count  de  Vergennes,2  which 

1  The  Spaniards  desired  to  insist  on  retaining  the  sole  right  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 

2  In  the  letter  to  Vergennes,  which  seems  too  long  to  print,  Jay  states 
the  facts  of  his  negotiations  in  regard  to  money,  and  asks  if  France  cannot 


JAY  TO   FRANKLIN.  413 

Count  de  Montmorin,  who  also  writes  to  him  on  the  same 
subject,  is  so  obliging  as  to  send  together  with  this,  by  a 
courier  to  Bayonne.  The  papers  you  have  heretofore  reed 
from  me,  with  those  now  sent,  will  enable  you  to  under 
stand  it ;  and  I  am  persuaded  your  abilities  and  influence 
will  be  exerted  to  promote  the  success  of  the  application 
contained  in  it.  It  appears  to  me  absolutely  necessary 
that  the  bills  drawn  on  me  l  be  saved  at  all  events.  If, 
contrary  to  my  ideas  of  the  wisdom  and  affection  of 
France,  she  should  not  lend  us  money  for  the  purpose, 
we  must  endeavour  to  borrow  it  of  individuals,  tho  at  a 
higher  than  usual  interest,  —  nay,  on  any  terms  rather  than 
not  get  it.  Almost  anything  will  be  better  than  a  protest ; 
for,  exclusive  of  disgrace,  which  is  intolerable,  the  con 
sequences  of  it  would  cost  Congress  more  than  the  expense 
of  saving  their  credit,  be  it  what  it  will. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADKID,  5  Oct.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, —  Although  you  have  not  informed  me  that 
you  had  reed,  my  letter  from  St.  Ildefonso,  yet  I  find  it 
has  not  only  come  safe  to  your  hands,  but  that  Mr.  Grand 
(to  whom  I  wrote  a  few  lines  by  last  post)  is  actually 
engaged  in  obtaining  the  object  of  it.  I  thank  you  for 
this  in  both  the  capacities  of  American  and  friend.  How 
far  the  responsibility  of  the  King  of  Spain  may  be  a  means 
of  opening  the  chests  of  your  money  holders,  I  know  not ; 
but  that  nothing  on  my  part  might  be  wanting,  I  applied 

assist  him  in  paying  these  bills.  The  King  of  Spain  has  guaranteed  the 
payment  of  some;  will  the  King  of  France  guarantee  the  payment  of  the 
rest  ?  In  reply  Vergennes  wrote  that  he  feared  nothing  could  be  done, 
that  the  King's  resources  were  strained,  that  he  was  at  that  moment  lend 
ing  a  million  to  the  United  States  through  Franklin. 
1  By  Congress. 


414  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

lately  to  be  furnished  with  some  evidence  of  it,  and  to  be 
informed  of  the  manner  in  which  it  should  be  given.1 

The  answer  was  that  proper  instructions  on  this  head 
should  be  sent  to  the  Spanish  Ambassadors  in  France  and 
Holland,  and  that  they  would  on  application  give  this 
responsibility  in  due  form  to  such  persons  as  might  con 
sent  to  lend  money  on  the  credit  of  it  in  those  countries, 
and  that  the  Ministry  would  do  the  same  there  with  respect 
to  those  in  Spain.  By  this  opportunity  I  ought  to  add 
nothing  further  than  that  I  am  your  affect,  friend,  &c. 

P.  S.  I  have  received  Mr.  Deane's  two  last  letters  and 
written  him  two  others.  If  the  paper  he  sent  by  the 
courier  in  August  be  the  original,  he  has  in  my  opinion  cut 
his  business  short,  for  to  this  day  all  my  inquiries  about 
it  have  proved  fruitless. 

Franklin  to  Adams. 

PASSY,  20  Oct.  1780. 

SIR,  —  Understanding  that  in  case  of  M.  Lawrence's  ab 
sence,  you  are  charged  with  the  affairs  of  procuring  a  loan 
in  Holland,  I  think  it  right  to  acquaint  you  that  by  a 
letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  on  the  12th  inst.,  from  Madrid,  we  are 
informed  that  the  King  of  Spain  has  been  so  good  as  to 
offer  his  guarantee  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  and 
principal  of  a  loan  of  money  for  the  use  of  the  United 
States.  Mr.  Grand  thinks  that  no  considerable  use  can  be 
made  here  of  that  guarantee  on  account  of  the  consider 
able  loan  M.  Necker  is  about  to  make,  but  that  possibly 
it  may  have  weight  in  Holland.  Orders  will  be  sent  to 
the  Spanish  Ambassador  here  by  the  next  post,  respecting 
this  matter. 

1  The  King  had  offered  his  responsibility  to  facilitate  a  loan  for  $150,000 
for  three  years.  See  Jay's  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Dipl.  Corr. 
vii.  300. 


FRANKLIN  AND  ADAMS.  415 

I  regret  much  the  taking  of  Mr.  La  wrens.  His  son,  I 
understand,  sailed  a  fortnight  after  him  for  France;  hut 
he  has  not  yet  arrived. 

The  "  Ariel "  has  heen  at  sea,  but  meeting  with  a  terri- 
hle  storm  which  carried  away  all  her  masts  has  returned 
to  port  to  refit. 

P.  S.  By  a  former  letter  from  M.  Jay,  I  find  the  sum 
to  be  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars  for  which  the 
King  of  Spain  would  be  answerable,  payable  in  the  space 
of  three  years. 

Adams  to  Franklin. 

AMSTERDAM,  Oct  24,  1780. 

SIR,  —  I  have  this  moment  the  honour  of  your  letter  of 
the  twenty eth  of  this  month  and  it  is  as  cold  water  to  a 
thirsty  soul. 

I  have  been  busily  employed  in  making  enquiries,  in 
forming  acquaintances  and  in  taking  advice.  In  hopes  of 
Mr.  Laurens's  arrival,  and  wishing  him  to  judge  for  himself, 
I  have  not  decided  upon  some  questions  that  necessarily 
arise.  I  am  not  able  to  promise  anything,  but  I  am  led  to 
hope  for  something.  The  contents  of  Mr.  Jay's  letter  will 
certainly  be  of  great  weight  and  use.  I  am  assured  of  the 
good  will  of  a  number  of  very  worthy  and  considerable 
people,  and  that  they  will  endeavour  to  assist  a  loan. 

Let  me  in  treat  your  Excellency  to  communicate  to  me 
everything  you  may  further  learn  respecting  the  benevo 
lent  intentions  of  the  Court  of  Madrid  respecting  this 
matter.  I  will  do  myself  the  honour  to  acquaint  you  with 
the  progress  I  make.  I  was  before  in  hopes  of  assisting 
you  somewhat,  and  your  letter  has  raised  those  hopes  a 
great  deal,  for  the  English  credit  certainly  staggers  here  a 
little. 

The  treatment  of  Mr.  Laurens  is  truly  affecting.     It  will 


416  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

make  a  deep  and  lasting  impression  on  the  minds  of  the 
Americans,  but  this  will  not  be  a  present  relief  to  him. 
You  are  no  doubt  minutely  informed  of  his  ill  usage.  Can 
anything  be  done  in  Europe  for  his  comfort  or  relief  ? 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  respectful  compliments  to 
all  friends,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant,1 

JOHN  ADAMS. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  25  Oct.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  very  agreeable  and  friendly  letters  I 
have  reed,  and  shall  take  an  early  opportunity  of  answer 
ing  fully.  I  have  no  reason  as  yet  to  think  a  loan  here 
will  be  practicable.  Bills  on  me  arrive  daily.  Be  pleased 
to  send  me  a  credit  for  residue  of  our  salaries.  America 
rises  in  the  general  estimation  here. 

Tell  Mr.  Deane  I  have  reed,  four  of  his  letters  and 
written  three  to  him.  He  may  expect  to  hear  from  me 
again  soon. 

Prince  Masserano  sets  out  for  France  early  in  the  morn 
ing.  I  had  intended  to  devote  this  afternoon  and  evening 
to  writing  by  him,  but  have  been  prevented  by  company. 
It  is  now  late  at  night,  and  I  can  say  little.  I  am  much 
indebted  to  the  politeness  of  this  nobleman,  and  except  at 
his  table,  have  eaten  no  Spanish  bread  that  I  have  not 
paid  for  since  my  arrival  in  this  city.  This  circumstance 
will,  I  flatter  myself,  recommend  him  to  your  particular 
attention,  which  I  have  reason  to  think  would  be  very 
acceptable,  for  the  respect  and  esteem  which  he  frequently 
expresses  for  you.  The  Duke  of  Crillon  who  accompanies 
the  Prince  has  also  been  polite  to  us,  and  I  fancy  they 
will  both  receive  pleasure  from  finding  me  sensible  of 
their  attentions.  The  Princess  appears  to  me  to  have 

1  See  Dipl.  Corr.  v.  365. 


JAY   TO   FRANKLIN.  417 

much  merit.  I  regret  her  absence,  and  the  more  so,  per 
haps,  as  it  will  not  be  supplied.  She  is  a  lady  of  much 
observation  and  discernment.  God  bless  you,  my  dear 
sir. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  30  Oct.  1780. 

DEAR  SIR, —  The  pleasure  given  me  by  your  letter  of 
the  2d  instant  may  more  easily  be  conceived  than  ex 
pressed.  I  am  greatly  obliged  by  your  attention  to  my 
embarrassments.  In  my  last  on  that  subject  which  you 
received  was  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  Count  de  Vergennes, 
from  which  it  appeared  that  the  sum  I  should  have  occa 
sion  for  would  probably  be  considerable,  and  far  exceed 
25,000  dollars.  Bills  to  the  amount  of  100,000  dollars 
have  arrived.  A  loan  cannot  be  effected  here.  What  the 
Count  will  do  is  as  yet  uncertain,  and  may  long  continue 
so.  I  should  have  replied  to  your  letter  before,  but  as 
I  daily  expected  to  hear  from  Count  de  Vergennes,  I  waited, 
with  a  view  of  mentioning  the  import  to  you.  The  in 
closed  copy  of  a  note  I  received  from  Count  Montmorin 
contains  all  the  advice  I  have  on  that  head.  My  situation 
continues  unpleasant,  and  though  my  endeavours  are  not 
wanting  to  better  it,  future  events  are  far  too  uncertain  to 
be  relied  upon.  To  be  active,  prudent  and  patient,  is  in 
my  power,  but  whether  I  shall  reap,  as  well  as  sow  and 
water,  God  only  knows. 

I  have  often  been  told  of  the  former  supplies  and  asked 
how  they  were  to  be  reimbursed.  My  answer  has  uni 
formly  been  that  I  knew  neither  the  amount  or  terms 
and  that  I  wished  to  be  furnished  with  an  account  of 
both,  &c.  As  yet,  I  have  not  been  able  to  obtain  it. 

Some  mistake  must  have  given  occasion  to  any  of  the 
bills  drawn  on  me  being  returned  without  acceptance. 

27 


418  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

The  fact  is  that  though  I  often  delayed,  with  consent  of 
the  holders,  yet  I  never  refused  to  accept  any  of  them. 

I  have  written  several  letters  to  Congress  requesting 
them  to  forbear  drawing  further  bills  till  proper  funds 
should  be  established  for  their  payment.  Mere  contin 
gent  assurances,  or  flattering  inferences  drawn  from  flat 
tering  expressions,  ought  never  to  be  considered  as  a 
sufficient  foundation  for  such  serious  measures. 

Cornwallis,  it  seems,  has  cropt  some  of  Gates's  laurels, 
and  Mr.  Laurens  is  in  the  Tower.  European  politicians 
will,  I  suppose,  tho'  often  deceived  in  the  same  way,  again 
think  America  on  her  knees  in  the  dust.  Had  Ternay1 
been  supported,  the  campaign  would  have  had  a  different 
termination.  Much  money  and  spirit  has  been  wasted  by 
this  disappointment.  Of  the  latter,  indeed,  we  shall  never 
be  in  want,  and  I  should  be  happy  if  the  like  could  be 
said  of  the  former. 

The  conduct  of  France  towards  us  has  been  friendly, 
and  though  I  cannot  forbear  to  think  she  has  been  too 
inattentive  to  this  object,  my  gratitude  towards  her  is  not 
impaired  by  it.  I  regret  it  as  a  misfortune,  not  blame  it 
as  a  designed  omission.  I  wrote  to  you  last  week,  and 
now  inclose  a  duplicate  of  another  letter.  You  may  rely 
on  my  reimbursing  you  the  advances  on  account  of  our 
salaries,  out  of  the  first  remittances  I  receive. 

I  have  often  congratulated  my  country  and  myself  on 
your  being  at  present  in  France.  I  once  expected  to  have 
seen  you  there,  and  to  have  profited  by  the  lessons  which 
time  and  much  experience  have  brought  you.  Miracles 
have  ceased,  and  my  constitution  does  not  promise  length 
of  days,  or  I  should  probably  desire  you  when  you  ascend 
to  drop  me  your  mantle.  That  you  may  long  retain  it,  is 
one  of  the  prayers  of,  &c. 

1  The  Chevalier  de  Ternay  was  a  French  naval  officer. 


CHAPTEE  XXI. 

THE    MADRID    CORRESPONDENCE.  —  1781. 

Franklin  to  Carmichad. 

PASSY,  Jan.  27,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  before  me  your  favours  of  Oct.  25, 
Nov.  5,  and  Dec.  21.  I  do  not  know  whether  the  Duke 
de  Crillon  whom  you  recommend  is  come  to  Paris.  That 
letter  came  while  I  was  ill,  and  I  have  not  since  heard 
anything  of  him ;  but  I  will  enquire  for  him  of  the  Prince, 
to  whom  it  was  not  till  yesterday  that  I  was  able  to  pay 
my  respects,  and  to  thank  the  Princess  for  their  civilities 
to  my  compatriots  at  Madrid.  You  desire,  as  she  had  not 
the  print  she  requested,  that  I  should  show  her  the  origi 
nal  to  advantage.  It  happened  unluckily  otherwise,  for 
by  the  mistake  of  my  man,  who,  it  seems,  had  enquired 
for  the  Princess  instead  of  the  Prince,  I  was  shown  into  a 
dressing-room  where  a  lady  was  at  her  toilet;  and  not 
knowing  at  first  who  it  was,  and  expecting  the  Prince,  I 
was  a  little  puzzled  till  he  came.  They  speak  of  you  with 
great  regard. 

I  wish  to  know  whether  the  clothing  you  mention  in 
yours  of  Nov.  5  is  gone,  and  what  the  quantity.  When 
I  heard  of  the  taking  of  clothing  for  15,000  men  by  the 
combined  fleet,  from  the  English,  I  thought  our  friends  had 
a  fine  opportunity  of  supplying  our  wants  in  an  essential 
not  immediately  necessary  to  themselves ;  I  hope  it  was 


420  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

all  sent  to  America.  Eeports  are  just  now  spread  here,1 
but  I  do  not  learn  how  they  came,  that  M.  Galvez  has 
succeeded  at  Pensacola.  This  gives  me  the  more  pleasure, 
as  when  Spain  has  done  her  own  business,  in  recovering 
Florida,  she  may  perhaps  think  of  helping  us  to  recover 
Georgia  and  Carolina.  But  I  own,  too,  that  my  expecta 
tions  of  great  aids  from  that  nation  are  not  much  stronger 
than  yours.  As  yet  they  know  us  too  little,  and  are  jeal 
ous  of  us  too  much.  Their  long  delay  in  entering  into 
treaty  with  us,  in  pursuance  of  the  secret  article,  is  to  me 
a  mark  of  their  not  being  very  fond  of  a  connection  with 
us ;  in  which  I  think  they  much  mistake  their  true  inter 
est,  and  neglect  securing  great  and  permanent  advantages 
to  their  country. 

I  thank  you  for  •  your  information  relating  to  the  bat 
teries  opened  against  me  in  America.  I  since  hear  that  a 
motion  has  been  made  in  Congress  by  a  Carolina  member 
for  recalling  me,  but  without  success  ;  and  that  A.  Lee  has 
printed  a  pamphlet  against  me.  If  my  enemies  would 
have  a  little  patience  they  may  soon  see  me  removed 
without  their  giving  themselves  any  trouble,  as  I  am  now 
75.  I  know  not  what  they  can  mean  by  saying  that  I 
opposed  the  settling  of  Mr.  Deane's  accts.  I  have  no  in 
terest  to  induce  such  opposition,  and  no  opposition  has 
been  made.  The  Congress  appointed  Mr.  Johnson  of 
Nantes  to  audit  them.  He  refused  the  service,  and  Mr. 
Deane  was  till  very  lately  absent. 

I  am  glad  you  have  met  with  such  civility  from  the 
Marquis  d'Yranda.  From  the  character  Mr.  Grand  gave 
me  of  him,  I  wish  both  you  and  Mr.  Jay  may  cultivate 
his  friendship.  He  has  conceived  that  Mr.  Jay  is  too  re 
served  towards  him.  Qu'il  parait  toujours  fort  boutonne, 
was,  I  think,  the  expression  in  a  letter  Mr.  Grand  read  to 

1  These  reports  were  true.     See  BRYANT  and  GAY,  iv.  7. 


FRANKLIN  AND  JAY.  421 

me.  Tho'  I  did  not  sooner  answer  Mr.  Jay's  and  your 
letters  relating  to  your  appointments,  I  took  care  imme 
diately  to  order  the  credit  desired,  and  I  have  since 
accepted  the  bill  you  mention ;  so  that  I  hope  you  are  now 
easy  as  to  your  particular  affairs,  which  I  wish  you  may 
always  be,  enjoying  withal  every  other  kind  of  happiness. 

P.  S.  As  I  read  Spanish  a  little,  I  wish  you  would 
send  me  the  Gazette  of  Madrid  by  the  court  couriers,  and 
any  new  pamphlets  that  are  curious.  There  is  also  a 
book  that  I  desire  to  have,  but  it  being  in  two  volumes 
folio,  you  cannot  easily  find  an  opportunity  of  sending  it. 
It  is  the  BibliotJieca  Hispana  Nicolai  Antoni. 

Jay  to  Franldin. 

MADRID,  21  Febry,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Your  favour  of  the  15  ult.  with  the  pack 
ets  mentioned  in  it  arrived  in  good  order.  I  regret  your 
long  silence,  though  I  am  strongly  tempted  to  rejoice  in  the 
cause  of  it.  A  fit  of  the  gout,  it  is  said,  often  prolongs  life. 

Affairs  here  begin  to  wear  a  better  aspect.  I  have  been 
promised  three  millions  of  reals,  that  is,  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand  dollars,  which,  though  very  inadequate  to 
the  demands  upon  me,  is  still  a  great  consolation,  es 
pecially  as  men  who  are  at  the  pains  of  planting  and 
watering  trees,  seldom  let  them  perish  for  want  of  a  few 
drops  extraordinary. 

A  few  days  after  the  date  of  my  last,  the  Marquis 
d'Yranda,  without  my  request,  sent  me  the  amount  of 
your  credit  on  him  for  the  balance  of  our  last  year's  sal 
aries.  I  thank  you  for  accepting  my  last  bill.  As  yet  no 
letters  from  Congress  later  than  October  have  reached  me ; 
nor  do  I  hear  anything  of  remittances,  about  which  I  am 
the  more  anxious,  as  I  wish  to  replace  the  sums  you  have 


422  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

been  so  kind  as  to  advance  me,  and  to  avoid  similar  appli 
cations  in  future.  It  is  hard  to  be  constrained  to  press 
one's  friends  for  aids  which  it  may  be  inconvenient  to 
them  to  afford ;  such,  however,  has  been  and  still  is  my 
case.  I  scarcely  know  how  to  desire  you  to  make  further 
advances  on  account  of  our  salaries  (four  months  of  which 
is  now  due),  and  yet  I  find  myself  under  a  necessity  of 
doing  it.  My  expenses  here,  notwithstanding  the  most 
rigid  ceconomy,  are  very  great.  .  .  . 

Ever  since  my  arrival  I  have  been  particularly  cautious 
to  avoid  offending  any  person,  of  any  rank,  and  to  en 
deavour  to  please  all  without  becoming  the  property  or 
sycophant  of  any.  My  disagreeable  situation  was  not 
unknown  to  him,1  but  the  inferences  he  drew  from  it 
proved  fallacious.  I  never  find  myself  less  disposed  to 
humility  or  improper  compliances  than  wThen  fortune 
frowns.  I  have  uniformly  been  very  civil,  though  not 
confidential  towards  the  Marquis,  nor  has  anything  harsh 
ever  passed  between  us.  He  is  a  man  of  business,  abili 
ties,  and  observation  (and  what  is  of  much  importance 
here)  of  money.  He  keeps  the  most,  and  indeed  the  only, 
hospitable  house  here,  and  persons  of  the  first  rank  and 
fashion  are  found  at  his  table.  His  consequence  at  court 
is  unequal  to  his  desires,  and,  I  think,  to  his  capacity  of 
being  useful.  In  a  word,  he  had  a  good  share  of  sagacity, 
ambition,  and  pride.  I  think  it  probable  that  we  shall  be 
yet  on  more  familiar  terms,  for  though  I  will  never  court, 
yet  I  shall  with  pleasure  cultivate  his  acquaintance. 

Carmichael  to  Franklin. 

MADTUD,  28  February,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  The  Prince  Maceran's  courier  brought  me 
your  favour  of  the  27th  ulto.  I  am  so  sensible  of  the 

1  Jay  has  been  speaking  of  the  Marquis  d'Yranda. 


LETTER  FROM  CARMICHAEL.  423 

honour  and  pleasure  of  your  correspondence  not  to  regret 
it.1  Yet  when  I  tell  you  with  sincerity  that  every  letter 
which  I  receive  from  you  adds  to  my  desire  of  meriting 
your  esteem,  and  consequently  that  of  others,  you  will  not,  I 
hope,  think  your  indulgence  thrown  away  upon  me.  I  am 
much  pleased  that  you  have  seen  the  Prince  and  Princess 
of  Maceran.  They  were  extremely  kind  to  me,  and  their 
notice  was  productive  of  that  of  others,  as  well  natives  as 
foreigners  of  distinction.  The  manner  in  which,  you  in 
form  me,  they  are  pleased  to  speak  of  me  is  so  far  flatter 
ing  as  it  will  convince  you  that  I  was  neither  wanting  in 
sensibility  or  attentions  in  return  for  this  notice.  I  think  I 
know  so  well  the  characters  of  your  enemies  —  and  indeed  I 
may  venture  to  call  them  the  enemies  of  their  country  — 
that  I  cannot  well  be  deceived  in  their  plan  of  operations. 
A.  Lee  is  to  reside  at  Philadelphia  this  winter ;  his  pam 
phlet,  altho'  I  have  never  seen  it,  is,  as  I  judge,  a  prelude 
of  that  he  means  to  prosecute,  by  a  thousand  hints  and  in 
sinuations,  to  new  Members  of  Congress  to  wound  your 
reputation.  His  brother,  E.  Henry,  is  endeavoring  by 
indefatigable  pains  and  a  consummate  hypocrisy  to  recover 
his  consequence  in  the  State  of  Virginia ;  there  is  a 
change  in  the  delegation  of  the  Province  of  Maryland 
favourable  to  their  projects.  In  Massachusetts,  S.  A.  and 
some  others  have  relinquished  all  apparent  power  in  the 
State  to  preserve  it  in  Congress. 

In  N.  Hampshire  new  members  are  introduced,  one  of 
whom  quitted  the  army  for  this  purpose,  and  is  strongly 
united  to  the  party  which  opposes  General  Washington, 
yourself,  and,  I  may  say,  the  liberal  men  of  the  Continent. 
They  will  work  underground  until  they  think  the  time 
ripe  for  the  denouement  of  the  plot.  Will  you  permit  me 
to  tell  you  that  frequent  letters  from  you  to  Congress  will 

1  The  sense  is  imperfectly  expressed. 


424  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

blast  all  these  fine-spun  clash  and  malicious  schemes, 
which,  if  successful,  must  ultimately  tend  to  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  confidence  that  our  friends  in  Europe  have 
still  in  us.  A  part  of  the  articles  mentioned  in  my 
letter  of  the  5th  of  November  is  shipped,  but  not  hav 
ing  yet  received  the  invoices,  I  cannot  precisely  tell  the 
amount,  &c.  .  .  . 

I  have  enquired  for  the  Biblioteca  Hispania  you  men 
tion.  It  is  very  rare,  and  I  am  asked  22  pistoles  for  the 
only  copy  I  have  found,  in  4,  and  not  2  volumes  folio,  as 
mentioned  by  you.  It  will  be  very  easy  for  me  to  execute 
your  orders  respecting  curious  pamphlets,  for  I.  have  as  yet 
seen  none  ;  this  is  not  a  mushroom  soil  for  brochures.  .  .  . 

P.  S.  March  10th.  The  Embassador  not  having 
despatched  his  courier  at  the  time  I  wrote  the  above,  I 
have  kept  it,  in  preference  to  trusting  it  to  the  ordinary 
conveyance.  I  have  received  a  letter  from  Ellbridge 
Gerry,  dated  at  Marble  Head,  which  gives  me  a  very  agree 
able  account  of  the  situation  of  our  affairs.  His  letter  is 
of  the  10th  of  Jan'y.  The  Boston  papers  of  the  18th  of 
the  same  month  destroy  the  hopes  our  enemies  enter 
tained  in  consequence  of  Rivington's  long  account  of  the 
revolt  and  dissatisfaction  of  part  of  the  Continental 
Army. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  1st  Apr.  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Notwithstanding  my  repeated  and  warm 
est  applications  to  the  Count  de  Florida  Blanca,  I  have  as 
yet  been  able  to  obtain  only  24,880  dollars  of  the  150,000 
expressly  promised  in  December  Jast.  He  has,  on  the  con 
trary,  assured  me  that  this  promise  could  not  be  complied 
with  in  less  than  six  months ;  it  therefore  became  neces- 


JAY  TO  FRANKLIN.  425 

sary  to  communicate  my  embarrassments  to  the  Embas- 
sador  of  France,  and  to  request  his  friendly  aid  and 
interposition.  You  will  perceive  by  the  inclosed  account 
that  the  bills  I  have  accepted  and  which  still  remain  to 
be  paid  (exclusive  of  those  at  two  months  sight,  for  the 
payment  of  which  you  authorized  me  to  draw  upon  you) 
amount  to  231,303,  of  which 

89,083  will  be  payable  this  month, 
96,288  in  May, 
18,027  in  June, 
9,025  in  July, 
15,086  in  August, 

3,794  in  September. 
231,303 

The  Embassador  was  very  sensible  of  the  pernicious 
consequences  which  would  follow  a  protest  of  these  bills, 
and  I  must  do  him  the  justice  to  say,  interested  himself 
warmly  in  endeavouring  to  extricate  me  from  that  neces 
sity.  He  has  had  different  conferences  with  the  Count  de 
Florida  Blanca  on  the  subject,  and  yesterday  he  promised 
the  Embassador  positively  to  pay  the  89,083  dollars 
which  will  be  due  in  April  in  the  course  of  six  months,  in 
six  equal  payments,  reckoning  from  next  May ;  but  as 
this  money  still  left  me  without  relief  as  to  the  April  bills, 
he  engaged  the  Marquis  d'Yranda  to  advance  the  sums 
necessary  to  pay  them,  and  which  I  shall  accordingly 
receive  from  him.  Thus,  my  dear  sir,  I  have  been,  as  it 
were,  reprieved,  by  the  kind  offices  of  the  French  Embas 
sador,  from  the  necessity  of  protesting  any  of  the  bills 
due  this  month.  But  every  ensuing  month  will  bring 
with  it  new  danger  and  solicitudes,  and  particularly  the 
month  of  May,  in  the  course  of  which  I  shall  be  called 
upon  for  no  less  than  96,288  dollars ;  I  am  in  a  cruel 


426  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

situation,  and  without  the  least  expectation   of  succour 
except  from  France. 

I  therefore  think  it  necessary  to  inform  you  of  the  deli 
cate  state  of  our  affairs  here,  by  express,  and  to  intreat 
you  to  use  your  utmost  endeavours  to  provide  me  by  his 
return  with  funds  adequate  to  the  bills  accepted,  which  at 
present  amount  to  142,220,  without  including  either  those 
which  may  yet  arrive  or  the  89,083  due  this  month,  and 
for  the  payment  of  which  I  expect  to  reimburse  the  Mar 
quis  d'Yranda  with  the  money  promised  by  the  Minister 
on  the  monthly  payments  before  mentioned.  The  Marquis 
d'Yranda,  whom  I  saw  yesterday  at  the  French  Embassa- 
dor's,  has  further  agreed,  at  the  Embassador's  request,  to 
furnish  me  with  the  further  sum  of  142,220  doll,  as  I 
shall  have  occasion  for  it,  provided  Mr.  Grand  will  accept 
his  drafts  to  that  amount.  It  is  therefore  of  the  last  im 
portance  that  arrangements  for  this  purpose  be  imme 
diately  taken  with  that  gentleman,  and  that  I  receive  by 
the  return  of  the  express  his  order  on  the  Marquis  to  fur 
nish  me  at  least  with  the  sum  of  142,220  dollars,  without 
which  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  to  pay  these  bills.  The 
Ambassador  will  also  write  by  this  courier,  and  I  have 
little  doubt  but  that  your  Court  will  generously  interpose 
on  this  as  they  have  on  several  occasions,  to  prevent 
events  prejudicial  to  America  in  particular  and  the  com 
mon  cause  in  general.  I  am  also  constrained  to  add  that 
our  situation  here  is  daily  becoming  more  disagreeable 
from  the  want  of  our  salaries ;  to  be  obliged  to  contract 
debts  and  live  on  credit  is  terrible.  I  have  not  to  this  day 
received  a  shilling  from  America,  and  we  should  indeed 
have  been  greatly  distressed  had  it  not  have  been  for  your 
good  offices.  Endeavour,  I  beseech  you,  to  provide  us  with 
supplies  on  this  account,  and  deliver  me  if  possible  from 
the  many  disagreeable  sensations  which  such  a  variety  of 


LETTER  TO  JAY.  427 

unpleasant  circumstances  naturally  create.  Remember 
that  new  bills  are  still  arriving.  Be  pleased  to  communi 
cate  this  letter  to  Mr.  Laurens,  who  I  am  persuaded  will 
cheerfully  afford  you  all  the  aid  in  his  power.  I  have  di 
rected  the  courier  to  wait  your  orders,  and  then  to  return 
without  further  delay. 

P.  S.  You  will  perceive  from  the  inclosed  account  that 
I  shall  be  under  the  necessity  of  drawing  upon  you  for  10 
or  1200  dollars  on  account  of  the  25,000  before  it  will  be 
possible  to  hear  from  you  on  the  subject. 

I  have  requested  the  favour  of  your  grandson  to  execute 
some  little  commissions  for  me,  and  you  will  oblige  me  by 
furnishing  him  with  money  for  the  purpose. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

PASSY,  April  12,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  T  have  before  me  the  several  letters  you 
have  honoured  me  with,  dated  Feb.  21,  March  11,  and 
April  1. 

I  was  much  pleased  to  learn  that  you  have  obtained  a 
promise  for  150,000  dollars  ;  your  reflection  on  the  conse 
quence  is  just.  As  this  sum  must  be  used  in  payment  of 
the  bills  drawn  upon  you,  and  probably  no  part  of  it  can 
be  applied  to  your  subsistance,  I  desire  that  you  would 
draw  upon  me  for  half  a  year  of  your  salaries,  at  30  days' 
sight ;  and  for  the  future,  while  I  stay  here,  draw  quar 
terly,  until  you  receive  remittances  or  can  obtain  a  dis 
posable  grant  or  loan.  I  mention  this  the  first  thing  in 
my  letter,  to  make  you  as  soon  as  possible  easy  on  that 
head. 

I  thank  you  for  showing  me  the  copy  of  the  resolution 
relating  to  the  Empress  of  Russia,  tho'  I  had  before  re 
ceived  it,  and  it  was  already  communicated  to  her  Impe- 


428  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

rial  Majesty,  who  I  am  informed  is  much  pleased  with  it. 
Mr.  Dana,  lately  secretary  to  Mr.  Adams,  has  received  a 
commission  appointing  him  minister  to  that  Court.  He 
is  on  his  way  thither  incog.,  and  proposes  to  appear  in 
that  country  merely  as  a  traveller,  till  a  proper  time  may 
arrive  for  avowing  his  character.  So  you  will  please  not 
to  mention  it.  Mr.  Adams  has,  I  believe,  received  a  com 
mission  lately  to  supply  the  place  of  Mr.  Lauren s  in  Hol 
land.  I  know  not  whether  he  has  yet  declared  it.  He 
has  some  time  since  opened  a  loan  there,  at  the  house  of 
Neufville  for  two  millions  of  florins,  —  about  4  millions 
of  livres ;  I  have  not  heard  with  what  success,  but  hope 
it  will  fill. 

I  have  always  found  Mr.  Grand  here  an  able  and  hearty 
friend  in  our  affairs.  I  am  therefore  glad  that  you  are  be 
coming  better  acquainted  with  his  friend  at  Madrid,  as 
together  they  may  on  many  occasions  be  more  serviceable 
to  us. 

I  thank  you  for  communicating  to  me  the  letter  of  the 
Secretary  of  Congress,  on  our  finances.  It  gives  light 
which  I  had  not  before,  and  may  be  useful  here. 

Negotiations  for  peace  are  talked  of.  You  will  see  all 
I  know  of  them  in  a  letter  of  mine  to  Congress,  which  I 
leave  open  for  your  perusal,  and  desire  you  to  forward 
with  your  next  despatches.1  I  give  you  the  opportunity  of 
perusing  that  letter  for  another  reason :  I  have  in  it  de 
sired  a  dismission  from  the  service,  in  consideration  of  my 
age,  &c.  And  I  wish  you  to  succeed  me  here.  No  copy 
of  the  letter  is  yet  gone  from  France,  and  possibly  this 
which  I  send  you  may  arrive  first ;  nor  have  I  mentioned 
my  intention  to  anyone  here:  if  therefore  the  change 
would  be  agreeable  to  you,  you  may  write  to  your  friends 
in  Congress  accordingly.  This  thought  occurred  to  me  on 

1  This  letter  was  dated  March  12,  1781.     See  SPARKS,  ix.  1. 


LETTER  TO  JAY.  429 

hearing  from  the  Princess  Masserano,  that  you  and  Mrs. 
Jay  did  not  pass  your  time  agreeable  there ;  and  I  think  you 
would  find  this  people  of  a  more  sociable  turn,  besides  that 
I  could  put  you  immediately  into  the  society  I  enjoy  here, 
of  a  set  of  very  amiable  friends.  In  this  case  Mr.  Car- 
michael  might  succeed  you  in  Spain.  I  purpose  to  rec 
ommend  these  changes  myself  in  another  letter. 

Your  express  arrived  here  on  Sunday  last  at  3  o'clock. 
I  communicated  your  letter  that  evening  to  Mr.  Laurens. 
We  agreed  in  the  necessity  of  supporting  the  credit  of 
Congress  by  paying  the  bills,  tho'  his  zeal  for  supplying 
the  army  made  him  feel  a  reluctance  in  diminishing  the 
6  millions  of  livres  I  had  lately  granted  for  that  purpose, 
and  which  was  either  to  be  laid  out  in  clothing,  &c.,  here, 
or  drawn  for  by  General  Washington,  as  you  will  see  by 
my  letter  to  Congress.  I  have  myself  experienced  too 
much  of  the  distressed  situation  you  are  in  not  to  pity 
you  most  sincerely;  I  have,  therefore,  this  day  authorized 
Mr.  Grand,  in  writing,  to  pay  the  bills  of  the  Marquis 
D'Yranda  that  may  be  drawn  to  furnish  you  with  the 
sum  of  140,220  dollars.  I  confide  that  these  drafts  will 
not  come  but  by  degrees,  as  the  occasion  calls,  from  your 
acceptances  between  May  and  September,  —  my  receipts  of 
money  being  gradual ;  and  it  may  be  depended  on  that 
the  bills  will  be  duly  honoured. 

Mr.  Laurens  is  worrying  the  ministers  for  more  money, 
and  we  shall,  I  believe,  obtain  a  farther  sum.  But  the 
necessary  supplies  of  military  stores  will  demand  all,  and 
more  than  we  shall  get ;  I  hope,  therefore,  that  you  will 
not  relax  in  your  applications  for  aids  from  Spain,  on  ac 
count  of  the  sums  to  be  furnished  you  by  me,  since  it  will 
be  hardly  possible  for  me  to  assist  you  farther.  My 
grandson  will  execute  with  pleasure  your  commissions. 
Present  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  Jay. 


430  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

P.  S.  I  inclose  you  copies  of  a  number  of  letters  lately 
taken  and  brought  in  here.  I  wish  you  could  send  copies 
of  them  by  different  conveyances,  as  the  contents  of  some 
are  important. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

PASSY,  June  30, 1781. 

SIR,  —  You  acquaint  me  that  bills  have  appeared,  drawn 
on  you  in  March  last,  and  ask  very  properly  if  this  can  be 
reconciled  to  the  obvious  dictates  of  prudence  and  policy. 
It  cannot.  And  if  you  are  unable  to  pay  them,  they 
must  be  protested  ;  for  it  will  not  be  in  my  power  to  help 
you.  And  I  see  that  nothing  will  cure  the  Congress  of 
this  madness  of  drawing  upon  the  Pump  at  Aldgate,  but 
such  a  proof  that  its  well  has  a  bottom. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

MADRID,  13  July,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  received  your  favour  respecting  the 
Pump  at  Aldgate. 

I  have  since  (two  days  ago)  received  letters  from  Con 
gress  assuring  me  that  no  further  bills  shall  be  drawn 
upon  me. 

These  despatches  have  given  me  so  much  business  that 
I  am  obliged  to  desire  Mr.  Carmichael  to  write  you  the 
news,  and  to  assure  you  without  further  addition  to  this 
letter,  that  I  am  most  sincerely,  your  aff.  obliged  friend 
and  servant. 

Jay  to  Franklin. 

July  [?],  1781. 

...  I  cannot  forbear  considering  the  approaching  win 
ter  as  a  very  critical  season.  It  is  said  that  Eussia  and 
the  Emperor  have  offered  their  mediation,  and  that  it  will 


JAY  TO  FRANKLIN.  431 

be  accepted.  It  is  further  said  that  France  wishes  for 
peace.  For  my  own  part  I  fear  that  France  has  very  lit 
tle  to  expect  from  the  friendship  of  these  mediators,  and 
unless  appearances  deceive  me,  every  nation  in  Europe, 
except  Prussia,  wish  better  to  England  than  to  France. 
It  appears  to  me  expedient  to  delay  the  progress  of  this 
mediation,  and  in  the  meantime  to  endeavour  strenuously 
to  form  a  close  defensive  alliance  between  France,  Spain, 
Holland,  and  America.  If  France  and  Spain  could  be 
prevailed  upon  to  adopt  this  idea  speedily  and  heartily,  I 
am  persuaded  that  the  Dutch  might,  in  their  present  tem 
per,  and  to  obtain  certain  guarantees,  easily  be  brought 
into  the  measure.  Such  a  quadruple  alliance,  followed  by 
a  vigorous  campaign,  could  give  us  a  peace  worth  our  ac 
ceptance.  As  to  the  present  campaign,  I  do  not  expect 
great  things  from  it.  My  expectations  from  the  expedi 
tion  against  New  York  are  far  from  sanguine. 

I  wish  to  see  some  great  stroke  struck,  some  great  plan 
wisely  concerted,  and  vigorously  executed.  Had  a  French 
fleet  of  decided  superiority  to  the  enemy,  been  on  our 
coast  early  in  the  spring,  and  co-operated  with  General 
Washington  thro'out  the  summer,  Halifax,  New  York, 
and  Charlestown  would  before  winter  have  changed  mas 
ters,  and  then  we  should  have  been  ripe  for  peace. 

As  to  this  Court,  I  do  not  apprehend  that  they  are 
tired  of  the  war,  or  that  they  have  the  least  objection  to 
another  campaign.  They  want  Jamaica,  they  want  Gib 
raltar,  and  Mahon  would  be  a  trump  card  in  their  hands. 
If  their  activity  was  equal  to  their  perseverance,  and  they 
possessed  the  talent  of  drawing  forth  and  using  all  their 
resources,  they  would  be  very  formidable.  But  take 
Spain  as  she  is.  If  she  could  once  be  prevailed  upon  to 
pass  the  Kubicon,  that  is,  to  acknowledge  and  engage  to 
support  our  independence,  she  would  give  Great  Britain  a 


432  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

mortal  wound,  and  render  essential  service  to  the  com 
mon  cause.  How  far  France  views  the  affair  in  the  same 
light  I  know  not,  nor  can  I  clearly  comprehend  the  policy 
of  the  system  she  seems  to  hold  relative  to  it. 

The  Embassador  is  well  attached  to  the  American  cause, 
and  [holds]  such  proper  views  of  its  importance,  as  well  as 
the  manner  of  supporting  it,  that  I  have  often  wished  him 
at  Versailles.  There  is,  nevertheless,  a  sort  of  mysterious 
reserve  about  him  upon  this  subject ;  nor  am  I  informed 
whether  any,  and  what  steps  have  been  taken  by  him  and 
his  Court  to  influence  Spain  to  an  alliance  with  us.  I 
have,  however,  full  confidence  in  the  friendship  of  France, 
and  the  late  aids  she  has  granted  to  America  give  us 
reason  to  rely  on  the  King  and  his  principal  ministers. 

There  is  some  reason  to  hope  that  this  Court  begins  to 
think  more  seriously  of  a  treaty  with  us  than  heretofore. 
A  few  weeks  will  enable  me  to  judge  better  of  their  views. 
In  politics  I  depend  upon  nothing  but  facts,  and  therefore 
never  risque  deceiving  myself  or  others  by  a  reliance  on 
professions  which  may  or  may  not  be  sincere. 

The  Duke  of  Crillon  is  still  at  sea.1  I  am  tempted  to 
wish  that  expedition  had  not  been  undertaken.  If  it  fails 
it  will  do  harm,  and  I  see  but  little  prospect  of  its  suc 
ceeding.  '.  .  .  As  I  have  reason  to  think  this  letter  will  go 
unopened  to  your  hands,  I  have  written  with  less  reserve 
than  usual. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

PASSY,  Aug.  20,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  have  before  me  several  of  your  late  let 
ters,  which,  though  not  formally,  have  been  substantially 
answered,  by  the  payment  of  your  bills. 

1  The  allusion  is  to  the  attack  on  Minorca,  which  succeeded  the  next 
winter.  Crillon  was  made  Duke  of  Mahon. 


FRANKLIN  TO  JAY.  433 

I  got  our  banker  to  examine  the  Marquis's  account, 
who  explained  it  to  me,  and  satisfied  me  that  it  was  right. 
There  are  intricacies  in  the  affair  of  exchange  which 
neither  you  nor  I  well  understand,  and  we  are  therefore 
under  necessity  of  placing  confidence  somewhere.  If  you 
are  still  in  doubt  about  any  particular,  I  will  get  him 
to  give  me  his  explanation  in  writing,  and  send  it  to 
you. 

We  have  for  convenience  in  accounts,  generally  reck 
oned  louis  as  pounds  sterling,  the  difference  being  a  trifle. 
It  is,  however  small,  against  the  Congress,  and  therefore 
what  we  have  no  right  to  from  their  expressed  allowance. 
At  the  final  settlement  of  our  accounts,  it  will  be  easy  to 
give  Congress  credit  in  one  article,  thus,  for  the,  difference, 
betiveen  louis  received  and  pounds  sterling  at  — p  louis  on 
pounds  sterling.  In  truth,  I  do  not  exactly  know  what 
the  difference  is,  and  I  am  told  it  varies  with  the 
exchange. 

I  have  taken  to  my  account  the  fifty  louis  you  left  in 
my  hands.  My  grandson,  I  suppose,  informs  you  what 
he  has  expended  by  your  orders. 

In  yours  of  the  31  of  May,  you  complain  of  the  want 
of  regular  intelligence.  I  sympathize  because  I  suffer 
with  you.  I  receive  indeed,  a  number  of  letters  from  Mr. 
Lovell,  but  they  are  very  short,  and  mostly  to  acquaint  me 
that  he  cannot  write  fully,  because  the  Committee  of  Cor 
respondence  are  not  easily  got  together.  To  many  of  my 
letters  I  have  never  received  any  answer.  The  Congress 
have  wisely  put  their  finances  into  the  hands  of  one  intel 
ligent  person ;  I  wish  they  would  do  the  same  with  their 
correspondence,  by  appointing  a  single  secretary  for  for 
eign  affairs.  I  know  nothing  of  what  passes  in  America, 
but  what  I  learn  from  their  newspapers  or  the  English, 
or  from  the  ministers  here,  who  are  more  early  informed 

28 


434  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

than  I  am,  even  of  what  relates  to  myself ;  and  it  was 
from  M.  de  Vergennes  that  I  first  learned  the  Congress 
had  refused  to  grant  my  request  for  dismission  from  their 
service.1 

In  yours  of  May  31,  you  informed  me  that  bills  upon 
you  had  lately  arrived,  dated  in  March,  and  I  answered 
that  if  you  could  not  pay  them  they  must  be  protested,  as 
it  would  not  be  in  my  power  to  help  you.  I  had  not 
then  time  to  give  you  the  reasons,  which  are,  that  this 
Court,  being  fatigued  and  displeased  by  my  repeated  ap 
plications  for  more  money,  to  pay  new  and  unexpected 
demands  of  bills,  drawn  not  only  on  me,  but  on  you,  and 
Mr.  Laurens,  and  Mr.  Adams,  &c.,  had  ordered  their  min 
ister  at  Philadelphia  to  remonstrate  against  this  irregular 
proceeding,  and  the  Congress  had  promised  him  not  to 
draw  any  more.  This  was,  I  think,  in  March,  and  on 
being  helped  out  of  my  last  difficulty,  I  have  promised 
M.  de  Yergennes  not  to  accept  any  bills  drawn  on  me 
after  the  first  of  April,  if  such  there  should  be.  And  he 
has  acquainted  me  explicitly  that  if  I  do  accept  such  bills, 
I  am  not  to  expect  any  assistance  from  him  towards  pay 
ing  him,  .  .  . 

I  have  just  received  a  Commission  joining  yourself,  Mr. 
President  Laurence,  Govr.  Jefferson,  and  me,  with  Mr. 
Adams,  and  directing  us  to  repair  to  such  place 2  as  may 
be  appointed,  for  conferences  upon  peace,  and  to  negotiate 
and  agree  upon  the  terms  in  behalf  of  the  Congress ;  also 

1  The  letter  of  Huntington,  the  President  of  Congress,  announcing  this 
refusal  to  Franklin,  was  dated  June  19,  in  answer  to  his  of  March  12. — 
Dip.  Corr.,  iii.  220. 

2  It  was  not  until  the  next  summer,  after  the  North  Ministry  had  fallen 
in  England,  that  Franklin,  Jay,  and  Adams  met  at  Paris,  to  negotiate  the 
treaty  of  peace.     Laurens  only  reached  Paris  in  time  to  sign  the  prelim 
inary  articles.     Jefferson  remained  throughout  in  America. 


FRANKLIN   TO  JAY.  435 

another  commission,  empowering  us  to  accept  in  behalf  of 
Congress  the  mediation  of  the  Emperor  of  Germany  and 
Empress  of  Eussia.  These  commissions  are  accompanied 
by  a  set  of  instructions.  If  you  have  not  received  the 
same  let  me  know,  and  I  will  send  a  courier  with  copies, 
though  the  occasion  does  not  at  present  seem  pressing. 

Franklin  to  Jay. 

VERSAILLES,  Sept.  4,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  a  few  days  since  a  very  obliging 
letter  from  you.  I  have  it  not  with  me  here,  and  therefore 
cannot  mention  the  date.  I  shall  answer  it  particularly 
by  the  next  opportunity.  This  serves  chiefly  to  cover  the 
communication  of  two  letters  which  I  have  received,  one 
from  Mr.  Adams,  relative  to  the  proposed  mediation,  the 
other  from  some  merchants  who  possess  Congress  drafts 
of  a  late  date.  I  have  declared  my  opinion  of  those 
drawn  on  Mr.  Laurens,  that  we  have  nothing  to  do  with 
them,  and  that  I  can  give  no  expectations  of  their  being 
paid.  I  believe  I  sent  you  a  copy  of  M.  le  Comte  de 
Vergennes's  letter,  in  which  I  am  explicitly  told  that  I 
shall  not  be  assisted  to  pay  any  drafts  made  after  the  1st 
of  April.  You  will  see  that  the  promise  of  drawing  no 
more  upon  you  has  not  been  kept,  and  you  will  judge 
for  yourself  whether  it  will  be  right  for  you  to  accept 
these  new  bills  ;  but  I  ought  to  acquaint  you  that  I  see 
no  prospect  at  present  of  my  being  able  to  help  you  in 
paying  them.  I  just  now  hear  that  Mr.  Adams  is  very  ill. 
I  think  it  would  be  of  service  if  you  and  I  could  meet. 
Cannot  you  make  a  trip  to  Paris,  or  will  you  meet  me  at 
Bordeaux  ?  Mr.  Laurens  is  not  likely  to  be  at  liberty  to 
join  us,  and  it  is  perhaps  a  question  whether  Mr.  Jefferson 
will  cross  the  seas,  —  he  refused  the  appointment  of  com- 


436  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

ing  with  ine,  — and  I  shall  not  wonder  if  Mr.  Adams  should 
return  before  the  treaty  commences;  in  which  case  the 
business  will  rest  much  with  us  two..  I  have  many  rea 
sons  for  desiring  to  converse  with  you,  besides  the  pleasure 
it  would  give  me. 


CHAPTEE  XXII. 

THE  YEAR   OF  YORKTOWN. 

A  S  the  year  1781  begins,  which  was,  practically,  to 
-"-  close  the  contest  in  America,  we  have  such  a  journal 
as  Franklin  kept  admirably  well,  —  enough  to  show  the 
nature  of  his  daily  life,  and  enough  to  make  us  regret 
that  there  is  no  more.  But  with  him,  alas,  as  with  all 
other  men  in  affairs,  the  great  rule  of  journal- writing 
applied  which  John  Adams  laid  down  so  well,  —  that  one 
keeps  a  journal  when  he  has  little  or  nothing  to  tell; 
and  when  one  has  much  to  do  and  to  tell,  he  has  no  time 
for  his  journal. 

The  indorsement  on  this  manuscript,  which  has  never 
been  printed  till  now,  is  simply 

Part  of  a  Journal. 

DEC.  18,  1780.  Gave  an  order  to  Major  Broughton  of 
Marblehead,  a  returning  prisoner,  for  5  louis,  to  help  him 
down  to  a  seaport. 

Certified  Capt.  Jasme  La  Cause's  commission  and  other 
American  papers. 

Wrote  to  Mr.  Hodgson,  London,  that  I  had  received  his 
account  of  the  expenditure  of  the  100£  on  the  prisoners, 
and  promised  him  150£  more. 

Gave  a  letter  of  recommendation  of  1'Abbe  Eobin  to 
Mr.  Williams  of  Boston ;  and  sent  it  after  him  by  an  officer, 
who  is  to  go  if  he  can  in  the  "  Ariel."  Sent  by  the  same 
person  some  newspapers  to  Congress. 


438  FRANKLIN   IN  FRANCE. 

Consented,  in  conversation  with  Mr.  Grand,  that  Mr. 
Williams,  on  being  put  in  possession  of  the  policies  of 
insurance  of  the  ship  "Marquis  de  la  Fayette,"  for  200,000 
livres,  should  draw  on  me  for  the  freight  to  that  amount. 

Mr.  Chaumont  writes,  pressing  an  advance  of  the  money 
on  security. 

Eeply'd  that  if  the  security  was  such  as  the  Congress 
banker  approved  of,  I  would  advance  the  sum. 

Heard  that  transports  are  taking  up  here  for  America, 
and  that  bank  bills  in  England  had  been  counterfeited  to 
a  great  amount. 

DEC.  19.  Went  to  Versailles.  At  M.  Vergennes  much 
was  said  to  me  in  favour  of  M.  de  Chaumont's  demand. 
It  was  owned  that  he  had  been  wrong  in  demanding  as  a 
right  what  he  ought  to  have  asked  as  a  favour ;  but  that 
affairs  among  friends  should  not  be  transacted  with  rigour, 
but  amicably  and  with  indulgent  allowances.  I  found  I 
had  been  represented  as  unkindly  exact  in  the  business. 
I  promised  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  make  it  easy  to 
M.  de  Chaumont.  He  came  to  me  in  the  evening  after 
my  return,  —  with  much  heat  against  M.  Grand,  which  I 
endeavoured  to  allay,  as  it  was  really  very  unjust.  Offered 
him  to  accept  his  bills  drawn  ons  me,  as  the  operation  thro' 
Mr.  Wins.,  at  Nantes,  would  take  too  much  time  to  suit 
his  exigencies.  He  said  he  would  consult  with  his  banker. 
Exclaimed  much  against  the  judgment  at  Nantes,  &c. 

Eequested  Mr.  Grand  to  transfer  out  of  the  public  cash 
the  amount  of  the  several  balances  of  my  private  accounts 
with  the  Congress,  and  give  me  credit  for  the  same  in  my 
particular  account. 

DEC.  20,  1780.  Certified,  or  as  they  call  it  here  legal 
ised,  the  papers  relative  to  the  taking  a  Portuguese  ship 
by  the  "  Mars,"  of  Boston,  and  sent  them  to  the  Port6 
Ambassr. 


FRANKLIN'S  JOURNAL.  439 

Accepted  M.  de  Chaumont's  drafts,  dated  Nov.  10, 
for  the  200,000  Is.  freight  at  4  usances,  and  he  gave  me 
his  engagement  to  return  the  money  in  case  the  ship 
"  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  "  did  not  arrive  at  1'Orient  to  take 
in  our  goods. 

Prince  de  Montbarry,  Ministre  de  la  Guerre,  resigns. 
His  successor  not  yet  known. 

DEC.  21.  Wrote  to  M.  de  Chaumont  pressingly  for  his 
account  with  the  Congress,  that  it  may  be  settled  now 
Mr.  Deane  is  here.  M.  de  Segur  succeeds  the  P.  de 
Montbarry. 

DEC.  22.  Eeceived  an  account  between  Mr.  Chaumont 
and  Mr.  Deane,  which  includes  Congress  article  [mutilated] 
copy  it,  as  it  must  be  sent  to  Mr.  Deane. 

DEC.  23.  Hear  by  letters  from  I'Orient  of  the  depart 
ure  of  Capt.  Jones  in  the  "  Ariel "  the  18th. 

DEC.  24.  Eeceived  Goulade  and  Moylan's  account  of 
fresh  expenses,  upwards  of  20,000  Is.,  by  Capt.  Jones. 
2  Young  Englishmen,  Scot  and  Williams,  would  go  to 
America ;  discouraged  them. 

DEC.  25.  Gave  an  order  to  Mr.  Grand  to  remit  150£ 
sterling  to  Mr.  Wm.  Hodgdon,  London,  for  the  relief  of 
American  prisoners. 

Eeceived  information  from  a  good  hand,  that  the  G.  Pen- 
sionaire  had  been  with  Sir  J.  Y.,1  and  acquainted  him  that 
an  answer  would  be  given  to  his  Memorials,  but  that  it 
could  not  be  precipitated  contrary  to  the  Constitution ;  it 
was  necessary  to  have  the  advice  of  the  provinces.  The 
S.  Ht.2  has  behaved  well  in  the  resolutions  for  arming. 
The  Duke  A.  G.  C.,  the  Pensionary  of  Amsterdam,  a  brave 
steady  man. 

DEC.  26.     Went  to  Versailles  to  assist  at  the  ceremony 

1  Sir  Joseph  Yorke,  English  Minister  in  Holland. 

2  Stadtliolder. 


440  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

of  condolence  on  the  death  of  the  Empress  Queen.1  All 
the  foreign  Ministers  in  deep  mourning,  flopp'd  hats,  and 
crape,  long  black  cloaks,  &c.  The  Nuncio  pronounced 
the  compliments  to  the  King,  and  afterwards  to  the  Queen 
in  her  apartments.  M.  de  Vergennes  told  me  of  the  war 
declared  by  England  against  Holland.  Visit  at  the  new 
Ministers  of  War  and  Marine;  neither  of  them  at  home. 
Aluch  fatigued  by  the  going  twice  up  and  down  the  palace 
stairs,  from  the  tenderness  of  my  feet  and  weakness  of 
my  knees ;  thereupon  did  not  go  the  rounds.  Declined 
dining  with  Mr.  de  Vergennes,  as  inconsistent  with  my 
present  mode  of  living,  which  is  simple  till  I  have  re 
covered  my  strength.  Took  a  partridge  with  M.  de 
Chaumont.  No  news  yet  of  Count  d'Estaing. 

DEC.  27.  Wednesday.  Much  talk  about  the  new  war. 
Hear  of  the  hurricane  in  the  West  Indies.  English  fleet 
under  Adm.  Darby  put  into  port.  Wrote  to  J.  Williams, 
at  Nantes,  to  send  advice  to  America  by  every  possible 
opportunity  of  the  English  declaration  against  Holland. 

DEC.  28.  Thursday.  Mr.  Grand  had  some  time  since 
carried  an  advance  of  my  salary  for  one  quarter  15,000  Is. 
out  of  the  public  monies,  to  my  private  account ;  and  I 
afterwards  gave  him  a  receipt  for  that  sum,  which  should 
have  been  mentioned  before. 

DEC.  29.  Friday.  Went  by  particular  invitation  to 
the  Sorbonne,  to  an  Assembly  .of  the  Faculty  of  Physick 
in  the  College  Hall,  where  we  had  the  doge  of  my  friend 
M.  Dubourg,  and  other  pieces.  Suffer'd  by  the  cold. 

M.  de  Chaumont  has  [mutilated]  J.  Williams's  draft  on 
me  for  48,000  Is.  on  account  of  the  Cloth,  but  declined, 
I  know  not  why,  presenting  it.  I  ought  to  give  him  a 
[mutilated]. 

DEC.    30.     Saturday.     Breakfasted   at   Mad.    Brillon's. 

1  Maria  Theresa  died  November  29. 


FRANKLIN'S  JOURNAL.  441 

Keceived  of  M.  Grand  4,800  Is.  on  private  account,  which 
was  put  into  the  hands  of  W.  T.  Franklin  to  pay  bills  and 
family  expenses. 

DEC.  31.  Sunday.  Much  company  at  dinner ;  among 
others  M.  Perrier  and  M.  Wilkinson,  ingenious  mechan 
icians,  M.  Eomaine,  of  Hackensack  in  the  Jerseys.1  ISTo 
news. 

JAN.  1, 1781.  Monday.  News  that  an  expedition  is  on 
foot  against  Jersey  and  Guernsey ;  some  frigates,  with 
transports  and  2,500  men,  having  sailed  from  Granville 
the  26th  past. 

Mr.  Dana  is  returned  from  Holland,  which  he  left  the 
beginning  of  last  month.  Mr.  Adams  remains  there,  who 
writes  me,  Dec.  1,  that  there  is  little  or  no  hopes  of  a  loan.2 

JAN.  2.  Tuesday.  Went  to  Versailles.  No  Foreign 
Ministers  there  but  one  or  two ;  the  rest  having  been 
there  yesterday.  Visited  the  new  Secretary  at  War  who 
was  very  polite.  Wrote  at  M.  de  Castries's,  Minister  of  the 
Marine.  Not  strong  enough  to  go  up  to  M.  de  Maurepas. 
Visited  M.  le  Eoy,  and  dined  with  M.  and  Made,  de 
Renneval.3  News  of  disappointment  of  the  Jersey  expedi 
tion.  Wind  and  tide  contrary  [mutilated]  the  offices  in 
part. 

JAN.  3.  Wednesday.  Letters  from  Holland.  The 
Dutch  seem  not  to  have  known  on  the  28th  past  that 
war  was  actually  declared  on  them.  Informed  here  that 
the  English  Court  had  sent  copies  of  the  papers  taken 
with  Mr.  Laurens  to  the  Northern  Courts  with  aggravated 
complaints  against  the  States  General ;  and  that  the 
States  had  also  sent  their  justification.  Important  news 
expected  by  the  return  of  the  courier. 

1  Theodoric  Dirck  Romayne  :   afterwards  minister  at  Schenectady,  a 
founder  of  Union  College. 

2  Dip.  Corr.  v.,  382.  3  Gerard  de  Rayneval. 


;-> 


442  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

JAN.  4.  Thursday.  Learnt  that  the  States  had  given 
orders  for  building  100  ships  of  war.  Gave  an  order  on 
Mr.  Grand  on  paying  Sabbatier's  balance,  the  sum  3,526  Is. 
18.  6.,  being  for  carriage  of  the  clothing. 

JAN.  5.  Friday.  Signed  recommendation,  to  the  Min 
isters,  of  M.  de  la  Neuville,  officer  formerly  in  the 
American  service. 

JAN.  6.  Saturday.  Accepted  a  number  of  loan  office 
bills  this  day,  and  every  day  of  the  past  week.  No  news 
yet  of  Count  D'Estaing,  which  begins  to  give  great  uneasi 
ness,  as  his  fleet  was  not  provided  for  so  long  a  voyage. 

JAN.  7.  Sunday.  News  of  the  safe  arrival  of  Count 
D'Estaing  at  Brest.  More  accounts  of  the  terrible  hurri 
cane  in  the  West  Indies.  Accepted  a  vast  number  of 
loan  office  bills.  Some  of  the  new  drafts  begin  to  appear. 

JAN.  8.  Monday.  Accepted  many  bills.  Hear  from 
Holland  that  they  had  but  just  received  news  of  the 
declaration  of  war  against  them  ;  and  that  the  English 
church  was  burnt  at  the  Hague,  unknown  by  what 
means. 

JAN.  9.  Tuesday.  Count  D'Estaing  arrives  at  Passy. 
Hear  of  ships  arrived  at  L'Orient  from  America.  No 
letters  come  up.  Indisposed,  and  did  not  go  to  Court. 

JAN.  10.  Wednesday.  Letters  arrived  from  Philadel 
phia.  Eeports  there  of  advantages  gained  to  the  south 
ward  ;  and  that  Leslie  had  quitted  Virginia.  Informed 
that  my  recall  is  to  be  moved  in  Congress.  News  that 
the  troops  have  made  good  their  landing  in  Jersey,  and 
taken  all  but  the  Castle. 

JAN.  11.  Thursday.  Gave  Mr.  Dana  copies  of  the 
letters  between  M.  de  Sartine  and  me  concerning  Mr. 
Dalton's  affair.  Proposed  to  him  to  examine  the  public 
accounts  now,  while  Mr.  Deane  is  here,  which  he  de 
clined. 


FRANKLIN'S  JOURNAL.  443 

JAN.  12.  Friday.  Sign  acceptation  of  many  bills ;  they 
come  thick. 

JAN.    13,    1781.      Saturday.      Learn   that   there    is  a 
violent    commotion    in    Holland. 
That  the  people  are  violently  ex 
asperated  against  the  English, — 
have  thrown  some  into  the  canals ; 
and  those   merchants  of  Amster 
dam  who  have  been  known  to  fa 
vour  them  dare  not  appear  in  the 
streets.      That  the  return  of  the 
Empress  to  Eussia  brings  good  ac-  /  /  l//[$jj/{'  (^J 
counts  of  the  favourable  disposi-/ 
tion  of  the  Empress. 

JAN.  14.  Sunday.  Mr.  Grand  acquaints  me  that  he 
learns  from  Mr.  Cotin,  Banker  of  Mr.  de  Chaumont,  that 
the  "  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  "  will  be  stopped  by  creditors 
of  M.  Chaumont,  unless  50,000  crowns  are  advanced,  and 
submitted  it  to  my  consideration  whether  I  had  not  bet 
ter  buy  the  ship.  Vexed  with  the  long  delay  on  so 
many  frivolous  pretences,  and  seeing  no  end  to  them, 
and  fearing  to  embarrass  myself  still  farther  in  affairs 
that  I  do  not  understand,  I  took  at  once  the  resolution 
of  offering  our  contract  for  that  ship  to  the  govern 
ment,  to  whom  I  hoped  it  might  be  agreeable  to  have 
her  as  a  transport,  as  our  goods  would  not  fill  her,  she 
being  gauged  at  1200  tons.  Accordingly  I  requested 
Mr.  Grand  to  go  to  Versailles,  and  propose  it  to  M.  de 
Vergennes. 

JAN.  15.  Monday.  Signed  an  authority  to  Mr.  Bond- 
field  to  administer  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United 
States,  to  Mr.  Vaughan. 

Accepted  above  200  bills,  some  of  them  new. 

Mr.  Grand   calls   in   his   return   from   Versailles,  and 


444  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

acquaints  me  that  Mr.  Vergennes  desires  the  proposition 
to  be  reduced  to  writing.  Mr.  Grand  had  accordingly 
made  a  draft,  which  he  presented  for  my  approbation. 

JAN.  16.  Tuesday.  Went  to  Versailles,  and  performed 
all  the  ceremonies,  tho'  with  difficulty,  my  feet  being  still 
tender. 

Left  the  pacquets  for  Mr.  Jay  with  M.  de  Eenneval, 
who  promised  to  send  them  with  the  next  courier. 

Presented  Mr.  Grand's  paper  to  Mr.  de  Vergennes,  who 
told  me  he  would  try  to  arrange  that  matter  for  me.  I 
acquainted  Mr.  de  Chaumont  with  the  step,  who  did  not 
seem  to  approve  of  it. 

Heard  of  the  ill  success  of  the  troops  in  Jersey,  who 
were  defeated  the  same  day  they  landed,  —  150  killed,  200 
wounded,  the  rest  taken  prisoners. 

JAN.  17,  1781.  Wednesday.  My  birthday  [crossed 
out].  Accepted  many  bills  and  wrote  some  letters. 

JAN.  18,  '81.  Thursday.  Mr.  Grand  informs  me  that 
he  has  been  at  Versailles,  and  spoke  with  M.  de  Vergennes 
and  M.  de  Eenneval  [Rayneval].  That  the  Minister 
declined  the  proposition  of  taking  the  vessel  on  account 
of  the  government,  but  kindly  offered  to  advance  me  the 
150,000  Is.  if  I  chose  to  pay  that  sum.  He  brought  me 
also  the  project  of  an  engagement  drawn  up  by  M.  Cottin, 
by  which  I  was  to  promise  that  payment,  and  he  and  Co. 
were  to  permit  the  vessel  to  depart.  He  left  this  paper 
for  my  consideration. 

JAN.  19.  Friday.  Considering  this  demand  of  Messrs. 
Cottin  and  Jauge  as  an  imposition,  I  determined  not  to 
submit  to  it,  and  wrote  my  reasons. 

Eelieved  an  American  captain  with  5  guineas,  to  help 
him  to  1' Orient. 

JAN.  20.  Saturday.  Gave  a  pass  to  a  Bristol  mer 
chant  to  go  to  Spain.  He  was  recommended  to  me  as 


FRANKLIN'S  JOURNAL.  445 

having  been  a  great  friend  to  American  prisoners.     His 
name  [blank]. 

JAN.  21.  Sunday.  Mr.  Jauge  comes  to  talk  with  me 
about  the  ship ;  and  intimated  that  if  I  refused  to  advance 
the  150,000  Is.  I  should  not  only  be  deprived  of  the  ship, 
but  lose  the  freight  I  had  advanced.  I  absolutely  refused 
to  comply. 

JAN.  22.  Monday.  Mr.  Grand  informs  me  that  Mr. 
Williams  had  drawn  on  me  for  25,000  livres  to  enable 
him  to  pay  returned  acceptances  of  M.  de  Chaumont.  I 
ordered  payment  of  his  drafts.  Eeceived  a  letter  from  Mr. 
Williams,  and  wrote  an  answer ;  which  letters  explained 
this  affair.  Letter  from  Mr.  Chaumont  informing  me  he 
had  received  remittances  from  America.  I  congratulated 
him. 

JAN.  23.  Tuesday.  Went  to  Court,  and  performed  all 
the  round  of  levees,  tho'  with  much  pain  and  difficulty, 
thro'  the  feebleness  of  my  knees.  Mr.  Vergennes  is  ill, 
and  unable  to  hold  long  conferences.  I  dined  there  and 
had  some  conversation  with  Mr.  Eenneval,  who  told  me  I 
had  misunderstood  the  proposition  of  advancing  the 
150,000  livres,  or  it  had  not  been  rightly  represented  to 
me.  That  it  was  not  expected  of  me  to  advance  more  for 
M.  de  Chaumont ;  that  the  advance  was  to  have  been  made 
with  M.  Vergennes,  &c.  I  see  clearly,  however,  that  the 
paper  offered  me  to  sign  by  Messrs.  Cottin  and  Co.  would 
have  engaged  me  to  be  accountable  for  it.  Had  some 
conference  with  the  Nuncio,  who  seemed  inclined  to 
encourage  American  vessels  to  come  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
State,  acquainting  me  they  had  two  good  ports  to  receive 
us,  Civita  Vecchia  and  Ancona,  where  there  was  a  good 
deal  of  business  done,  and  we  should  find  good  vente  for 
our  fish,  &c.  Hear  I  [blank]. 

JAN.  24.      Wednesday.     A  great  number  of  bills.     Visit 


446  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

at  M.  de  C.'s  in  the  evening ;  found  him  cold  and  dry. 
Eeceive  a  note  from  Mr.  Searle,  acquainting  me  with  his 
arrival  [or  dismissal  ?]  from  Holland  on  Saturday  last. 

JAN.  25.  Thursday.  Hear  that  M.  de  Chaumont  pays 
again,  being  enabled  by  his  remittances  [blank]  bills. 
Holland  begins  to  move,  and  gives  great  encouragement 
[blank].  Mr.  de  L.  comes  to  see  me,  and  demands 
breakfast ;  cheerful  and  frank.  Authorize  Mr.  Grand  to 
pay  the  balance  of  Messrs.  Jay  and  Carmichael's  salaries  ; 
and  Mr.  Digges's  bills. 

JAN.  26.  Friday.  Went  to  Paris  to  visit  Princess 
Dashkaw ; l  not  at  home.  Visit  Prince  and  Princess 
Masserano.  He  informs  me  that  he 
despatches  a  messenger  [to  Madrid]  on 
Tuesday.  Visit  Duke  de  Eochefoucault 
and  Made,  la  Duchesse  D'Enville. 
Visit  Messrs.  Dana  and  Searle ;  not  at 
home.  Leave  invitations  to  dine  with 
me  on  Sunday.  Visit  Comte  D'Estaing ; 
not  at  home.  Mr.  Turgot ;  not  at  home. 
Accept  bills. 

JAN.  27.     Saturday.     Write  to  Ma-    LA  ROCHEFOUCAULD. 
drid  and  answer  all  Mr.  Jay's  and  Mr.  Carmichael's  letters 
received  during  my  illness. 

JAN.  28.  Sunday.  Mr.  Dana  comes ;  Mr.  Searle 
excuses  himself.  Invite  him  for  Tuesday. 

JAN.  29,  1781.  Monday.  Hear  of  the  arrival  of  the 
"  Duke  of  Leinster,"  with  Mr.  Eoss,  at  Philadelphia,  which 
gives  me  great  pleasure,  as  she  had  much  cloth,  &c.,  for 
the  Congress.  Despatched  the  letters  for  Madrid. 

Here  the  Journal  abruptly  stops.  It  illustrates  the 
difficulties  of  Franklin's  position,  which  always  had  the 

1  Katharina  Romanouyna  Dasclikova. 


BECCARIA  AND  FOURNIER.  447 

commercial  entanglements  belonging  to  a  consulate, 
mixed  in  with  the  financial  embarrassments  of  a  bank 
rupt  nation,  and  the  diplomatic  difficulties  which  properly 
belonged  to  his  station.  The  letters  which  follow  will 
explain  themselves,  or  are  explained  by  the  Journal. 

Franklin  to  Rev'd  Pere  Beccaria.^ 

PASSY,  near  Paris,  Feby.  19,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR, —  I  received  lately,  through  the  hands  of  your 
ambassador,  the  several  ingenious  pieces  of  your  writing, 
which  you  did  me  the  honour  to  send  me.  At  present  I 
am  so .  engaged  in  public  affairs  that  I  cannot  give  the 
attention  I  wish  to  philosophical  subjects,  which  used  to 
afford  me  so  much  pleasure.  It  grieves  me  to  hear  of  the 
long  continuance  of  your  illness.  Science  suffers  with 
you.  I  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  bearer,  M.  Steinsky, 
to  your  civilities.  He  is  professor  of  Physics  at  Prague. 
With  great  and  unalterable  esteem, 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  Eeverend  and  Dear  Sir, 
Your  most  obedient  and  most  humble  servant, 

B.  FRANKLIN. 

Franklin  to  Mr.  Fournier,  jeune.2 

A  PASSY,  ce  2  Mars,  1781. 

En  examinant  les  matrices,  Monsieur,  je  ne  trouve  pas 
celui  que  du  (p)  dans  le  mot  capable  de  votre  epreuve. 
II  y'manque  aussi  une  longue  s  &  une  longue  j  &  la  point, 

1  G.  B.  Beccaria,  the  electrician,  —  not  the  moralist,  who  was  C.  B. 
Beccaria.      Franklin   himself   had    translated    Beccaria's    "book,    "  Dell' 
Electrismo  Artifiziale. " 

2  We  print  this  letter  as  an  illustration,  from  a  large  number,  of  the 
interest  with  which  Franklin  kept  up  the  private  printing-office  at  Passy, 
the  work  of  which  is  now  so  much  valued  by  collectors. 


448  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

la  virgule,  &  1'apostrophe,  &c.     S'il  vous  voulez  me  les 
envoyer,  vous  m'obligerez. 

J'ai  1'honneur  d'etre. 

It  has  been  elsewhere  observed  that  Franklin  took  a 
great  interest  in  the  new  contrivance,  introduced  in  Eng 
land,  for  copying  manuscripts  upon  thin  paper  by  a  copy  ing  - 
press. 

He  had  sent  one  of  these  machines  to  Turgot,  the  Econ 
omist.  After  the  intrigue  which  removed  him  from  the 
French  cabinet,  just  before  Franklin's  arrival  in  France,  he 
lived  in  retirement  until  his  death,  on  the  20th  of  March, 
1781.  Franklin  had  resumed  his  early  friendly  relations 
with  him,  and  it  will  be  remembered  that  to  Turgot  we  owe 
the  line, "  Eripuit  coelo  fulmen,  sceptrumque  tyrannis." 

Here  is  a  note  to  his  brother,  regarding  one  of  the  copy 
ing-machines.  Other  letters  show  that,  at  the  same  time, 
he  introduced  the  machine  to  Jefferson  at  home,  and 
into  the  foreign  office  of  the  Congress.  The  original  note 
is  in  French. 

Franklin  to  the  Marquis  Turgot. 

PASSY,  April  25,  1781. 

MONSIEUR  LE  MARQUIS  :  —  I  have  the  honor  to  send  you 
by  the  bearer  a  book  which  belongs  to  the  library  of  your 
brother,  who  had  the  kindness  to  lend  it  to  me. 

A  little  before  his  death,  I  ordered  in  London  for  him 
a  machine  of  a  new  invention  for  copying  letters  or  other 
MSS.  It  was  taken  to  his  house,  and  placed  in  the 
room  next  that  where  he  slept.  As  I  have  never  been 
paid  for  this  machine,  and  as  it  may  be  of  no  use  to  you, 
as  I  should,  also,  be  glad  to  oblige  one  of  my  friends  by 
giving  it  to  him,  —  I  will  ask  you  to  be  kind  enough  to 
order  that  it  may  be  sent,  with  the  accessories,  to  M. 


EXPERIMENTS  WITH  INK.  449 

I'Abbe'  Morellet,  Batiment  neuf  des  Feuillants,  Eue  St. 
Honore. 

Accessories  to  the  Press. 

A  ream  of  very  thin  silk  paper. 
4  sheets  of  oiled  paper. 
4  parcels  of  powder  to  make  the  ink. 
2  bottles. 

[A  bit]  of  green  woolen  cloth. 

Several  sheets  of  card  board  and  a  little  English  book 
with  directions  for  using  the  machine. 


o 


As  an  illustration  of  personal  habits,  —  of  hand,  and  in 
deed  of  thought,  —  it  may  be  well  to  print  here,  from  a  sep 
arate  scrap  of  paper,  the  words  which  came  to  Franklin's 
mind  one  day,  when  he  was  trying  experiments  with  copy 
ing  ink.  The  slip,  in  his  own  writing,  has  been  preserved. 
But  the  reader  will  observe  that  if  any  thing  can  be 
written  without  thought  that  it  is  to  be  printed  a  century 
after,  it  is  such  a  bit  of  experimental  writing. 

JULY,  11,  1781,  at  noon. 
My  ink  with  a  little  loaf  sugar. 
So  the  pure  limpid  stream,  etc. 
So  when  some  angel,  by  divine  command, 
With  rising  tempests  shakes  a  guilty  land  '    „ 

(Such  as  of  late  o'er  pale  Britannia  past), 
Calm  and  serene  he  drives  the  furious  blast. 
And  pleased  the  Almighty's  orders  to  perform, 
Rides  in  the  whirlwind,  and  directs  the  storm. 

The  same  inlc  without  sugar. 
It  must  be  so.     Plato,  thou  reasonest  well. 
Else,  whence  this  pleasing  hope,  this  fond  desire, 
This  longing  after  an  Eternity  ?    Or  whence  this  secret  dread 
Of  falling  into  nought  ?    Why  shrinks  the  soul 
Back  on  herself,  and  startles  at  destruction  ? 
'T  is  the  divinity  that  stirs  within  us  ; 
'T  is  heaven  itself  that  points  out  an  hereafter. 
29 


450  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

On  the  17th  of  March,  by  appointment  with  Yergennes, 
Franklin  met  him,  for  an  explicit  understanding  what 
aids  Congress  might  expect  from  France  in  the  course  of 
the  year  1781.  Vergennes  assured  him  anew  of  the 
King's  good-will,  but  said  that  Franklin  himself  must 
know  how  great  were  their  expenses ;  these  would  prevent 
the  loan  of  twenty-five  million  livres  which  had  been 
asked  for.  Nor  could  the  King  permit  an  American  loan 
to  be  sought  in  the  general  market  in  his  dominions,  be 
cause  such  a  loan  might  prejudice  those  he  was  himself 
under  the  necessity  of  obtaining.  But,  as  an  evidence  of 
the  King's  friendship,  he  had  determined  to  give  the 
States  six  million  livres,  not  as  a  loan  but  as  a  free  gift. 
This  was  to  be  independent  of  the  three  millions  which 
Franklin  had  before  obtained  to  pay  the  drafts  for  interest, 
&c.,  for  the  coming  year. 

In  sending  news  so  favorable  to  Huntington,  the  Presi 
dent  of  Congress,  Franklin  took  the  occasion  to  offer  his 
own  resignation.  The  reader  has  seen  that  he  had  learned 
from  America,  on  the  10th  of  January,  that  his  recall  was 
to  be  moved  for  in  Congress.  Such  was  one  result  of  the 
feeling  that  he  was  not  up  to  the  highest  mark  in  pressing 
France  to  the  support  of  America,  —  or  that  he  was  in 
French  interest,  rather  than  American.  But  in  his  letter,1 
there  is  no  sign  of  disappointment  or  bad  temper.  He 
pleads  his  age,  his  late  illness,  and  the  confining  pressure 
of  the  public  business.  "The  constant  attendance  pre 
vents  my  taking  the  air  and  exercise  which  my  annual 
journeys  formerly  used  to  afford  me,  —  and  which  contrib 
uted  much  to  the  preservation  of  my  health."  At  the  same 
[time]  he  proposes  to  remain  in  Europe  until  the  peace,  — 
perhaps  till  his  death,2  and  offers  any  service  he  can  render 

1  SPARKS,  ix.  4. 

2  Oddly   enough,    Mr.  SPAEKS   calls  this  a  request  to  return  home, 
which  is  exactly  what  it  is  not. 


LETTER  TO  ADAMS.  4ol 

to  his  successor.  He  still  hoped  for  the  arrival  of  Mr.  Wil 
liam  Palfrey,  the  consul-general,  whose  unexplained  loss  at 
sea  deprived  the  national  service  of  a  very  valuable  officer. 

In  a  letter  of  this  time  to  Mr.  Carmichael,  who  had 
written  from  Madrid  to  warn  him  against  American 
intrigues  and  enemies,  he  says :  "  Having  in  view  at 
present  no  other  point  to  gain  but  that  of  rest,  I  do  not 
take  their  malice  so  much  amiss,  as  it  may  further  my 
project,  and  perhaps  be  some  advantage  to  you.  Lee 
and  Tzard  are  open,  and  so  far  honorable  enemies ;  the 
Adamses,  if  enemies,  are  more  covered.1  I  never  did 
any  of  them  the  least  injury,  and  can  conceive  no  other 
source  of  their  malice  but  envy." 

This  letter  to  Congress  brought  the  opposition  in  Phila 
delphia  to  an  end,  so  far  that  Congress,  as  we  have  seen, 
refused  to  receive  his  resignation,  and  named  him  as 
one  of  the  five  commissioners  for  negotiating  a  peace ; 
in  which  capacity  he  served,  as  the  reader  knows.  We 
reserve  to  a  separate  chapter  notes  of  the  various  pro 
posals  of  peace,  by  mediation,  —  and  by  direct  overtures 
from  agents  of  Lord  North,  or  other  members  of  the 
Administration  in  England. 

When  Congress  learned  that  Mr.  Laurens  had  been 
taken  prisoner,  they  appointed  Mr.  Adams,  already  in 
Holland,  to  conduct  their  negotiations  there.  Mr.  Adams 
had  been  disappointed  in  his  hopes  for  opening  a  loan  in 
Holland.  He  did  not,  at  first,  get  money  enough  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  the  proposals.  In  the  following  letter 
Franklin  acknowledges  Mr.  Adams's  notification  of  his 
new  commission. 

PASST,  May.  11,  1781. 

SIR,  —  I  am  honoured  with  your  excellency's  letter  of 
the  27th  past,  acquainting  me  with  your  appointment  as 

1  Mr.  SPARKS  omitted  these  names. 


452  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  the  States  General,  on  which 
please  to  accept  my  compliments  and  best  'wishes  for 
success  in  your  negotiations. 

We  have  just  received  advice  here,  that  M.  la  Motte 
Piquet  met  with  the  English  convoy  of  Dutch  ships  taken 
at  St.  Eustatia,  and  has  retaken  21  of  them.  The  men- 
of-war  that  were  with  them  escaped,  after  making  the 
signal  for  every  one  to  shift  for  himself. 

A  vessel  is  arrived  at  L'Orient  from  Philadelphia  which 
brings  letters  for  the  Court  down  to  the  25th  of  March. 
Mine  are  not  yet  come  up.  M.  de  Eenneval,1  from  whom 
I  had  all  the  above  intelligence,  tells  me  they  contain  no 
news  of  importance.  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.  &c. 

Franklin  to  Francis  Dana. 

PASSY,  May  11,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  I  received  your  favour  of  the  1st  instant, 
and  immediately  applied  to  Mr.  Grand,  our  banker,  to 
furnish  you  with  the  credit  you  desired  at  Amsterdam. 
He  acquainted  me  that  having  a  correspondent  at  Peters- 
burgh,  could  give  you  a  direct  credit  there ;  and  that  the 
Chancellor,  Count  Osterman,  being  an  old  friend  of  his,  he 
would  write  and  recommend  you.  I  accepted  his  proposi 
tion  of  a  direct  credit  at  Petersburgh,  supposing  that 
would  be  more  convenient  to  you  than  receiving  the 
money  in  Holland ;  but  I  declined  his  letter  to  Count 
d'Osterman  till  you  should  desire  it,  as  you  did  not  propose 
immediately  to  assume  your  public  character ;  and  I 
requested  him  to  recommend  you  for  the  present  only  to 
his  banker,  as  a  gentleman  travelling  for  curiosity,  &c. 
Mr.  Grand  writes  to  you  by  this  post,  and  sends  his 
letter  of  credit.  On  second  thoughts,  if  you  should  have 
occasion  for  a  part  of  the  money  in  Holland,  you  can 

1  Eayneval,  —  always  so  spelt  by  Franklin. 


LETTER  TO  HANCOCK.  453 

draw  on  me  for  the  sum  you  want,  and  I  will  honour 
your  bill ;  in  which  case  you  will  receive  so  much  less  on 
the  Petersburg!!  credit.  I  should  have  answered  your 
letter  sooner  if  the  course  of  the  posts  had  permitted 
it.  But  you  know  the  letters  received  here  from 
Holland  on  Monday,  cannot  be  answered  till  the  Friday 
following. 

I  most  heartily  wish  you  a  good  journey,  and  all  the 
success  imaginable  in  your  negotiation,  —  being  with  great 
esteem, 

Dear  Sir,  &c.,  &c. 

Franklin  to  "  His  ExceWy,  John  Hancock,  Esq.,  Govr.  of 
the  Mass.  Bay? 

PASSY,  May  14,  1781. 

Sin,  —  Permit  me  to  repeat  my  congratulations  on  your 
election  to  the  Government  of  your  country,  and  my  best 
wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness. 

A  privateer  of  this  country  having  taken  an  English 
packet  bound  to  New  York,  with  her  despatches,  some  of 
which  may  be  of  particular  use  to  your  State,  that  your 
excellency  should  see,  as  they  relate  to  the  enemy's  posts 
and  proposed  operations  in  its  neighborhood,  and  others, 
which  tho1  of  a  more  general  nature  are  interesting  to 
Massachusetts  Bay  as  a  part  of  the  whole  United  States, 
I  have  had  copies  taken  of  them  for.  you,  which  I  enclose. 
Other  copies  have  gone  by  different  conveyances  to 
Congress. 

With  great  and  sincere  esteem  and  respect,  I  have  the 
honour  to  be,  sir, 

Your  Excellency's,  &c. 

1  Hancock  was  the  first  Governor  of  Massachusetts.  Franklin,  or  his 
clerk,  does  not  observe  that  the  word  "Bay"  has  been  dropped  from 
the  name  of  the  newly  organized  Commonwealth. 


454  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

Franklin  to  Col.  John  Laurens. 

PASSY,  May  17,  1781. 

DEAR  SIR,  —  Inclosed  is  the  order  you  desire  for 
another  hundred  louis.  Take  my  blessing  with  it,  and 
my  prayers  that  God  may  send  you  safe  and  well  home 
with  your  cargoes.  I  would  not  attempt  persuading  you 
to  quit  the  military  line,  because  I  think  you  have  the 
qualities  of  mind  and  body  that  promise  your  doing  great 
service,  and  acquiring  honour  in  that  line.  Otherwise  I 
should  be  happy  to  see  you  again  here  as  my  successor, 
having  sometime  since  written  to  Congress  requesting  to 
be  relieved,  and  believing,  as  I  firmly  do,  that  they  could 
not  put  their  affairs  in  better  hands.  I  shall  ever  be, 
Most  affectionately  yours,  &c. 

On  the  19th  of  May,  Franklin  had  closed  a  letter  to 
John  Adams  by  this  rather  significant  paragraph :  "  Your 
Excellency  has  done  me  the  honor  of  announcing  to  me 
your  appointment.  I  hope  soon  to  return  the  compli 
ment  by  informing  you  of  my  demission.  I  find  the 
various  employments  of  merchant,  banker,  judge  of  admir 
alty,  consul,  &c.,  &c.,  besides  my  Ministerial  function,  too 
multifarious  and  too  heavy  for  my  old  shoulders,  and 
have  therefore  requested  Congress  that  I  may  be  relieved ; 
for  in  this  point  I  agree  even  with  my  enemies,  that 
another  may  easily  be  found."  As  he  supposed  by  this 
time  that  John  Adams  and  Samuel  Adams  were  among 
these  "  enemies,"  this  parting  shaft  was  aimed  home. 

Questions  regarding  the  expenditure  of  the  King's  gift 
of  six  million  livres  began  to  arise  immediately.  The 
French  government  were  not  pleased  when  they  learned 
that  Col.  John  Laurens  and  others  proposed  to  spend 
much  of  it  in  Holland.  They  intended  apparently  that  it 
should  be  spent  in  America,  and  had  been  careful,  indeed, 


JOHN  LAURENS.  455 

to  stipulate  that  it  should  be  confided  there  to  Washing 
ton,  or  spent  on   his  order.      Vergennes   says   distinctly 
that  he  does  not  mean  that  Committees  of  Congress  shall 
finger  it.     Certainly  it  was  not  very  gracious  in  the  crowd 
of  American   agents,  when  Franklin   had   obtained  this 
timely  gift,  to  say  that  they  would  not  spend  it  in  the 
purchase  of  French  stores,  but  would  go  with  it  to  Hol 
land,  where  they  could  use  it  more  to  their  advantage. 
This  is,  however,  what  they  did  say.     Vergennes  writes  a 
very  tart  letter  on  this  subject.     "  I  do  not  know  whether 
Mr.  Laurens  purchased  the  clothing  in  Holland  011  ac 
count  of  Congress  ;  I  only  know  (and  you  were  informed 
of  it  at  the  same  time)  that  this  officer  was  to  employ  for 
his  purchases  in  France  part  of  the  six  millions,  and  that 
the  residue  of  this  sum  was  to  be  sent  to  America."     In 
point  of  fact,  Colonel  Laurens  did  take  with  him  to  Amer 
ica  two  million  and  a  half  of  the  six  millions ;  one  and 
a  half  million  was  sent  to  Holland,  and  the  remainder 
(and  more)  was  spent  in  Paris  for  stores.      Franklin  re 
sented  the  suggestion  made  by  William  Jackson,  an  aid 
of  General  Lincoln's  who  had  accompanied  Colonel  Laur 
ens  to  Europe,  that  Laurens  had  obtained  the  gift  of  the 
six  million  livres.      "  The  six  million,"  as  he  wrote  to 
Jackson,  "  was  a  free  gift  from  the  King's  goodness  (not 
a  loan  to  be  repaid  with  interest),  and  was  obtained  by 
my   application,   long   before   Colonel   Laurens's   arrival. 
What  Colonel  Laurens  did  obtain,  —  and  a  great  service  I 
hope  it  will  prove,  —  was  a  loan  upon  interest  of  ten  mil 
lions,  to  be  borrowed  upon  the  credit  of  this   court  in 
Holland.     I  have  not  heard  that  this  loan  has  yet  pro 
duced  anything,  and  therefore  I  do  not  know  that  a  single 
livre  exists,  or  has  existed  in  Europe,  of  his  procuring  for 
the  States.     On  the  contrary,  he  and  you  have  drawn 
from  me  considerable  sums,  —  as  necessary  for  your  ex- 


456  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

penses,  —  and  lie  left  me  near  forty  thousand  livres  to 
pay  for  the  "  Alliance,"  and  moreover  engaged  me  in  a  debt 
in  Holland,  which  I  understood  might  amount  to  about 
fifteen  thousand  pounds  sterling,  and  which  you  con 
trived  to  make  fifty  thousand  pounds." l 

This  letter  was  written  to  Colonel  Jackson  at  Amster 
dam,  and  must  have  shown  to  him  and  to  Mr.  Adams, 
who  was  also  there,  that  Franklin,  while  good-natured, 
understood  his  rights,  and  knew  what  his  responsibilities 
were.  In  the  midst  of  these  complications  came  the  news 
that  the  great  shipment  of  twenty-eight  cannon,  with 
large. quantities  of  saltpetre  and  gunpowder,  with  supplies 
of  clothing  also,  which  had  been  sent,  under  convoy  of  the 
"  Alliance,"  in  the  "  Marquis  de  Lafayette,"  had  all  been 
lost  in  that  vessel.2  In  a  letter  to  Congress  of  July  11, 
Franklin  says  he  is  soliciting  supplies  of  clothing,  arms, 
&c.,  to  replace  this  loss.  In  the  same  letter  he  loyally 
praises  Col.  Jackson's  true  zeal  for  the  service. 

On  the  sixth  of  June,  meanwhile,  Eobert  Morris  had 
been  able  to  write  him  that  he  had  been  appointed 
Superintendent  of  Finance.  From  that  moment,  as  the 
American  reader  knows,  order  came  in  the  place  of  chaos, 
and  light  began  to  dispel  darkness.  On  the  26th  of 
July,  Franklin  begins  a  systematic  correspondence  with 
him,  and  explains  in  sufficient  detail  the  condition  of 
finance  in  his  bureau,  of  which  the  sum  is,  —  as  it  was 
so  apt  to  be,  with  the  exchequer  of  America,  in  Paris  or  in 
Philadelphia,  —  "  You  have  nothing  to  draw  upon." 

On  the  19th  of  June,  the  President  of  Congress  in 
formed  him  that  his  resignation  was  not  accepted,  but 
that,  on  the  other  hand,  he  had  been  appointed,  with  four 
other  gentlemen,  as  a  commission  for  the  negotiation  of 

1  Franklin  to  Jackson.     SPARKS,  ix.  52. 

2  She  sailed  March  29th. 


FRANKLIN  TO  ADAMS.  457 

peace,  and  that  another  commission  authorized  the  same 
persons  to  accept  the  mediation  of  the  Emperor  of 
Germany  and  the  Empress  of  Kussia.  In  writing  to  his 
true  friend  Carmichael,  Franklin  mentions  these  commis 
sions  with  pride.  "  I  must  buckle  again  to  business,  and 
thank  God  that  my  health  and  spirits  are  of  late  improved. 
I  fancy  it  may  have  been  a  double  mortification  to  those 
enemies  you  have  mentioned  to  me,  that  I  should  ask  as  a 
favor  what  they  hoped  to  vex  me  by  taking  from  me,  and 
that  I  should  nevertheless  be  continued."  1 

Writing  to  Adams  he  mentions  such  news  as  he  has 
received. 

Franklin  to  Adams. 

PASSY,  Augt.  12,  1781. 

SIR,  —  Since  my  last,  of  the  6th  inst.,  there  have  been 
several  arrivals  in  France  from  America.  I  have  let 
ters  from  Philadelphia  of  the  20th  June,  tho'  none  from 
Congress.  The  advices  are,  that  General  Greene  has 
taken  all  the  enemy's  outposts  in  S.  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
and  that  their  possession  in  those  provinces  is  reduced  to 
Charlestown  and  Savannah.  In  North  Carolina,  they 
also  have  Wilmington.  Their  great  force  is  now  under 
Cornwallis  in  Virginia,  where  they  are  ravaging  and  burn 
ing  as  usual,  M.  De  la  Fayette  not  being  in  force  to  re 
press  them ;  but  Gen.  Wayne  was  on  his  march  to  reinforce 
him,  and  had  passed  Annapolis. 

I  have  received  the  letter  from  your  excellency,  en 
closing  a  list  of  the  bills  you  have  lately  accepted.  I 
think  you  did  right  in  accepting  them,  and  hope  they  are 
the  last  that  Congress  will  draw,  till  they  know  you  have 
funds  to  pay  them. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  respect,  sir, 

Your  Excellency's,  &c. 

1  SPARKS,  ix.  77. 


458  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

And  later  he  announces  his  new  appointment  in  this 
letter :  — 

Franklin  to  Adams. 

PASSY,  Augt.  16,  1781. 

SIR,  —  I  have  the  honour  to  inform  your  excellency 
that  I  yesterday  received  despatches  from  Congress,  refus 
ing  for  the  present  the  dismission  I  had  requested,  and 
ordering  me  upon  an  additional  service,  that  of  being 
joined  with  yourself  and  Messrs.  Jay,  H.  Laurens,  and  T. 
Jefferson  in  negotiations  for  peace.  I  would  send  you  a 
copy  of  the  commission,  and  of  another  which  authorises 
us  to  accept  of  the  mediation  of  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
of  Eussia,  but  that  I  suppose  you  may  have  them  in  the 
enclosed  packet.  I  shall  he  glad  to  learn  from  your  ex 
cellency,  what  steps  have  already  been  taken  in  this  im 
portant  business. 

With  great  regard,  &c ,  &c., 

On  the  12th  of  September,  he  had  the  pleasure  of  writ 
ing  to  Eobert  Morris,  that  he  had  obtained  a  promise  of 
the  sum  he  wanted  to  pay  for  the  purchases  made  in 
Holland.  But  still  he  was  "  terrified  "  by  the  prospect  of 
bills  drawn  by  Congress  on  what  we  should  call,  "the 
Bank  of  Faith."  At  that  time  the  loan  in  Holland,  from 
which  Col.  Laurens  had  hoped  so  much,  "  has,  of  late,  some 
appearances  of  success."  The  King  complied  with  his  wish 
of  replacing  the  supplies  lost  in  the  "  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette,"  and  the  Ministry  took  every  method  of  showing  Con 
gress  and  all  its  representatives  in  Europe  that  Franklin 
was  an  agent  in  whom  they  had  entire  confidence.  "  The 
Count  de  Vergennes,"  he  writes,  "  read  your  instructions 
while  I  was  with  him,  and  expressed  his  satisfaction  with 
the  unreserved  confidence  placed  in  his  court  by  the 


FRANKLIN  TO  ADAMS.  459 

Congress,  assuring  me  that  they  would  never  have  cause 
to  regret  it,  for  that  the  King  had  the  honor  of  the  United 
States  at  heart,  as  well  as  their  welfare  and  independence. 
Indeed,  this  has  already  been  manifested  in  the  negotia 
tions  relative  to  the  plenipotentiaries,  and  I  have  had  so 
much  experience  of  his  Majesty's  goodness  to  us,  in  the 
aids  afforded  us  from  time  to  time,  and  of  the  sincerity  of 
this  upright  and  able  minister,  who  never  promised  me 
anything  which  he  did  not  punctually  perform,  that  I 
cannot  but  think  the  confidence  well  and  judiciously 
placed,  and  that  it  will  have  happy  effects." 

If  Carmichael  gave  him  the  impression  that  the 
Adamses  were  his  enemies,  he  permitted  that  impression 
to  die  out.  On  the  13th  of  September  he  wrote  to  Fran 
cis  Hopkinson  a  letter  which  has  been  printed,  with  blanks 
for  the  two  names.  We  are  able  now,  from  the  original 
manuscript,  to  insert  these  names.  Franklin  said :  "  At 
present  I  do  not  know  of  more  than  two  of  such  enemies 
that  I  enjoy,  viz.,  Lee  and  Izard.  I  deserve  the  enmity  of 
the  latter,  because  I  might  have  avoided  it  by  paying  him 
a  compliment,  which  I  neglected.  That  of  the  former  I 
owe  to  the  people  of  France,  who  happened  to  respect 
me  too  much  and  him  too  little,  —  which  I  could  bear,  and 
he  could  not." 

To  Mr.  Adams,  a  little  later,  he  wrote :  — 

Franklin  to  Adams. 

PASSY,  Oct.  5,  1781. 

SIR,  —  I  congratulate  your  excelly  on  your  recovery. 
I  hope  this  seasoning  will  be  the  means  of  securing  your 
future  health,  by  accommodating  your  constitution  to  the 
air  of  that  country. 

Here  are  advices  from  Admiral  de  Grasse,  which  left 


460  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

him  the  13th  of  August  coming  out  of  the  Straits  of  Ba 
hama,  with  28  sail  of  the  line,  bound  to  Chesapeak  Bay  : 
unless  he  should  meet  at  sea  a  call  to  New  York  from 
General  Washington.  He  took  with  him  from  the  islands 
3,600  land  troops,  which  with  his  marines  make  near  6,000 
men  capable  of  acting  either  against  Cornwallis  or  in  the 
siege  of  New  York  ;  and  the  8  sail  under  M.  de  Barras  at 
Boston  joining  him  will  make  a  sea  force  superior  to  any 
expected  of  the  enemy  in  those  seas,  so  that  we  may  hope 
for  some  good  news  from  that  quarter. 

Since  the  letter  your  excellency  honoured  me  with,  of 
the  25th  of  August,  I  have  learnt  nothing  new  of  the  me 
diation.  It  seems  to  be  at  present  in  a  state  of  stagna 
tion.  Any  further  proceedings  in  it  that  may  come  to  my 
knowledge  shall  be  immediately  communicated  to  you. 
This  Court  appears  attentive,  not  only  to  the  interest  of 
the  United  States,  but  to  their  honour.  England  seems 
not  yet  tired  enough  of  the  war  to  think  seriously  of  an 
accommodation,  and  till  then  our  new  commission  will 
hardly  afford  us  much  employment,  or  make  it  necessary 
for  us  to  appoint  a  secretary  in  its  service.  I  send,  how 
ever,  enclosed  a  copy  of  the  minute  of  Congress  relating 
to  that  appointment.  I  have  not  heard  of  Mr.  Dana's  ar 
rival  at  Petersburg :  if  your  excellency  has  received  any 
communicable  advices  from  him,  I  shall  be  glad  to  see 
them,  and  to  know  whether  he  is  likely  to  continue  there. 
Enclosed  is  a  letter  for  him,  and  another  for  yourself. 
They  appear  to  me  to  have  been  opened ;  but  they  are 
in  the  state  I  received  them  under  cover  from  Mr.  Nesbit 
of  L' Orient. 

A  letter  from  America  that  has  been  shown  me  men 
tions  a  resolution  of  Congress  to  exchange  General  Bur- 
goyne  for  Mr.  Laurens;  but  I  have  never  seen  that 
resolution.  Do  you  know  anything  of  it?  I  have  a 


THE   CATASTROPHE.  461 

letter  from  Mr.  Burke  on  the  subject  of  that  General, 
which  I  am  at  a  loss  to  answer. 

I  received  Mr.  Thaxter's  letter  relating  to  the  mast 
contracts,  and  communicated  it  to  Mr.  Vergennes,  who,  I 
suppose,  will  write  about  that  affair  to  M.  de  la  Luzerne. 
Is  it  possible  that  a  contract  of  supplying  that  article  from 
any  of  the  United  States  can  be  executed?  I  have  no 
conception  of  the  means. 

I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  loan  from  Holland  is  likely 
to  succeed ;  for  without  it,  those  obtained  here  for  our 
service  will  not  afford  payment  of  the  list,  shown  me  the 
other  day  by  M.  Grand,  of  your  acceptations  falling  due 
in  November,  December,  January,  and  February  next, 
amounting  to  $217,932$.  It  is  a  demand  I  had  no 
previous  knowledge  of,  and  therefore  I  hope  it  is  not 
expected  of  me  to  answer  it.  I  have  accepted  the  bills 
mentioned  in  yours  of  the  24th  past,  as  drawn  by  you 
upon  me  on  that  day  ;  but  the  great  sum  above  mentioned, 
it  will  be  out  of  my  power  to  accept  it,  if  you  should  draw 
for  it,  no  provision  being  made  for  it  in  our  last  grants. 

With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honour  to  be,  &c.,  &o. 

The  summer  then  closed,  with  more  prosperous  out 
look  and  circumstances  for  the  veteran  minister  than 
had  waited  on  the  months  of  the  springtime  of  the 
year.  Meanwhile  the  advices  from  America  seemed  more 
favorable. 

A  catastrophe  to  the  English  arms  in  the  United 
States  was  impending,  such  as  is  a  fit  warning  for  nations 
which  are  willing  to  be  governed  by  courts  or  oli 
garchies. 

George  III.  had  named  Lord  George  Germaine  his  secre 
tary  for  war,  —  simply  because,  as  Lord  George  Sackville, 
he  had  been  pronounced  by  a  court-martial  unfit  for  any 


462  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

military  command;  and  George  III.  wished  to  condemn 
this  act  of  a  court  held  under  his  predecessor,  George  II. 

George  III.  had  appointed  General  Howe  to  the  com 
mand  in  America,  because  he  was  the  illegitimate  de 
scendant  of  George  I.,  and  therefore  his  own  cousin. 

Howe  had  failed,  thanks  to  his  own  indolence,  and  to 
Gerrnaine's  incapacity,  if  one  choose  to  keep  out  of  view 
the  impossibility  of  success,  even  for  a  Clive,  in  view  of 
the  problem  given  him  to  solve.  Clinton  had  been  ap 
pointed  his  successor,  because  he  knew  America,  was  on 
the  ground,  and  was  second  in  command. 

But  Clinton  was  no  favorite  at  Court.  The  Earl  of 
Percy,  afterward  Duke  of  Northumberland,  had  retired 
in  disgust  from  the  whole  thing.  Earl  Cornwallis,  an 
officer  of  great  ability,  was  a  favorite  at  Court,  and  had 
his  own  plans. 

Now  that  we  have  the  whole  correspondence,  it  is 
melancholy  to  see  how  the  Home  Government,  that  is, 
Lord  George  Germain e,  treated  these  men.  One  can 
believe  the  extraordinary  story  of  Lord  Shelburne,  that 
the  essential  despatches  on  which  Burgoyne's  campaign 
turned,  were  kept  for  years  in  a  London  pigeon-hole, 
because  Germaine  did  not  like  the  hand-writing.  Clinton 
and  Cornwallis  would  send  home  different  plans.  And 
each  of  them  would  hear  in  reply,  that  his  plan  was 
wholly  approved.  Of  all  which  the  result  was,  that 
Cornwallis,  having  had  a  certain  measure  of  success  in 
the  Carolinas,  cut  loose  from  his  base  there,  and  under 
took  a  march  northward  through  Virginia,  with  the  expec 
tation  of  meeting  Clinton.  Clinton,  however,  had  not  the 
slightest  intention  of  meeting  Cornwallis.  He  considered 
him  as  insubordinate,  —  as  in  fact  he  was,  with  the  ex 
cuse  that  he  had  independent  orders  from  home. 

Napoleon's  bon-mot,  of  the  next  generation,  was  fully 


YORKTOWN  BESIEGED.  463 

verified  in  the  issue.  "  Nothing  is  worse  for  an  army 
than  a  bad  general,"  he  said,  "  unless  by  misfortune  it  is 
under  two  good  ones." 

Cornwallis  expected  to  force  Clinton's  co-operation. 
Clinton  refused  to  be  forced.  Cornwallis  advanced  as  far 
as  Hanover  in  Virginia.  Here  he  received  Clinton's  final 
refusal.  Cornwallis  then  determined  "  to  obey  orders 
even  if  he  broke  owners."  He  retired  to  York,  near  the 
mouth  of  James  Eiver,  because  Clinton  had  so  directed 
him,  —  and  there  expected  a  fleet  from  New  York  to  take 
him  to  that  place. 

Lafayette  was  skirmishing  in  front  of  him  with  an 
inferior  force.  To  the  day  he  died,  in  1834,  Lafayette 
had  the  happy  feeling  that  his  handling  of  this  force 
compelled  Cornwallis'  retreat.  In  truth,  it  was  due  to  the 
arrival  at  Hanover  of  Clinton's  imperturbable  refusal  to 
march  on  land  to  meet  him.  Cornwallis  turned,  fortified 
himself  at  York,  and  so  the  end  came. 

The  moment  Washington  heard  of  his  retreat  he  moved, 
days  before  Clinton  in  New  York  took  the  alarm,  and 
by  rapid  marches  across  New  Jersey,  struck  the  head  of 
Chesapeake  Bay.  Here  he  piled  his  men  into  every  ves 
sel  which  would  float,  and  appeared  in  front  of  York  town, 
to  the  joy  of  Lafayette  and  Wayne,  who  had  followed 
Cornwallis  there.  Despatches  had  been  promptly  sent  to 
the  French  Admiral,  the  Count  de  Grasse,  in  the  West 
Indies.  Fortunately  these  despatches  met  him,  and  his 
squadron  closed  the  opening  of  Chesapeake  Bay. 

The  moment  Clinton  did  take  the  alarm,  he  forgot  pride 
and  insubordination,  and  attempted  with  a  large  force,  to 
come  to  the  relief  of  his  petted  and  spoiled  second  in 
command. 

But  he  was  too  late.  The  great  drama  was  to  close 
with  a  denouement  worthy  of  the  occasion,  of  the  actors, 


464  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

and  of  all  the  acts  which  had  gone  before.  On  the  17th 
of  October,  1781,  Cornwallis  surrendered  his  whole  army 
and  munitions,  all  his  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  naval 
forces  under  his  command,  in  one  act  of  capitulation. 
Clinton  learned  of  the  great  ruin  as  he  arrived  outside  the 
bay,  and  returned  to  New  York.1 

The  French  commanders  at  once  sent  the  great  news  to 
Paris,  by  their  fastest  frigate.  For  once,  the  officer  de 
spatched  with  the  intelligence  brought  his  news  with  no 
rumor  in  advance.  It  seems  to  have  reached  Paris  on 
the  morning  of  the  20th.  On  the  19th  Franklin  had 
written  to  Vergennes  the  following  letter :  — 

Franklin  to  Vergennes. 

PASSY.  Nov.  19,  1781. 

SIR.  —  I  have  the  honour  of  sending  to  your  excellency 
some  advices  I  have  just  received.  As  the  letter  from 
Virginia  was  received  at  Newcastle,  a  town  on  the  Dela 
ware,  40  miles  below  Philadelphia,  and  probably  after  the 
dates  of  your  letters  from  thence,  perhaps  you  may  not 
have  heard  before  that  M.  de  Earras  had  joined  M.  de 
Grasse,  and  that  Northern  troops  under  the  Generals 
Eochambeau  and  Washington  had  joined  the  Marquis  de 
la  Fayette,  and  invested  Cornwallis  at  York. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  &c.,  &c. 

It  will  be  observed  that  he  only  speaks  of  the  junction 
of  the  French  squadrons,  and  of  the  completion  of  the 
investment.  Yergennes  had  the  pleasure  of  sending  him, 
the  next  day,  the  news  of  the  victory.  To  this  Franklin 
replies  thus :  — 

1  Among  the  officers  of  his  fleet  was  the  young  Prince,  William  Henry, 
afterwards  William  IV.,  who  thus  made  an  unfortunate  debut  in  the  busi 
ness  of  ruling  empires. 


VICTORY.  465 


Franklin  to  Vergennes. 

PASSY,  Nov.  20,  1781. 

SIR,  —  Your  very  obliging  letter  communicating  the 
news  of  the  important  victory  at  York  gave  me  infinite 
pleasure.  The  very  powerful  aid  afforded  by  his  Majesty 
to  America  this  year  has  rivetted  the  affections  of  all  that 
people,  and  the  success  has  made  millions  happy.  Indeed, 
the  king  appears  to  me  from  this  and  another  late  event 
to  be  le  plus  grand  faiseur  dlieureux  that  this  world 
affords.  May  God  prosper  him,  his  family  and  nation,  to 
the  end  of  time !  I  am,  with  respect,  &c.,  &c. 

From  this  moment  all  was  gratulation.  The  news,  not 
unnaturally,  reached  England  by  way  of  France.  "  How 
did  Lord  North  take  it  ?  "  "  As  he  would  have  taken  a 
cannon-ball  in  the  heart,"  Lord  George  Germaine  replied 
to  that  question. 

The  French  and  American  authorities  published  the  full 
accounts  they  received.  They  translated  for  the  widest 
circulation  Washington's  Order  of  the  Day. 

Extracts  from  the  General  Orders  of  the  Day  for 
Oct.  20,  1781. 

The  General  congratulates  the  army  on  the  glorious 
event  of  yesterday. 

The  generous  proofs  which  his  Most  Christian  Majesty 
has  given  of  his  attachment  to  the  Cause  of  America, 
while  it  undeceives  those  among  our  enemies  who  have 
been  most  blinded,  ought  to  convince  them  of  the  conse 
quences  of  the  alliance,  so  fortunate  and  decisive,  and 
ought  to  inspire  all  citizens  of  the  United  States  with 
sentiments  of  the  most  unchangeable  gratitude. 

30 


466  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

The  most  numerous  and  most  powerful  fleet  which  ever 
appeared  in  these  waters,  commanded  by  an  admiral 
whose  good  fortune  and  ability  promised  the  greatest  suc 
cess,  an  army  selected  with  the  greatest  care  both  for 
officers  and  soldiers, —  these  were  remarkable  pledges  of  his 
affection  for  the  United  States.  The  union  of  these  power 
ful  forces  assured  to  us  the  brilliant  success  which  we 
have  now  obtained. 

The  General  avails  himself  of  this  occasion  to  beg  his 
Excellency  the  Count  de  Eochambeau  to  receive  the  ex 
pression  of  his  lively  gratitude  for  the  counsel  and  assist 
ance  that  he  has  always  received  from  him.  He  wishes 
also  to  express  his  most  cordial  thanks  to  the  generals 
Baron  de  Yiornenil,  Chevalier  de  Chatellux,  Marquis  de  St. 
Simon,  and  Cointe  de  Viomenil,  and  to  Brigadier  General 
de  Choisy  (who  held  an  independent  command)  for  the 
admirable  manner  in  which  they  worked  for  the  success 
of  the  common  cause.  He  hopes  that  the  Count  de 
Eochambeau  will  be  kind  enough  to  testify  at  once  to 
the  army  which  he  commands  the  high  opinion  which 
the  General  has  formed  of  the  distinguished  merit  of  the 
officers  and  soldiers  of  the  different  corps.  He  begs  him 
to  present  in  his  name  to  the  regiment  of  Gatinois  and  of 
Deux-Ponts  the  two  bronze  pieces  of  artillery  which  they 
took  from  the  enemy,  and  he  hopes  that  they  will  keep 
these  pieces  as  a  memorial  of  the  courage  with  which,  sword 
in  hand,  they  captured  the  enemy's  redoubt  on  the  night  of 
the  14th,  and  that  they  may  thus  serve  to  perpetuate  the 
remembrance  of  an  occasion  in  which  officers  and  soldiers 
vied  with  each  other  in  the  display  of  the  most  distin 
guished  courage. 

If  the  General  should  specially  thank  all  those  who  de 
served  his  thanks  he  would  have  to  name  the  whole  army. 
He  is  obliged  by  his  wishes,  his  duty,  and  his  gratitude, 


THOMAS  NELSON.  467 

to  express  to  the  major-generals  Lincoln,  the  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,  and  Steuben,  his  acknowledgments  for  the  ar 
rangements  which  they  made  in  the  trenches,  to  Gen.  Du 
Portail,  and  to  Col.  Quevenal,  for  the  ability  and  skill 
which  was  displayed  in  the  laying  out  of  the  works,  to 
Gen.  Knox  and  to  Col.  Daberville  for  the  care  and  in 
defatigable  attention  with  which  they  accelerated  the 
transport  of  the  artillery  and  munitions,  as  well  as  for 
their  judicious  use  of  them,  and  the  activity  which  they 
showed  in  the  batteries.  He  begs  the  officers  whom  he 
has  just  named  to  convey  his  thanks  to  the  officers  and 
soldiers  of  the  corps  which  they  respectively  command. 

The  General  would  show  himself  guilty  of  a  singular 
ingratitude,  such  as  he  hopes  he  may  never  be  guilty  of, 
if  he  neglected  to  express  in  the  most  distinct  terms  his 
thanks  to  his  Excellency  Gov.  Nelson,  for  the  assistance 
which  he  has  personally  received  from  him,  as  well  as 
from  the  militia  which  he  commanded,  which  deserves  for 
its  activity,  its  courage,  and  emulation,  the  most  distin 
guished  applause.1 

The  importance  of  the  blow  now  struck  by  the  United 
States  will  be  an  ample  compensation  to  all  the  army  for 
the  danger  and  fatigue  which  it  has  borne  with  so  much 
patriotism  and  firmness. 

1  This  passage  is  worth  preserving  from  its  relation  to  the  domestic 
politics  of  Virginia.  Thomas  Nelson,  Jr.,  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Dec 
laration  of  Independence,  was  the  Governor  of  Virginia  at  this  time,  as 
successor  to  Mr.  Jefferson.  The  new  constitution  required  that  all  his 
public  measures  should  be  approved  by  the  Council.  This  was  impossible 
at  a  time  when,  in  consequence  ot  the  invasion  of  the  State,  the  Council 
could  not  be  kept  together,  and  Nelson  acted  on  his  own  responsibility. 
He  was  afterwards  tried  for  this  usurpation,  and  acquitted  honorably.  It 
is  undoubtedly  with  a  knowledge  of  his  position  that  Washington  speaks 
thus  cordially.  Lord  Cornwallis  occupied  Gov.  Nelson's  house  at  York- 
town  all  through  the  siege,  and  it  was  struck  by  the  balls  of  the  successful 
armies. 


468  FRANKLIN  IN  FRANCE. 

That  the  public  joy  may  be  general  among  all  our 
troops,  the  General  orders  that  all  soldiers  now  in  con 
finement  shall  be  set  at  liberty,  and  shall  rejoin  their 
respective  commands. 

Divine  service  will  be  celebrated  to-morrow  in  all  the 
brigades  or  divisions.  The  Commander-in-Chief  recom 
mends  all  the  army  which  is  not  on  duty  to  be  present, 
with  that  serious  attention  and  that  profound  gratitude 
which  we  owe  to  repeated  and  striking  marks  of  the  pro 
tection  of  Providence. 

By  his  Excellency, 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON,  &c.,  &c. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


ADAMS,  JOHN,  meets  Lord  Howe,  58 ; 
draws  first  form  of  treaty,  59;  sees 
Voltaire  at  theatre,  107;  arrives  in 
Paris,  228;  views  of  Franklin,  228;  - 
letter  to  S.  Adams,  229;  on  the 
Weissensteiii  letter,  239;  to  W. 
McCreary,  232,  233,  234;  to  James 
Lovell,  232;  returns  to  America, 
287;  letter  to,  290;  his  letter  in 
Landais's  case,  340;  his  second  com 
mission,  3GG ;  controversy  with  Ver- 
gennes,  300-375,  379;  in  Paris,  378; 
to  Franklin,  415;  replaces  Laurens, 
428;  at  Paris,  402;  ill,  435;  ap 
pointed  to  Holland,  451. 

Adams,  John,  captain  of  a  despatch- 
boat,  100. 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  as  a  boy  of 
eleven,  87;  letter  to,  from  Franklin, 
281. 

Adams,  Mrs.  J.  Q.,  300. 

Adams,  Samuel,  229 ;  on  the  first 
treaty,  278;  alluded  to,  423. 

Adamoli,  letter  from  Franklin,  309. 

"Alabama  question  "  in  1777,  111. 

Alexander,  Miss,  8G. 

Alliance  between  America  and  France, 
174. 

"Alliance,"  frigate,  257-200.  202,  2G4- 
328,  334,  337,  353-357;  Sartine's  let 
ter,  320. 

Alzire,  Voltaire's  play,  performed,107. 

"  Amphitrite,"  frigate,  sent  with  mu 
nitions  to  America,  47;  at  Xantes, 
109. 

Antoni  Nicolai,  Bibliotheca  Hispana, 
421,  424. 

"Ariel,"  frigate,  dismasted,  375,  415; 
sails,  439. 


Aurora  Boreal  is,  285. 

"1'Aurore,"  French  frigate  at  Cadiz, 

390. 
Austin,    Jonathan     Loring,    sent    to 

Paris,   154;    his  journal,   150,    103, 

100,  251. 


B.VCHE,  RICHARD,  letter  to,  291. 
Bacon,  Lord,  cited  by  Shelburne,  237. 
Bancroft,  Edward,  named  as  commis 
sioner  to  prisoners,  214;   at  Paris, 

407. 

Barre,  Colonel,  in  Parliament,  102. 
Barclay,  David,  148. 
Barbeu-Dubourg,  James,  8,  12,  15,  44. 
Beautnarchais,  Caron  de,  33,  117,  375. 
Beccaria,  G.  B.,  letter  from  Franklin, 

447. 

Beccaria,  J.  B.,  73. 
Bellosto,  his  pills,  248. 
"Bergene,"  cargo  of  tobacco,  284. 
Bernstorff,  73. 
Bertier,  Jos.  Etienne,  15. 
Bilieron,  Mile.,  modeller  in  wax,  17, 

73. 
"Black   Prince,"  privateer,   310-312, 

314,  355.  35G,  37G. 
"  Black    Princess,"     privateer,    311, 

355-370. 

Blake,  Daniel,  letter  to,  272. 
Blake,  W.  letter  to,  272. 
"Bon  Homrne  Richard,"  frigate,  257. 
Borie,  his  death,  247. 
Bowdoin,  James,  writes  from  Boston 

to  Franklin,  100. 
Brillon,  Madame,  440. 
"  British,"  use  of  the  word,  24. 
Brooke,  Lawrence,  letter  to,  272. 


472 


INDEX. 


Broughton,  Major,  of  Marblehead,  437. 
Brown  &  Collinson,  bankers,  4,  16. 
Brownell,  John,  prisoner,  353. 
Brvdouc,    "the    reverend    pilgrim," 

410,  411. 
Bulckley,  Count,  asks  permission  to 

join  English  army,  81. 
Burgoyne,    100  ;    exchanged  for    H. 

Laurens,  400;  his  campaign,  4G2. 
Burgundy,  Duke  of,  duel  with  Count 

d'Artois,  365. 
Burke,  Edmund,  on  Franklin  and  the 

American  War,  67. 


CABINET  OF  FRANCE,  its  views,  107. 
Calvo,   "International    Law,"    cited, 

129. 

Campan,  Madamc's  "Memoirs,"  363. 
Canada,  attack  proposed,  277. 
Capefigue's   Memoirs  of  Louis  XVI. 

cited,  82,  90,  141. 
Carmichael,  William,  136,  159;  letters 

to  Franklin,  390-398,  400,  403. 
Caron  dc  Beaumarchais.     See  Beau- 

marchais. 

Carleton,  General,  his  campaign,  102. 
Charleston,  loss  of,  365. 
Chastellux  quoted,  171. 
Chatham,  Lord,  las   delicate   health, 

94. 

Chaumont,  Ray  dc,  83,  84,  378,  438. 
Chronicle,    Independent,    printed    at 

Passy,  96. 

Chreptowitz,  Count,  18. 
Choell,  cited,  179. 

Clinton,  General  Henry,  56;  462,  463. 
Clothing  and  stores,  375. 
Colonial  supremacy,  21. 
Cooper,    Dr.    Samuel,    16;    letter    on 

D'Estaing's  campaign,  183;  letters, 

104,  284. 
Consuls,  376.' 
Conyngham,  Captain  Gustavus,  136; 

his  expeditions,  174,  345;  letters  to 

Franklin,  309,  346-348. 
Condorcet,    73;   his   eulogy,   141;  his 

biography  of  Voltaire,  168. 
Conway,  Thomas,  general  in  American 

army,  80. 

Congress,   Continental,    opens   corres 
pondence  with  Europe,  1 ;  its  drafts 


on  Franklin  and  Jay,  377;  begging 
memorial  to  Vergennes,  382. 

Cochin,  Nicholas,  Ins  print  of  Frank 
lin,  150. 

Coffyn,  Franz,  engages  in  privateering, 
309,  312. 

Cornwallis,    Lord,    462  ;    surrenders, 

464. 

Cottineau,  Captain.  265. 
Commission  for  peace,  434. 
Court  of  France,  76. 
Crillon,  Duke  de,  419,  432. 
Cunningham.     Sec  Conyngham. 
Currency,  paper,  269. 


DALE,  LIEUTENANT,  2G3. 

D'Alembert,  Jean  le  Rond,  19. 

D'Alibard,  Abbe,  5,  14. 

Dalton's  affair,  443. 

Dalrymple,  Sir  John,  407,  409,  411. 

Dana,  Francis,  lands  at  Corunna,  366; 
letter  from  Franklin,  452. 

Dante  to  his  mistress,  cited  by  Frank 
lin,  227. 

D'Aranda,  Count,  receives  Franklin, 
142. 

D'Artois,  Count,  his  duel  with  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  365. 

Daschkova,  Princess  Katharina  Ro- 
manouyna,  446. 

Deane,  Silas,  named  commissioner,  1, 
44,  his  negotiations  reviewed,  52  ; 
writes  on  trade,  83;  at  Philadelphia, 
140,  185;  recalled,  230;  letter  to 
Franklin,  230;  his  character,  232;  re 
ferred  to,  411, 414,  416,  420,  439,  443. 

De  Borre,  Chevalier,  an  officer  in 
American  army,  80. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  1,  56. 

D'Estaing,  Count,  182,  183,  275,  304; 
goes  to  Spain,  375;  arrives  at  Brest, 
442. 

De  Francy,  clerk  of  Beaumarchais, 
116,  117*. 

De  Grasse,  Admiral,  459. 

De  Kalb,  sent  to  America,  2. 

De  la  Balme,  inspector  of  cavalry,  80. 

De  la  Dixmerie,  his  address,  172. 

Denine,  William,  284. 

Denis,  Madame,  niece  of  Voltaire,  172. 

De  Saussure,  73. 


INDEX. 


473 


Dickinson's  letters,  17. 

Dickinson,  John,  speech  on  Indepen 
dence,  59. 

Diderot,  5. 

Dinner  on  4th  of  July,  251. 

"Dolphin,"  cruiser,  122. 

Dowlin,  Patrick,  commands  "Black 
Prince,"  311,  312. 

"Drake,"  frigate,  captured  by  Jones, 
her  crew,  201,  255. 

Dubourg,  J.  Barbeu,  8,  12, 15,  44;  let 
ter  to,  206;  his  death  and  eulogy, 
440. 

Du  Coudray,  appointed  in  American 
army,  47;  criticised  by  Lovell,  79. 

Dumas,  agent  in  Holland,  286. 

Dunkirk,  privateers  from,  308. 

Dunning,  Lord,  163. 

Dupont  de  Nemours,  7,  8,  12,  18. 

Duraiul,  French  minister  ad  interim,  2. 

Dutch  politics,  441;  loan,  461. 

D'Yranda,  Marquis,  403,  407,  420,  421, 
425,  429. 


ELYSIAN  FIELDS,  visit  to,  367. 
E  pluribus  uniun,  307. 
Epp,  Charles,  letter  to,  297. 
European  Trade,  273. 
Everett,  Edward,  his  rule,  6. 
Exchange  on  France,  243. 


FALKENSTEIX,  COUNT  DE,  incognito 
title  of  Joseph  II.,  153. 

Falmouth  packet  "Swallow"  taken, 
114. 

Farmers-general,  381. 

"Fearnaught"  or  "Fearnot,"  priva 
teer,  312,  355. 

Fendall,  P.  N.,  letter  to,  272. 

Ferrers,  Lord,  163. 

Ferron,  Christopher,  Irish  smuggler, 
309. 

"  Fier  Rodrigue,"  377. 

"Figaro,  Mariage  de,"  33. 

Fleury,  Colonel,  letters  to,  371. 

"Flora"  captured,  312. 

Florida  Blanca,  399-408 ;  letter  to  Jay, 
409,  424. 

Forton,  prisoners  at,  200 ;  their  letter, 
209. 


"Foudroyantc,"  English  frigate,  123. 

Fournier,  letter  from  Franklin,  447. 

France  defeated  in  Seven  Years'  War, 
25. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  visits  Eran.ce  in 
1767+ JL^  -visits. -lu-auc,e  in  1769,  16; 
his  plan  for  a  treaty  with  "Engtauid, 
65 ;  his  books  translated,  67 ;  ap 
pointed  Commissioner  to  France,  1 ; 
arrives  at  Bourdeaux,  Nantes,  and 
at  Paris,  84;  removes  to  Passy, 
84 ;  as  described  by  police,  90 ;  first 
letter  to  Vergennes,  142;  his 
Journal  of  December.  1780,  and  Jan 
uary,  1781.  437;  paper  on  stilling 
storms,  151;  letters  to  Hartley, 
201,  203,  206,  207,  210,  211,  212, 
213,  220,  222,  225,  226,  235;  reply- 
to  the  Weissenstein  letter,  241; 
letter  to  Vergennes  on  exchange, 
243;  journal  of  his  health,  246;  let 
ter  to  cruisers  regarding  Moravians, 
246:  letter  to  Mrs.  Hewson,  250;  to 
Paul  Jones,  255,  256,  259;  to  Marine. 
Committee,  260;  to  Massachusetts 
Navy  Board,  268;  to  Austin,  269; 
made  minister  plenipotentiary,  274; 
presented  at  Court,  279 ;  letter  to  Lee, 
282;  to  Montaudoin,285;  to  Dumas, 
286 ;  to  Sykes,  287 ;  to  Chardon,  288 ; 
to  Say  re,' 288;  to  J.  Adams,-289;  to 
Bache,  291;  to  Jay,  292;  to  Hop- 
kinson,  294;  to  Kocquette,  295;  to 
Elsevir,  295;  to  Dubourg,  296 ;  to  C. 
Epp,  297;  to  Stadel,  298;  to  Com 
mercial  Committee,  298 ;  to  Fizeaux 
and  Grand,  299;  to  Holker,  299;  to 
Des  Landes,  300;  to  Joshua  John 
son,  300;  to  Massachusetts  Council, 
302;  to  Lafayette,  303,  304;  letter 
from  Conyngham,  309;  to  Macat- 
ter,  313;  to  Vergennes,  315;  to 
Navy  Board  about  Landais,  319 ;  to 
Landais,  325,  326,  330-334 ;  to  Paul 
Jones,  321,  338;  to  Wharton,  337; 
to  Hartley,  342  ;  to  Conyngham.  343; 
to  Digges,  344;  to  Nesbit,  345;  to 
Conyngham,  347;  to  Hodgson,  351, 
352,  354,  361;  to  Sartine,  354;  to 
Vergennes,  356,  380,  382;  to  Wren, 
359;  crowned  with  laurel,  363;  min 
ister  plenipotentiary,  363;  his  "12 


474 


INDEX. 


principles,"  367;  letter  to  Jon.  Wil 
liams,  368;  to  Adamoli,  369;  to  J. 
Adams,  372;  to  Van  de  Perre  and 
Meyners,  372;  to  Bache,  373;  to 
Robert  Troup,  374;  to  Huntington, 
374;  letter  from  Cannichael,  376; 
to  Ross,  378;  to  Digges,  378;  to 
Marat,  387;  to  Searle,  387;  to 
Small,  388;  to  Lafayette,  388;  to 
Jay,  397,  427-430;  to  Carmichael, 
398,  401,  419,  451;  to  Adams, 
414;  his  journal,  437;  letter 
to  Beccaria,  447;  to  the  Marquis 
Turgot,  448;  his  copying  ink,  449; 
letter  to  Huntington,  450;  to  Ad 
ams,  451,  454;  to  Governor  Plan- 
cock,  453;  to  John  Laurens,  454; 
to  Adams,  457-458,  459;  to  Ver- 
gennes,  464,  465. 

Franklin,  W.  Temple,  secretary  to  Dr. 
Franklin,  87;  his  publications,  271; 
letter  to  Williams,  381. 

Franklin,  Jeanne,  secret  agent,  145. 

Franquelin  claims  relationship,  146. 

Frazer,  General,  102. 

Frederick  the  Great,  23. 

French  colonization,  22. 

French  commerce,  83. 

French  enthusiasm  for  the  American 
cause,  69. 

French  verses  on  Franklin  and  Amer 
ica,  80,  82. 


GAULTIER,  ABB£,  letter  from  Voltaire, 

169. 

Galorz,  Don  Joseph  de,  399,  420. 
Gonnett,  commissary  at  L'Orient,  119. 
Gates,  Horatio,  General,  154;    letter 

from,  160. 

"  General  Mifflin,"  privateer,  311. 
General  orders  at  Yorktown,  465. 
Genet,  recommended,  296. 
George  III.,  and  Lord  North,  180. 
Ge'rard,  Conrad  Alexander,  Minister 

to  United  States,  144;  negotiates  in 

Paris,  161,  176,  185,  252,  278,  366. 
Gerard,  de  Rayneval,  Joseph  Matthew, 

252. 

Germaine,  Lord  George,  153,  461,  465. 
Gerry,  Elbridge,  424. 
Gliick  and  Picciui,  151,  166. 


Gourlade,  merchant  at  Morlaix,  112, 

"  Gout,  Dialogue  with  the,"  367. 

Granby,  Lord,  163. 

Grand,  the  banker,  428-429,  438,  439, 

440,  443,  452,  401. 
Grasse,  Count  de,  463. 
Greene,William,  Governor,  draft  from 

274. 

Grenville,  cited  by  Shelburne,  236. 
Greuze,  the  painter,  172. 
Grimm-Diderot,  correspondence,  5. 


HAMILTON,  SIR  WILLIAM,  93. 

"Hancock,"  privateer,  311. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  writes  to  Frank 
lin,  97. 

Hartley,  David,  resolutions,  162;  cor 
respondence  about  prisoners,  198; 
letters  to  Franklin,  199,  202,203-204, 
205;  eager  for  peace,  217;  visits 
France,  224;  letters,  214,  222,  225. 

Haywood,  invention  of  globes,  287. 

Henderson,  the  actor,  in  Hamlet,  163. 

Helvetius,  19. 

Helvetius,  Madame,  73,  85,  367. 

Hilton,  David,  238. 

Hinson,  Captain,  recommended  by 
Wickes,  118. 

Hodge,  Capt.  William,  135,  138,  343. 

Houdon's  bust  of  Paul  Jones,  366. 

Howe,  Admiral,  arrives  in  America, 
57. 

Howe,  General  William,  arrives  at 
New  York,  56,  462. 

Howe,  Lord  George  Augustus,  57. 

Huntington,  S.,  letter  from  Franklin, 
374;  signs  Memorial  of  Congress, 
386 ;  letter  from  Franklin,  450 ;  letter 
to  Franklin.  456. 

Hurricane  in  West  Indies,  440. 

Hutchinson, Governor,  his  journal, 164. 

Hutton,  David,  sent  to  Franklin,  238. 


"  INDIAN,"  frigate,  255. 
Ingenhausz  writes  to  Franklin,  91. 
Instructions  to  Commissioners,  60,  64. 
Insurance  on  marine  adventures,  89. 
Izard,  Ralph,  complaints,  376;  enmity, 
459. 


INDEX. 


475 


JACKSOX,  COL.  WILLIAM,  455. 

Jauge,  interested  in  ship  "  Marquis  de 
Lafayette,"  444,  445. 

Jay,  John,  appointed  to  Madrid,  393; 
letters  to  Franklin,  393,  405,  411- 
413,  416,  417,  421,  424,  430,  433 ;  to 
Florida  Blanca,  408;  to  Hodgson, 
437 ;  to  Vergcnnes,  412. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  commissioner  for 
peace,  434. 

Jersey  expedition,  441;  fail?,  444. 

Johnston,  Capt.,  122,  124,  130. 

Johnson,  Joshua,  40G,  420. 

Joseph  II.  visits  Paris,  152. 

Jones,  Capt.  John  Paul,  130,  135,  203, 
253;  to  Franklin,  258;  and  Landais, 
320;  letter  to  Franklin,  335;  sails  in 
"Ariel,"  350;  his  prisoners,  351; 
honored  in  Paris,  3GG;  sails,  439. 

July  4th  celebrated,  251. 


LA  CAUSE,  JASME,  437. 

Lafayette,  Gilbert  Mottier,  Marquis 
de,  78;  in  1779,  271;  his  sword,  301, 
letters  to,  303,  304;  letter  to  John 
Adams,  305;  letter  from  Franklin, 
388 ;  leaves  Paris,  401 ;  before  Coru- 
wallis,  457-463. 

Lafayette,  the  Marchioness,  159. 

Lafavette,  George  Washington,  born, 
302. 

Lalande,  172. 

Landais,  Capt.  P..  260,  262,  319 ;  Sar- 
tine's  complaint  of  him,  320  ;  writes 
to  Franklin,  323,  326,  329-333,  339. 

Laurens,  Pres.  Henry,  taken  prisoner, 
415,  418;  commissioner  for  peace, 
434,  458,  460. 

Laurens,  John,  427-429;  letter  from 
Franklin,  454. 

Lebire,  de  Landrais,  127. 

Lee,  Arthur,  named  commissioner,  1; 
his  relations  with  Beaumarchais  and 
Deane,  52,  140,  142,  167,  187,  228 ; 
errors,  156;  in  Paris,  287;  his  com 
plaints,  376;  philippics,  401;  pam 
phlet,  420,  423;  his  enmity,  459. 

Lee,  General  Charles,  104. 

Lee,  R.  H.,  appointed  to  draw  a  treaty, 
59;  letter  signed  by  him,  97,  423.  * 

Lesqui,  translator  of  Franklin,  16. 


"Lexington,"  cruiser,  122. 
Lincoln,  General  Benjamin,  455. 
Liverpool,  called  "the  Pool,"  115. 
Lloyd,  J.,  letters  to,  272,  230. 
Lomgnie,  life  of  Beaumarchais,  47. 
Louis  XV.,  5,  II. 
Louis  XVI.,  dislikes  war,  30:  on  the 

American  question,  75;  his  policy 

179. 
Lovell,  James,  his  letter  on  Dti  Cou- 

dray,  79;  letter  from  John  Adams, 

232;  letters  to  Franklin,  377,  433. 
Luzcrne   appointed    to    Philadelphia, 

366 ;  recommended  by  Franklin,  294, 

303. 
Lunt,   Joseph,  a  prisoner  in  Forton, 

210. 
Lynch,  Thomas,  his  death,  247. 


MACATTER,  CAPTAIN,  a  privateer ;  let 
ter  from  Franklin,  313. 

Mercer,  General,  his  death,  99. 

MacKellar,  Edward,  a  prisoner  in  For 
ton,  210. 

MacNeil,  captain  of  a  privateer,  210, 
288. 

Madrid  correspondence,  392. 

Maese,  M.,  letter  to,  272. 

"  Mars,"  of  Boston,  381,  438. 

Mahon.  Lord,  163. 

Mairobert,  Pidansat  de,  33. 

Maria  Theresa,  her  correspondence 
with  Queen  of  France,  363 ;  empress, 
her  death,  440. 

Marie  Antoinette,  Queen,  on  American 
question,  75;  on  music,  151;  her  cor 
respondence  with  her  mother,  363. 

Marmontel,  19,  152. 

"Marquis  de  Lafayette  "  ship,  438, 
439,  443;  captured,  456;  the  King 
replaces  her  supplies,  458. 

Martin's  review  of  French  and  Eng 
lish  rivalry,  23. 

Masserano,  Prince,  416,  422,  429. 

Maurepas,  minister  to  Louis  XVI.,  76. 

"  Maurepas,"  ship  so  named,  117,  118. 

McCreary,  William,  letters  from  J. 
Adams,  232,  233,  234. 

Medals  struck  for  victories,  370. 

Mercy,  Austrian  minister  in  France, 
his  correspondence,  363. 


476 


INDEX. 


Mirabeau,  "  the  friend  of  man,"  7,  9. 

Mississippi  River,  navigation  of,  412. 

Marat,  letter  from  Franklin,  387. 

Montaudoin,  letter  to,  285. 

Montbarry,  minister  of  war,  resigns, 
439. 

Montmorin,  Count,  417. 

Montplaisir,  consulted  in  Landais's 
case,  332. 

Moravian  settlements,  their  supplies, 
245. 

Morellet,  Abbe,  letters  from,  86. 

Morris,  Robert,  letter  to  Commission 
ers,  145;  supt.  of  finance,  456. 

Morris,  Thomas,  dishonest  agent  at 
Nantes,  121. 

Moulin,  Joli,  408. 

Moylan,  merchant  at  Morlaix,  1 12. 


NAPOLEON,  quoted,  463. 

Necker,  James,  19;  minister  to  Louis 
XVI.,  76. 

Nelson,  Governor,  of  Virginia,  467. 

Nesbit,  Jonathan,  his  opinion  of  Lan- 
dais,  335;  letter  to  Franklin,  345. 

Neutrality,  390;  resolutions  of  Con 
gress,  390. 

Neuville,  M.  de  la,  recommended, 
442. 

Nicholson,  Capt.  Samuel,  of  Maryland, 
113-118,  122,  124,  125,  130.  158. 

Niccoli.  Abbe,  receives  Franklin,  152. 

Nogaret  translates  epigram,  368. 

North,  Lord,  bills  on  conciliation  and 
taxation,  222:  his  conciliatory  pro 
posals,  235,  465. 

Nova  Scotia,  inhabitants  of,  276. 


OGILVIE,  CHARLES,  letter  to,  272. 
Osterman,  Count,  452. 


PALFREY,  WILLIAM,  lost  at  sea,  451. 

"  Pallas,"  frigate,  257-263. 

Paoli,  "  now  infamous,"  103. 

Parker,  Theodore,  on  mythical  dates, 
56. 

Penobscot,  defeat  at,  304. 

"Perch,"  brigarntine,  a  despatch  ves 
sel,  155. 


Pfeffel,  Christian  Frederic,  his  views, 
107. 

Piccini,  and  Gluck,  151,  166  ;  his 
performance  from  "  Castor  and 
Roland,"  172. 

Pitt,  Viscount,  163. 

Polignac  Cardinal,  410. 

Pollock,  Oliver,  298. 

Portuguese  policy  in  1776,  67. 

Priestley,  J.,  "History  of  Electricity," 
10,  14;  in  London,  163. 

"  Prince  of  Orange,"  packet-boat, 
137. 

Pringle,  Sir  John,  3. 

Prisoners,  American,  in  English  pris 
ons,  194 ;  their  letter,  209 ;  their  con 
dition,  342. 

Privateers,  international  law  regard 
ing,  130. 

Pulteney,  William,  239. 


"QUEBEC,"    frigate,    takes    "Black 

Prince,"  314. 
Quesnay,  Doctor,  and  the  Economists, 

5,  13*  19. 


RANDOLPH,    PEYTON,    his    death    in 

October,  1775,  247. 
Raynal,  Abbe,  82. 
Rayneval.     See  Gerard. 
"  Reprisal,"  frigate,  122. 
"Revenge,"  cutter,  342. 
Richman,  Professor,  5. 
'•Rising  States,"  privateer  so  named, 

120. 

Ritchie,  Mrs.  Juliana,  a  letter  to,  87. 
Rochefoucauld    d'Enville,   Duke,   73, 

147. 

Rodney,  leaves  Gibraltar,  400. 
Romanic,  Th.  D.,  441 
Ross,  Jo.,  letter  to,  272. 
Rousseau,  J.  J.,   on  American  War, 

67, 173. 
Russia,  on  freedom  of  the  seas,  30; 

mediation  of,  430. 
Rutland,  Duke  of,  163. 


SALM,  PRINCE  EMMANUEL  DE,  365. 
Saratoga,  battles  of,  154. 


INDEX. 


477 


Sartine,  to  Franklin,  356. 

Savannah,  capture  of,  289. 

Saville,  Sir  George,  suggested  as  peace 
commissioner,  235. 

Schuyler,  General,  his  retreat,  153. 

Schweighauser,  examines  accounts, 
•283-381. 

Scott,  Sir  Walter,  recollections  of 
Jones,  2G3. 

Searle,  letter  from  Franklin,  387. 

Segur,  succeeds  Montbany,  439. 

Selkirk,  Countess  of,  her  plate,  255. 

"Serapis,"  frigate,  captured,  203. 

Shelburne,  Lord,  on  French  neutral 
ity,  134,  1 38-103;  speech  reported 
by  Vaughan,  235-402. 

Shepley,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  235. 

Shepley,  Georgiana,  letter  from,  91. 

Simpson,  commands  "Ranger,"  253. 

Six  nations,  chiefs  of,  in  Boston, 
102. 

Small,  Alexander,  letter  from  Frank 
lin,  388. 

Smith,  Adam,  his  "Wealth  of  Na 
tions,"  19,  92. 

Smith,  Wright,  nnd  Gray,  bankers,  4. 

Soulavio,  cited,  75. 

Spain,  negotiations  with,  102,  393; 
king  of,  guarantee  of  loan,  414,  415. 

Spanish  alliance,  431. 

Sparks,  .Tared,  his  collections,  108; 
on  Wcissenstein  letter,  241 ;  quoted, 
241. 

Stael,  Baron  de,  73. 

Starkcmburg,  Madame,  3G5. 

Steinsky,  recommended,  4i7. 

Stormont,  Lord,  protests  against 
France,  48,  111,  135;  leaves  Paris, 
181;  his  correspondence  respect 
ing  prisons,  194. 

Sullivan, General  John,  taken  prisoner, 
57;  in  Rhode  Island,  192. 

"Swallow,"'  packet  taken,  114. 

Swedish  Court,  288. 


TAr.ounEAu,  minister  to  Louis  XVI., 

70. 
Tatnall,  Captain,  an  English  prisoner, 

353. 
Templeman,  Dr.,   keeper   of   British 

Museum,  13. 


Ternay,  Chevalier  dc,  418. 

Thaxter,  John,  lands  at  Coruuna,  306. 

Thompson,  W.,  letter  to,  272. 

Thornton,  his  visit  to  prisoners,  200. 

Ticonderoga,  102.  % 

Ton-is,  John,  fits  out  "Black  Prince," 
309,  310,  314. 

Townshcnd's  taxes,  2. 

Troup,  Robert,  letter  from  Franklin, 
374. 

Tryon,  Governor  of  New  York,  56. 

Tin-got,  Anne  Robert  Jaqucs,  "Re 
flections,"  19;  shrinks  from  Avar, 
31;  corresponds  with  Franklin,  73; 
at  breakfast,  153;  his  copying 
machine,  448. 

Turgot,  Marquis  de,  letter  from  Frank 
lin,  448. 

VAN  DE  PF.RRB  and  MEYXERS,  372. 

Vaughan,  M.,  103;  his  notes  of  Shel- 
burnc's  speech,  235;  quoted,  285. 

Vergcnnes,  Gravier,  Count  of,  5,  75,76; 
letter  to  Franklin  on  privateering, 
132;  celebrates  ratification,  251;  let 
ter  to,  275;  letter  from,  279;  letter 
to,  281;  letter  to,  on  Neutrality,  315; 
and  Adams,  363 :  letters  from  Frank 
lin,  356,  380,  382;  to  Franklin,  387; 
conversation  with  Franklin, 438-440; 
ill,  448 ;  interview  with  Franklin, 
450;  letter  to  Frank un,  455;  his  loy 
alty  to  American  cause,  458;  letter 
to  Franklin,  404. 

Villctte,  Marchioness,  172. 

Voltaire  on  American  War,  67;  his 
visit  to  Paris,  105;  meets  Franklin, 
107,  170,  171. 

WALPOLE,  THOMAS,  94. 

Ward,  Artemas,  to  Schuyler,  154. 

Washington,  George,  his  retreat 
through  the  Jerseys,  90,  100,  104, 
100,  159;  despatch  after  Governor 
Mantam,  161 ;  letter  to  Putnam,  161; 
his  campaign  of  1781,  463. 

Wayne,  Anthony,  General,  his  attack 
on  Stony  Point,  304;  at  Yorktown, 
463. 

"  Wealth  of  Nations,"  indebted  to  Tur 
got,  19. 


478 


INDEX. 


Weissenstein,  Charles  de,  fictitious 
name  of  a  correspondent,  239. 

Wharton,  Francis,  about  Lanclais,  335- 
337. 

Wharton,  J.,  letter  to,  272. 

Whist  English,  at  the  French  Court,ll. 

"Whistle,  Story  of  the,"  307. 

Wickcs,  Captain  Lambert,  109 ;  letters 
from,  114,  115,  110,  117,  119,  320, 
123,  125,  120,  128,  130;  his  expedi 
tions,  174;  his  prisoners,  194. 

Wi2,-htman,  Samuel,  English  prisoner, 
353. 

William?,  Jonathan,  Jr.,  letters  to, 
157,  274,  282,  29G ;  his  accounts,  283 ; 
criticised  by  Lee,  282;  letter  from 


Franklin,  3G8;  named  by  Adams, 
372,  437  ;  letter  to,  440. 

Wilson,  James,  appointed  to  draw  a, 
treaty,  59. 

Winbert,  Colonel,  chairman  of  pris 
oners'  committee,  210. 

Winthrop,  Professor  John,  writes  to 
Franklin,  104,  100. 

Woolsev's  International  Lnw,  cited, 
129.  * 

Wren,  Thomas,  of  Portsmouth,  inter 
ests  himself  in  prisoners,  200,  203. 


YORKTOWN,  siege  of,  437. 
Yorke,  Sir  Joseph,  201,  439 


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